¶A true and plaine report of the Furious out­rages of Fraunce, & the horrible and shameful slaughter of CHASTILLION the Admirall, and diuers other Noble and excellent men, and of the wic­ked and straunge murder of godlie persons, committed in many Ci­ties of Fraunce, without any re­spect of sorte, kinde, age, or degree.

By ERNEST VARAMVND OF FRESELAND.

¶AT STRIVELING in Scotlande, 1573.

TO THE READER.

YOu must ceasse to maruell, my good cuntreymen of Scotland, that I haue caused this booke printed in our cuntrey of Scot­lād to be published altogither in the Eng­lish phrase & orthographie. For the lan­guage is vvel enough knovvne to our cū ­treymē: And the chief cause of my trans­lating it, was for our good neighbors the Englishmē, to whō we are so hiely bound, & vpon whose good Queene at this pre­sent, in policie dependeth the chiefe [...]aye of Gods Churche in Christendome. I knovv not vvhatrespects haue stayed the learned of that land from setting out this historie: Therfore supposing the causes to be such as I conceiue them, I haue ben bolde to set it forthe in their language in our cuntrey. And you, good cuntreymē, that haue receiued so honorable succors from England, and frō vvhenceal Chri­stendome hopeth for charitable assistāce, must be content to yelde that this is fra­med to serue their vnderstanding: Ye [Page] Englishmen our good neighbors, frends, brethrē, and patrons, I pray you conster rightly of my labour, that my purpose is not here to offend any amitie, nor violate any honor, nor preiudice any truth, but to set before you astorie as I found it, re­ferring the confirmation thereof to truth and prooues, as in all historicall cases is lavvfully vsed. How many histories writ­ten in Latine, Italian & French, by Io­uius, Paradine, Belleforest and other, are printed in Italie, Fraunce and Flaunders, and published & freely had and read in your land, although they contain matter expresly to the sclander of your state and princes? Matters of that nature are publi­shed, the burden of prouing resteth vpon the author, the iudgement pertaineth to the reader, there is no preiudice to anye part, Bokes are extant on both parts. The very treatises of diuinitie are not al vvarā ­ted that be printed, you must take it as it is, onely for matter of reporte on the one parte, so farre to binde credit as it carieth [Page] euidence to furnish your vnderstandings, as other bokes do that make rehearsals of the actes & states of princes, cōmō weales and peoples. But howsoeuer it be, good Englishmen, thanke God that you haue such a soueraigne, vnder vvhō you suffer no such things, & by the noble & sincere aide that your good Queene hath giuen vs in Scotland, I pray you gather a com­sortable confidēce, that in respect of such honorable charitie to his church in Scot­land, god vvil not suffer you at your nede to be succorlesse in England, as by dayly miracles in preseruing your Queene he hath plainly shevved: and the rather ye may trust hereof, if ye be thankeful and faithful to God & hir, & that ye pray har­tily to God, either by mediate operation of your Queenes iustice, or by his ovvne immediate hand vvorking, to deliuer his church & people frō the cōmon perill to both these realms, & to the state of al true religiō in christēdome. Farewel, and God long preserue bothe your good and oure hopeful soueraigne to his glory. Amen.

A declaration of the furi­ous outrages of Fraunce, vvith the slaughter of the Admiral.

IT were to be wished that the me­morie of the fresh slaughters and of that butcherly murthering that hathe lately bene committed in a manner in all the townes of Fraunce, were vt­terly put out of the minds of men: for so great dishonor and so greate infamie hath thereby stayned the whole Frēch nation, that the most part of them are now ashamed of their owne countrey, defiled with two most filthy spottes, falsehode and crueltie, of the which, whether hath bene the greater, it is hard to say. But for­asmuche as there flee euery where abroade Pamphlets written by flatterers of the Courte, and men corruptly hired for reward, which do most shamefully set out things sayned and falsely imagined, in stead of truth, I thoughte my selfe bound to do this seruice to posteritie, to put the matter in writing as it was truely done in dede, being wel enabled to haue know ledge thereof, both by mine owne calamitie, and by those that with their owne eyes beheld [Page VI] a great part of the same slaughters.

In the yeare of our Lord. 1561. when there seemed to be some perill of troubles to arise by reason of the multitude of suche as embraced the Religion (which they cal reformed (for be­fore that time the vsuall manner of punishing such as durst professe that Religion, was be­sides losse and forfeyture of all their goods to the Kings vse, to burne their bodies) at the re­quest of the great Lordes and nobilitie there was holden an assemblie of the estates in the Kings house at Saint Germaines in Lay, neare to the towne of Paris, at which assemblie, in presence, and with the royall assente of King Charles the ninth, which now raigneth, it was decreed, that from thencefoorth it shoulde not be preiudicaill to any man to professe the said Religion, and that it should be leefull for thē to haue publique metings and preachings for the exercise thereof, but in the suburbs of townes only.

At this assemblie, Francis Duke of Guise, being descended of the house of Loraine, and at that time Grand master of the Kings hous­hold, was not present. But when he was en­formed of this decree, he boyled with incre­dible sorow and anger, and within few dayes [Page VII] after at a little town in Champagne called Va­ssey, while the professors of the saide Religion were there at a Sermon, he accompanied with a band of souldiers, set vppon them, and slewe men and women to the number of two hun­dreth.

There was amōg these of the Religion (for so hereafter according to the vsuall phrase of the french tong we intend to call them) Lewes of Burbon of the bloud royall, commonly cal­led Prince of Conde, after the name of a cer­taine towne, a man of great power by reason of his kinred to the King. Therefore when the Duke of Guise most vehemently striued a­gainst that lawe, and as much as in him lay, did vtterly ouerthrowe it, and troubled the com­mon quiet thereby stablished, Gaspar de Co­ligni Admirall of France, and Francis d'Ande­lot his brother, Captaine of the Fantarie, and other Princes, noble men and Gentlemen of the same Religion, come dayly by heapes to the Prince of Conde, to complaine of the out­ragious boldnesse and vntemperate violence of the Duke of Guise.

At that time Catherine de Medices Pope Clements brothers daughter, and mother of King Charles, borne in Florence a Citie of I­talie, [Page VIII] had the gouernance of the Realme in the Kings minoritie. For though by the lawe of Fraunce, neither the inheritance nor the admi­nistration of the realme is graunted to women, yet through the cowardly negligence of An­thonie King of Nauarre, the said Catherine de Medices the kings mother, against the custome of the realme, was ioyned with him in that of­fice of protectorship. She fearing the presump­tion and fierce pride of the Guisians, wrote to the Prince of Conde with hir owne hād: which letters are yet remayning, and at the assemblie of the Princes of Germanie at Franckforde, holdē vnder Ferdinand the Emperoure, were produced and openly read about ten yeares past: wherein she earnestly besought, him in so gret hardnesse and distresse not to forsake hir, but to account both the mother and the chil­dren, that is, both hir selfe and the King; and the Kings brethren, committed to his faith and naturall kindnesse, and that he should with all speede, prouide for their common safetie: as­suring him, that she would so imprint in the Kings mind his trauell taken in that behalfe, that he should neuer be loser by it.

VVithin few dayes after the Duke of Guise wel knowing how great authoritie the name of [Page IX] the King would carie in Fraunce, and to the in­tent that he would not seeme to attempt any [...]thing rather of his owne head than by the pri­uitie of the King, and hauing atteyned fit part­ners to ioyne with him in these enterprises, he got the King into his power. VVhich thing be­ing knowne abrode, and manye hard encom­brances therevpon sodaynely rising, and a great part of the nobilitie of Fraunce maruellously troubled with it, the Prince of Conde by aduise of his friends, thought it best for him to take certaine townes and furnishe them with garri­sons: which was the beginning of the first ciuill warre. For the Prince of Conde alleaged the cause of his taking armour, to be the defence of the Kings Edict, wherein consisted the safetie of the common weale, and that it could not be repealed without most assured vndoyng of the nation of Fraunce, and destruction of the no­bilitie, by reason of the exceeding great multi­tude of those that daylie ioyned themselues to that Religion. Of which number suche as be­ing of noble birthe, were in power, dignitie, wealth, and credite aboue the rest, thoughte it not meete for them to suffer the punishments and crueltie accustomed to be extended vpon the pr [...]fessors thereof, beside that, they helde [Page X] them discontented that the Duke of Guise a newe come, a straunger translated from the fo­rests of Loraine into Fraunce, did take vpō him in Fraunce so great courage and so high domi­nion & power. Therto was added the Queen [...] mothers singular care (as was reported) for conseruation of peace and repressing the rage of the Guisians. Vpon which opinion it is cer­tayne that aboue twentie thousande men ha­uing regarde onelye to the Queenes inclinati­on, ioyned themselues to the side of those of the Religion, and to the defence of their pro­fession, whiche at that time had besieged the force of the Kings power.

After certayne battayles and manye losses on both partes, and the Duke of Guise slaine, within a yeere peace was made with this con­dition, that they of the Religion shoulde haue free libertie thereof, and shoulde haue assem­blies and preachings for the exercise of the same in certeyne places.

This peace continued in force, but not in all places, during fyue yeeres: for in the most townes & iurisdictions, the Officers that were affectionate to the Romishe side, whom they commonly call Catholikes, did all the displea­sures they could to those of the Religiō. Ther­fore, [Page XI] when Ferdinando Aluares de Toled [...], commonly called Duke of Alua, was lea­ding an armie not farre from the frontiers of Fraunce, against those of the lowe countrey which embraced the reformed Religion; a­gainste the wyll of the Kyng of Spayne, the Queene mother caused to be leuied and brought into Fraunce sixe thousande Switzers for a defence, as she caused it to be bruted, but as the successe hath proued, for this intent, that the Prince of Conde, the Admirall and other noble men of the Religion, if they escaped the treasons prepared for them, and listed to de­fende themselues by force, and trie it by bat­tayle, might be sodaynely oppressed ere they were prouided. For the courtiers whiche then had the managing of these matters, dyd not at that time well trust the souldiers of Fraunce. Many things pertayning to the course of that time, and the renewing of the warre, must here for hast to our present purpose be necessarily omitted.

VVhē the warre had endured about sixe mo­neths, pe [...]ce was made with the same cōditions that we haue aboue rehearsed, that all men should haue free libertie to follow and professe the Religion reformed. For this was euer one [Page XII] and the last condition vpon all the warres. But within fewe dayes or monethes after, it was playnly vnderstoode, that the same peace was full of guile and treason, and finally, that it was no peace, but most cruell warre cloaked vnder the name of peace. For forthwyth all those townes which they of the Religion had yelded vp, were possessed and strengthened with gar­risons of souldiers of the contrary side, sauing onely one towne on the sea coast in the partes of Xantoigne commonly called Rochell. For the men of that towne aboute two hundreth yeares past had yelded themselues to the Kings power and allegeance, with this condition, that they should neuer be constrayned agaynst their will to receyue any garrison souldiers.

Also the Prince of Conde and the Admirall were aduertised, that there was treason agayne prepared to entrap them by Tauaignes, a man giuē to murther and mischiefe, which had late­ly bene made Marshall of Fraunce, and that if they did not spedely auoyde the same, it should shortly come to passe, that they should be de­ceyued and taken by him, and deliuered vp to the crueltie of their aduersaries.

V [...] on the receyt of these aduertisementes, they immediatly make hast to Rochell, carying [Page XIII] with them their wiues and yong childrē, which was the beginning of the third ciuill warre, the most sharpe and miserable of all the rest.

There was at that time in the court, Charles Cardinall of Loraine, brother to the Duke of Guise, which (as is aboue sayde,) was slayne in the first warre, one accompted most subtill and craftie of all the rest, but of a terrible, cruell and troublesome disposition, so as he was thought intollerable euen at Rome it selfe. This man, they of the reformed Religion reported to be the moste sharpe and hatefull enimye of their profession, and him they abhorred aboue all o­ther for the crueltie of his nature, and named him the firebrande of all ciuill flames. He at the beginning of the third ciuill warre, persuaded the King to publish an Edict, that no man pro­fesse any Religion but the Romishe or Popish, and that whosoeuer wold embrace any other, should be compted as traytours. In that same Edict Printed at Paris, this sentence was ex­pressely conteyned, and for the strangenesse of the matter, and for that it stayned the Kyngs name with the most dishonorable spot of per­iurie and breache of faith, it was in other im­pressions afterwarde omitted. And it was fur­ther then declared, that albeit the King had in [Page XIIII] manye Edictes before that time permitted the freedome of Religion, yet this meaning euer was to reteyne and cause to be reteyned of all men, the onely Romishe or Popishe Religion within his Realme.

After manie ouerthrowes on both partes giuen and receyued, whereas the ende of this thirde warre was thought likely to be the har­der, by reason of the breache of sayth in the yeeres before, and on the other side the state of the Realme by reason of the wast that the Ci­ties were broughte vnto, and the extreme po­uertie of the meane people and husbandmen, did require some treatie of composition, the King sent messangers to the Admirall, to signi­fie vnto him in the Kings name, that the King himselfe had at length founde out a most sure way of peace and concorde, namely that the armies of both partes ioyned togither, shoulde goe into the lowe countrey against the Duke of Alua, which had been the author of the late calamities in Fraunce. He signified further, that he had great causes of querels against the king of Spayne, and this principally, that he had in­uaded and helde by force, sodenlye slaying all the souldyers there, an Island of the newfound world, called Florida, which had been taken by [Page XV] the French and kept vnder his dominion: and likewise the Marquesdome of Finall, the inha­bitantes whereof had but a little tyme before yelded themselues to the Kings subiection and allegeance. He said that the most stedfast band of concorde shoulde be that forein warre, and that there could no other better meane be de­uised to drowne the memorie of the former dissentions in eternall forgetfulnesse.

To the performance hereof, he sayd it was a matter of most apte opportunitie, that Lo­douic counte of Nassaw, brother to the Prince of Aurenge, had been nowe two yeeres in the Admiralls camp, to whome the Admirall gaue principall credit in all things, and that by him and his fellowes of the lowe countrey, and o­ther whom he vnderstoode to fauour his part, it might easily be broughte to passe that cer­tayne Cities mighte be surprised, and thereby great aduantage be attayned to the atchieuing of the warre.

The Admirall hearyng these thyngs was maruellously troubled. For albeit he doubted not of the Kings fidelitie, yet therwithall many things fell into his minde to be considered: as the power of the Cardinall and the rest of the Guisians, who were well knowne to haue ben [Page XVI] at all times most affectionate to the Kyng of Spayne. For the Duke of Guise had lefte a sonne, a very yong man, called Henry, to whō the Queene had giuen all the offices and pla­ces of honor that his father had borne before, beyng vnfit thereto by age, and against the an­cient lawes and customes, and also through the traiterous infidelitie of certayne of the Kings counsaylers, whome she knew for their affec­tion to Popish Religion to be most addicted to the Spanishe King, and that diuers of them had great yeerely pensions of him, and did dis­close vnto him the affaires of the Realme. He remembred howe hereby it came to passe, that the same Kings Embassador (whiche among strange nations seemed vtterly incredible) was admitted into the priuie Counsell of Fraunce, and that one Biragio [...] Lumbard, and (as it is reported) a traytour to his owne countrey, o­therwise altogither vnlearned, and specially ig­noraunt of the ciuill lawe, was yet for the sub­tiltie of his witte aduanced to so great honour, that he executed the Chauncellers office, Mi­chael Hospitall being displaced, a man knowne to be such a one, as there was not in all de­grees of men any eyther more wise, or more learned, or more zelously louing his countrey. [Page XVII] Herewithall he considered the slaunderous ca­uillations of his aduersaryes, to whome hereby might seme an occasion giuen, as if the Admi­rall were of a troublesome nature, and coulde not abide any quietnesse, nor could long reste at home without some tumultuous stir. Here­vnto the messangers replyed as they were a­ble, and therewithall alleaged this cause of so sodayne hatred against the Spanishe King, that one Albenie late returned out of Spaine, had infourmed the King and the Queene mother for certaintie, that King Philip a few moneths before, had poysoned his wife the Frenche Kings sister, and had spred rumors of hir tho­roughout all Spaine, such as for the honour of manye persons are meete not to be disclosed. But nothing moued the Admirall so much as the cherefull earnestnesse of Lodouic of Nas­saw, who as sone as he was aduertised of that purpose of the King, omitted nothing that he thought mighte serue to encourage the Ad­mirall therevnto.

The Admirall perswaded hereby, nothing fearing the infidelitie of those of the Courte, gaue his minde to hearken to compositi­on. And so was the third ciuill warre ended, and the peace concluded wyth the same con­ditions [Page XVIII] that were before, that euerye man shoulde haue free libertie to vse and professe the Religion.

VVithin few moneths after this, diuers Prin­ces of Germanie, that fauored the Religiō re­fourmed, and among those the three Electors, the Pa [...]sgraue, the Duke of Saxonie, and the Marques of Brandeburge, sent their Embassa­dours into France to the King, to gratulate vn­to him for the newe reconciliation of his sub­iects. And bycause they accompted it greatly to behoue them selues that the same concorde should remaine stedfast and of long continu­ance, they promised, that if any would for that cause procure trouble, or make warre vppon him either within his owne dominiōs, or with­out, they and their followers shuld be ready to defend him. To this embassage the king firste by words, and afterward by a booke subscribed with his owne hande, answered and gaue his faith, that he would for euer most sacredly and faithfully obserue his Edict of pacification.

Hereby so much the more willingly the Ad­mirall suffered him selfe to be drawne to the sayd purposes, for the low countrey, although oftentimes calling to minde the nature of the Queene mother, he vsed to say to diuers, and [Page XIX] specially to Theligny, to whome he afterwarde maried his daughter, that he greatly suspected the rolling wit of that woman. For (said he) so soone as she hath brought vs into that prepara­tion against the lowe countrey, she will leaue vs in the midst.

Neuerthelesse, the Counte of Nassaw wri­teth to his brother, and they conferring their aduises together, send messengers to the King, that if it please him to deale with the matter of the lowe countrey, they will shortly so do, that he shall by their many and greate seruices, well perceyue their affection and deuotion towarde him. The King writeth againe to them in most louing termes, saying that their message most highly pleased him, and he gaue to them both his harty thanks.

About the same time Maximiliane the Em­peroure pitying the estate of the Prince of Au­renge (as he said) treated by his Embassadours with the King of Spayne, and had in manner obteyned, that the Prince should haue all hys goodes restored vnto him, but with this con­dition, that he should haue no house within the territorie of the lowe countrie, but settling his residence and dwelling elsewhere, he shoulde freely enioy all his reuenewes. VVhich matter [Page XX] being reported to the French King, he imme­diatly sent messengers to the Prince of Aurēge willing him to loke for nothing by that dealing of the Emperour, saying that it was but a fraud and guilefull deuise intended for this purpose, only to breake vp his leuying of souldiors that he had begon in Germanie: and assuring him, that if he woulde credite and followe him, hee would giue him ayde sufficient to recouer hys estate.

The Prince of Aurenge perswaded by these promises of King Charles, continued his mu­sters, and determined a while to bear the char­ges thogh they were heauie to him, while such things as were necessarie for the warre, were in preparing. In the meane time Lodouic in dis­guised apparell went to Paris to the King. For­asmuch as the season of the yeare by this time seemed not commodious to leuie an armie, for the winter was at hande, by assent they de­ferred the matter till the next sommer.

These things thus hanging, the Prince of Aurenge his capitaynes by sea, did oftentymes set vpon the Spaniards and Portingals, & such ships as they toke they brought into the ha­uen of Rochell, which then was in the power of the Prince of Condees part: and there they [Page XXI] openly vttered and solde their prizes to the men of the towne and other merchantes of Fraunce, wherevppon the Embassadoure of Spayne made often complaintes to the Kings priuie councell.

And forasmuche as they thought it very a­uaylable to this enterprise, that Elizabeth Queene of Englande might be broughte into league with them, the King comitted the dea­ling in that matter to the Admirall. For, a fewe moneths before, the King had with most swete alluring letters, gotten him to the Court, where he was most honorably entertayned: and to take from him all occasion of distrust vppon his aduersaries, or of otherwise suspecting of the Kings or Queene mothers affection to­wards him, first, all the Guisians of a set purpose departed the Court. Then the King gaue the Admirall free libertie to take with him what companie and with what furniture he would: and bycause it was thoughte that he had more confidence in the Marshall Cosse, than in the rest, therefore the King commaunded the saide Marshall to be euer at hand with the Admirall, and to assist him in the Kings name if any nede were.

The matter of the league with Englande, [Page XXII] the Admirall so diligently and industriously handled, that within short space after by Em­bassadours sent, and by faith giuen and recey­ued, and othes solemnely taken on both parts, it was confirmed. Concerning the procurement of other leagues and amities, suche as mighte seeme to further the enterprise of the low cun­trie, the Admirall also trauelled in the kings [...]ame, and by his commandemente, and had in a manner brought all these things to an ende. And of all those leauges, the first and principall condition was, that the libertie of Religiō shuld continue, and that the king shoulde most dili­gently and sincerely obserue this Edict of pa­cification.

Though these things seemed to be handled secretly, yet by the letters both of Biragio the vicechancellor, of whom we made mentiō be­fore, and of Moruilliers whom for his hipocri­ticall leanenesse children commonly called the Chimera or bugge of the Court, and by aduer­tisements of Cardinal de Peiue, a man most fit either to inuent or execute any treason, they were caried to the Byshop of Rome, who by aduise of his Cardinals sent by and by one of their number, called Alexandrine, in the midst of most sharpe winter into Fraunce, with these [Page XXIII] instructions, to perswade the king to enter in­to the societie of the league of Trent, whereof the first and principall article was, that the con­federats should ioyne their powers and make warre vpon the Turks and Heretikes, mea­ning by the name of Heretikes, all those Prin­ces that did permitte the vse of the reformed Religion within their dominions.

The Cardinall Alexandrine was honoura­bly receyued in the courte, but yet dismissed without atchieuing his purpose. For so was it bruted among the people, and commonly be­leeued throughout Fraunce: albeit he himselfe secretly seemed to returne very mery & chere­full to the Pope: and as it is reported, did some­time say that he receyued such aunswere of the King as was needfull not to be published, and that the King and Queene mother had largely satisfied him.

Forasmuch as it was thought a matter great­ly auayling to the enterprise of the lowe coun­trey, to sende certayne ships into the Englyshe Seas, that if any ayde shoulde be sent into the lowe countrey to the Duke of Alua oute of Spayne, it might so be stopped, Strozzi and the Baron de la Guarde were appoynted for that purpose, to whome the king gaue in comman­dement [Page XXIIII] to rigge for the certayne ships of Bur­deaux and Rochell, well armed and well ap­poynted, and to prouide with all spede al things needfull for those ships. The Ambassador of Spayne somewhat moued with this preparati­on, made diuers complaints to the kings coun­sell on the behalfe of the king his master, and yet neuer receyued any other answere, but that the king, thought it not likely, and that he wold send Commissioners to Burdeaux and to Ro­chell, with letters and commaundemente that there shuld be no preparation made to the sea, and if any had bene made, it should be enqui­red of. VVhat instructions were secretlye and closely vnder hand giuē to these two captaines of that nauie, we do not certaynly know. But this no man can doubte of, but that they had commission to distresse all such ships wherein any Spanishe souldiers should be transported into the lowe countrey, and that all this prepa­ration to the sea, was ordayned against the Spa­nish king and the Duke of Alua.

And moreouer that the Admiral at the same time receiued commaundement frō the king, to send espials into Peru, an Islaind of the new found world, most plentifull of gold aboue all the other, now being in the Spaniards domini­on, [Page XXV] to learne if there were any good enterprise to be attempted or atchieued for the get [...]ing of it. VVhich matter was committed to a cer­tayne gentleman, one of the Admirals trayne, who went thither accompanyed with a cer­tayne Portingall, a man most skilfull of those Nauigations, whome the Admirall had ioyned with him by the kings commaundement, and is not yet returned.

Nowe it can not be expressed how manye and how great tokens of most louing mynde the king at that time shewed to the Admirall, and to the Countie Rochfoucault, and to Theligny, and to the rest of the chiefe noble­men of the Religion. First, all such things as in the former warres had bene taken away in the townes, fermes and castels of the Admirall & d' Andelot, the king caused to be sought oute and restored. If there were any other whome the king vnderstoode to be beloued and estee­med of the Admirall, or to haue attayned anye speciall honour in the sayde late warres, those he liberally benefited and rewarded. To the Ad­mirall himself he commaunded one day to be giuē a hundred thousand pounds of his owne treasure in recompence of his former losses. VVhen his brother the Cardinall Chastillion, [Page XXVI] endowed with many great and welthie bene­fices, was departed his life, the king gaue him the fruites of one whole yeare. Also the kyng wrote to Philibert Duke of Sauoy, that he should do him a most acceptable pleasure, if he did not onely deale more gently with those that in the former warres had ayded those of the Religion, but also would vse clemencie and mildenesse toward all other that professed the same Religion within his dominions.

And for that there was old enmitie betwene the Guisians and the Admirall, wherby it was to be doubted that perillous contentions wold arise in the Realme of Fraunce, the king wil­led it to be signified to them both in his name, that they should for his sake and the common weales, giue ouer those displeasures, and he prescribed them a certaine fourme of recon­ciliation and agrement, the same whereof the foundations had bene layed almost sixe yeares before in the towne of Molins, where the king calling to him the greatest estates of his realme after consultation and deliberation had vpon the matter, pronoūced the Admiral not guiltie of the death of the Duke of Guise, wherwith he was charged by the yong Duke of Guise and his kinsmen: and so the king by the ad­uise [Page XXVII] of his Counsell had ended that contro­uersie.

Furthermore, the Cardinall of Loraine (who as we haue sayd was the very forger of all the former warres) to take away al ielousie of new practises, was departed to Rome, & toke with him his familiar friend the late created Cardi­nall Peluey, one reputed a most subtil & craf­tie persō, vnder pretēce of goyng to the electi­on of a newe Pope in place of the olde Pope then lately deceassed.

But there was none greater and more assu­red tokē of publique peace & quietnesse than this, that the king purposed to giue hys sister Margaret in marriage to the Prince Henry the sōne of the Queene of Nauarre, which Prince had in the last warre defended the cause of the Religion, and bene soueraigne of their armie. VVhiche mariage the kyng declared, that it should be the most streight bond of ciuill con­corde, and the most assured testimonie of his good will to those of the Religion.

Yea, and also bicause it was alleaged that the sayd Prince Henrie was restrayned in consci­ence, so as he might not marrie the Lady Mar­garet being of a contrary Religion, a Catholike and giuen to the rites of the Romish Church, [Page XXVIII] the king for aunswere sayd that he would dis­charge hir of the Popes lawes, and notwith­standing the crying out of all his courtiers to the contrary, he permitted him, that withoute all ceremonies, in the porch of the great church of Paris the mariage shoulde be celebrate in such a fourme as the ministers of the refour­med Church misliked not.

VVhiche thing being by reporte and letters spread through the world, it cannot be expres­sed howe muche it made the hearts of those of the Religion assured and out of care, and howe it cast out al feare & ielosies out of their minds, what a confidence it brought them of the kings good will toward them: Finally, how muche it reioyced forreine Princes and states that fauo­red the same Religion. But the Admirals minde was much more stablished by a letter which a­bout the same time Theligny brought him with the kings owne hand and sealed, wherein was conteined, that whatsoeuer the Admirall shuld do for the matter of the intended warre of the lowe coūntrey, the king would allow and rati­fie the same, as done by his owne commaunde­ment. About that time Lodouic of Nassaw with the Queene of Nauarre a Lady most zelously affected to the Religion, came to the Frenche [Page XXIX] Courte. The league was made betweene king Charles and the Prince of Aurenge, and the ar­ticles thereof put in writing. The mariage was appointed to be holden in the towne of Paris. For whiche cause the Queene of Nauarre during those fewe dayes repaired thether to prouide things for the solemnitie of the wed­ding. For the same cause the king sente to the Admirall one Cauaignes, a man of an excellent sharpe witte, whome for the Admirals sake the king had aduanced to great honoure, requi­ring the Admirall to go before to Paris, as well for the said preparation, as also for the matter of the warre of the lowe countrie, promising that he himselfe would within fewe dayes fol­lowe after him: assuring him that there was now no cause for him to feare the threatnings and mad outrages of the Parisians. For in as­much as the same towne is aboue all other gi­uen to superstitions and is with seditious prea­chings of Monks and Friers dayly enflamed to crueltie, it is hard to expresse how bitterly they hated the Admirall and the professors of that Religion. VVherto was added a griefe of their mind conceiued certaine dayes before, by rea­son of a certaine stone crosse gilted and builte after the manner of a spire steeple, commonly [Page XXX] called Gastignes crosse, whiche the Admirall with great earnest sute obtayned of the king to be ouerthrowne: for he alleaged, that being e­rected in the midst of the rage of the ciuill warre, as it were in triumph to the reproch of one of the Religion, it was a monumente of ciuill dissention, and so a matter offensiue to peace and concord.

The King well knowing this deadly hate of the Parisians to the Admirall, wrote his letters to Marcell the prouost of the marchauntes (whiche is the highest dignitie in Paris) with sharpe threatnings if there should be raised a­ny stirre or trouble by reason of the Admirals comming. To the same effect also the Duke of Aniow the kings brother, and the Queene mother wrote to the same Marcell and the rest of the magistrates of Paris, so that nowe there seemed vtterly no occasion lefte for the Ad­miral to feare or distrust. And within few dayes after, the king sente Briquemault a man of greate vertue and estimation, to the Admirall, with the same instructiōs, saying that the mat­ter of the lowe countrey could not well be delt in without his presence.

The Admirall perswaded by thus many meanes, and filled with good hope and cou­rage, [Page XXXI] determined to go to Paris, where so sone as he was ariued and had bene honorably and louingly entertayned of the king and his bre­thren and the Queene mother, and consulta­tion entred among them about the preparati­on for the low coūtrey, he declared to the king at large, how the Duke of Alua was in leuying of great power, and preparing an armie, and that if the king should dissemble his purpose, it would come to passe that many thereby wold shew themselues slower and slacker to the en­terprise, and that nowe were offered greate meanes to do good, whiche if he let slippe, hee should not so easily recouer the like againe hereafter. And therefore it was best to take the aduantage of this opportunitie.

A fewe dayes before, Lodouie of Nassaw wente secretly into the frontiers of the lowe countrey, and toke with him as partners of his iourney and priuie to his counsell thre Frēch­men of great credite with the Admirall, name­ly Saucourt, la Noue, and Genlis, to whom the king had giuen in charge to see if they coulde by any meanes attēpt and possesse any townes bordering vppon his realme. They gathering diuers other gentlemen into their companie, went speedily into the lowe countrey, the Ad­mirall [Page XXXII] not knowing of it. VVho as soone as he vnderstode of their going thether, wrote vnto them that he much maruelled what they mēt, saying that he well knewe there coulde be no power gotten readie before .xl. dayes end and that they should be wel aduised to do nothing rashly, nor to ouerthrowe with hast their de­uises that seemed not ripe to be executed.

The countie of Nassaw inflamed with the sighte and desire of his countrey, and fearing the mutablenesse of the king, did firste at the soden set vppon Valentiennes, but being re­pulsed by the Spanish souldiers that were in garrison in the Castell, he hastily departed to Montz, and toke the towne, being a place ve­ry strong by nature and well furnished with all things necessarye for the warre. VVhiche thing beyng by reporte and messangers spred abrode in the lowe countrey, and caried into Fraunce and Germanie, both encouraged all them of the Religion with great hope, and al­so seemed to haue now playnely and openlye deciphred & disclosed the mind of the French king. Moreouer Genlis returning to Paris, when he had made reporte to the king of all the matter as it had proceded, easily obtayned of him, that by his assent he might leuie cer­taine [Page XXXIII] bandes of footemen and horssemen of Fraunce, and carie them to succoure Montz. But by the way when he was entred into the bounds of the lowe countrie, hauing with him to the number of foure thousand footemen, and aboute foure hundreth horssemen, they were beset by the Duke of Alua, and the most parte of them distressed: which thing was well knowne to haue ben wrought by the meanes of the Guisians, which by dayly messages and letters, aduertised the Duke of Alua of theyr purposes and preparation. VVhich falsehod of theirs, many most affectionate to the Romish Religion, were highly offended with, bycause a great number addicted to the same Romishe Religion were in that companie.

VVith this losse, and with the rescue of the towne of Valentiennes, the King seemed to be much troubled, for he feared least his counsels being disclosed to the Spanish king, would at length breede some cause of querel and warre. Howbeit, when he began to remember, that a great parte of his secrets was already reuealed to the Duke of Alua, he oftentimes resolued to vtter his minde plainely, and to make open warre. But he was withdrawne from that pur­pose by certaine men whiche the Admirall had [Page XXXIIII] long before conceyued, that they would so do. Howbeit, he gaue the Admirall libertie to send whatsoeuer he thoughte meete to further the Prince of Aurenge his enterprise, and as great supplie either of footemen or of horssemen as he could to the armie which the Prince of Au­renge had leuyed in Germanie. VVhen the Admirall for that cause had made request that he might leauie thirtie troupes of horssemen, and as many ensignes of footemen, he easily obtayned it.

For the entertainement of these footemen it behooued to haue money, wherefore at the request of the Admirall, the king called for his Tresurer and commanded him to deliuer to the Admirall so much money as the Admirall should thinke meete, and charged him, that he should not in any wise after the vsuall manner of the accompts of finances, write the causes of the receipt, but only set it downe in this forme: This summe of money was payde to the Ad­mirall suche a day by the kings commaunde­ment, for certayne causes which the king hath commaunded not to be written: and to thys warrante the King subscribed with hys owne hand.

Also the King wrote to Monducet, his Em­bassadoure [Page XXXV] in the lowe countrey, to trauell as earnestly as he could, for their deliuerance, that were taken at the ouerthrowe of Genlis, which commaundment it is said that Monducet did most faithfully and diligently execute.

Not long before this, Ioane Queene of Na­uarre aboue mentioned, died in the Courte at Paris, of a sodaine sicknesse, beeing aboute the age of fortie and three yeares, where, as the sus­pition was great that she died of poyson, and hir body was sort hat cause opened by the Phi­sitions, there were no tokens of poyson espied. But shortly after, by the detection of one. A. P. it hath bene found that she was poysoned with a venomed smell of a pair of perfumed gloues, dressed by one Renat the Kings Apothicarie an Italian, that hath a shop at Paris vppon sainte Michaels bridge, neare vnto the pallace: which could not be espied by the phisitions which did not open the head nor loked into the brayne. It is well knowne that the same man about cer­tayne yeares past, for the same intente gaue to Lewes Prince of Conde a poysoned poman­der, which the Prince left with one le Grosse his Surgion: le Grosse delited with the same, was by little and little poysoned therewith, and so swelled, that he hardly escaped with his life.

[Page XXXVI]By hir deathe, the Kingdome came to the Prince Henrie hir sonne, to whom as is aboue­said, the Kings sister was promised and con­tracted.

Things being as it seemed throughout all Fraunce in most peacible estate, and the con­cord of all degrees well established, the day was appointed for the marriage of the king of Na­uarre, which day all they that fancied the Reli­gion esteemed so muche the more ioyfull to them, bycause they sawe the King wonderfully bent therevnto, and all good men iudged the same a most assured pledge and stablishmente of ciuill concord, whereas on the contrary part, the Guisians and other enimies of common quietnesse greatly abhorred the same marriage.

VVhen the day came, the marriage was with royall pompe solemnized before the greate Churche of Paris, and a certaine fourme of words so framed, as disagreed with the Reli­gion of neither side, was by the kings comman­dement pronounced by the Cardinall of Bur­bon the king of Nauars vnkle: and so the ma­trimonie celebrate with greate ioy of the king and all good men, the bride was with greate trayne and pompe led into the Church to heare Masse, and in the meane time the bridegrome [Page XXXVII] who misliked these ceremonies, together with Henry Prince of Conde, sonne of Lewes, and the Admirall, and other noble men of the same Religion, walked withoute the Church dore, wayting for the Brides retourne.

VVhile these things were in doing at Paris, Strozzi, who as we haue said, had the charge of the kings power at sea, houering vpon the coast of Rochell, did now and then send of his cap­taines and souldiers into the towne, vnder co­lour of buying things necessarie: and sometime he came thither also him selfe. The like was done at the same time in another part of Frāce, by the horssemen of Gonzague Duke of Ni­uers, nere to the towne of la Charité, whiche hath a bridge ouer the riuer of Loyre, and re­mained till that time in the power of those of the Religion, by reason of the great number of thē there inhabiting. This troupe was of those horssemen whiche the King hath accustomed to keepe in ordinarie wages in euery countrey, whereof the most parte were Italians, countrey men to their Captaine Lewes Gonzague, to whome the Queene mother had giuen the daughter and heire of the Duke of Niuers in mariage. They requested of the townesmen, that they might make their musters within the [Page XXXVIII] towne, saying that they had receyued warrante from the King so to do, and shewed the Kings letters therefore. At Lions the gouernoure of the towne, commaunded a view to be taken of all those that professed the Religion, and their names to be written in a boke and broughte vnto him: which booke shortly after, according to the successe, was called the bloudy booke.

After the mariage ended at Paris, which was the time that the Admirall had appointed to returne to his owne house, he moued the king concerning his departure. But so great was the preparation of playes, so great was the magni­ficence of banquets and shewes, and the King so earnestly bent to those matters, that he had no leysure, not onely for waightie affaires, but also not so much as to take his naturall sleepe. For in the French court, Dauncings, Maskings stageplayes (wherein the King exceedingly de­lighteth) are commonly vsed in the night time: and so the time that is fittest for counsell and matters of gouernance, is by reason of nightly riottous sitting vp, of necessitie consumed in sleepe. So great also is the familiaritie of men and the womē of the Queene mothers traine, and so great libertie of sporting, entertainment and talking togither, as to forein nations maye [Page XXXIX] seeme incredible, and be thought of all honest persons a matter not very conuenient for pre­seruatiō of noble yong Ladies chastitie. More­ouer, if there come any pandor or bawde oute of Italie, or any Scholemaster of shameful and filthie lust, he winneth in short time maruel­lous fauour and credit. And such a multitude is there begonne to be of Italians, commonly throughout all Fraunce, specially in the court, since the administration of the realme was cō ­mitted to the Queene mother, that many doe commonly call it Fraunce-Italian, and some terme it a Colonie, and some a common sincke of Italie.

These madnesses of the Courte, were the cause that the Admirall could not haue accese to the Kings speache, nor entrance to deale in waightie matters. But whē they that were sent from the refourmed Churches to complayne of iniuries commonlye done to those of the Religion, vnderstode of the Admirals purpose to departe, they did with all speede deliuer to him their bookes and petitions, and besoughte him, not to departe from the Court till he had dealte in the cause of the Churches, and deli­uered their petitions to the King and his coun­sell. For this cause the Admirall resolued to [Page Xl] deferre his goyng for a while, till he mighte treat with the kings Counsell concerning those requests: for the King had promised him that he would shortly entend those matters, and be present with the Counsell himselfe.

Besides this delay, there was another mat­ter that stayed him. There was owing to the Rutters of Germanie, whiche had serued on the part of the Religion in the last warre, great summes of money for their wages, in whiche matter the Admirall trauelled with incredible earnestnesse and care.

Concerning all these affaires, the Admirall (as he determined before) hauing accesse and opportunitie for that purpose, moued the Kings priuie Counsell the .22. daye of August, which was the fift daye after the king of Na­uarres mariage, and spent muche time in that treatie. Aboute noone, when he was in retur­ning home from the coūsell, with a great com­panie of noblemen and gentlemen, beholde, a Harquebuzier oute of a windowe of a house neere adioyning, shotte the Admirall with two bullets of leade through both the armes. VVhē the Admirall felt himselfe wounded, nothing at all amazed, but with the same countenance that he was accustomed, he said, through yon­der [Page XlI] windowe it was done: go see who are in the house. VVhat manner of trecherie is this? Thē he sent a certayne gentleman of his com­pany to the king to declare it vnto him. The king at that time was playing at Tennise wyth the Duke of Guise Assoone as he heard of the Admirals hurte, he was maruellously moued as it seemed, and threw away his racket that hee played with on the grounde, and taking with him his brother in lawe the king of Nauarre, he retired into his castle.

The gentlemen that were with the Admiral brake into the house from whence he recey­ued his hurte, there they found only one wo­man, the keper of the house, and shortly after also a boy, his lackey that had done the deede, and therewithall they founde the harquebuze lying vppon the table in that chamber from whēce the noyse was heard: him that shot they found not, for he in great hast was runne away out at the backe gate, and getting on horsse­backe, which he had wayting for him redy sad­led at the dore, he rode a great pace to Sainte Anthonies gate, where he had a freshe horsse tarying for him if neede were, and another at Marcelles gate. Then by the kings commande­ment a great number rode out in post into all [Page XlII] partes to pursue him: but for that he was slipped into bywayes, and receiued into a certaine ca­stle, they could not ouertake him.

At the sure of the king of Nauarre, and the Prince of Conde and other, the King by and by gaue commission for enquirie to be made of the matter, and committed the examining thereof to three chosen persons of the parlia­ment of Paris, Thuan and Morsant and Viol a counseller.

Firste it was found that the same house be­longed to a Priest a Canon of saint Germaine, whose name is Villemure, which had bene the Duke of Guises scholemaster in his youthe, and still continued a retayner towarde hym. Then the woman whiche we said was founde in the house, being taken and broughte before them, confessed that a fewe dayes before, there came to hir one Chally sometime a maister d'hostel of the Duke of Guises house, and now of the Kings courte, and commaunded hir to make muche of the man that had done thys deede, and to lodge him in the same bed and chamber where Villemure was wont to lie, for that he was his friende and very familiar ac­quaintance, and that Villemure would be ve­ry glad of it. The name of him that shot was [Page XlIII] very dilligently kepte secret. Some say it was Manreuet, whiche in the thirde ciuill warre traiterously slew his captaine monsieur de Mo­uy, a most valiante and noble gentleman, and straightway fled into the enimies campe. Some saye it was Bondot, one of the archers of the Kings guarde. VVhen the womans confession was broughte to the king, he immediatly cal­led Monsieur de Nance, captaine of his guard, and commaunded him to apprehend Challey and bring him to him. Challey assoone as hee heard the stroke of the peece, fledde into the Kings castle called the Louure, and hid him in the Duke of Guises chamber, from whence he conuayed him selfe away assoone as he had heard of the kings commaundement▪ VVhen de Nance was infourmed of his departure, he answered that Challey was a gentleman of good worship, and there was no doubte but when neede were he woulde appeare before the King and the magistrates.

VVhile these things were doyng, and the Admirals wound in dressing, Theligny went by his commaundement to the King, and most humbly besought him in the name of his fa­ther in lawe, that his maiestie woulde voutsafe to come vnto him, for that his life seemed to be [Page XlIIII] in perill, and that he had certaine things to say, greatly importing to the King; safetie, whiche he well knewe that none in his Realme durst declare to his maiestie. The King curteously aunswered that he would willingly go to him, and within a little while after he set forwarde. The Queene mother went with him, and the Duke of Aniow, the Duke of Monpensier, a most affectionate subiect to the Churche of Rome, the Counte de Rhetz, the Queene mo­thers great familiar, Chauigny and Entragny, which afterwarde were chiefe ringleaders in the butcherie of Paris.

VVhen the King had louingly saluted the Admirall as he was wont to do, and had gently asked him some questions cōcerning his hurt and the state of his health, and the Admirall had aunswered with suche a milde and quiet countenaunce, that all they that were present wondered at his temperance and pacience, the king beyng much moued (as it seemed) sayd, The hurt my Admirall is done to thee, but the dishonour to me: but by the death of God (saith he) I sweare I will so seuerely reuenge both the hurte and the dishonor, that it shall neuer be forgotten. He asked him also how he lik [...]d of the Iudges that he had chosen, to whō [Page XlV] he had giuen commission for examining the matter. The Admiral aunswered that he could not but very well like of those that his maie­stie had allowed of, yet he besought him if he thought it good, that Cauagnes might be cal­led to counsell with them, albeit that it was no hard matter to finde out, for it was no doubt (sayd he) that this good turne was done him by the Duke of Guise, the reuenge wherof he referred to God. This onely he most heartily and humbly besoughte of his royall maiestie, that the fact might be duelie enquired vpon. The King aunswered that he would take ear­nest care of it, and reuenge that iniurie with no lesse seueritie than if it had bene done to him­selfe. Then the kings brethren and their mo­ther with drawing themselues a while, the Ad­mirall as it was afterward knowne by his owne report, began to aduise the king to haue in me­morie those things that he had ofte tolde him of the daungerous intentions of certaine per­sons: and he tolde him, that though he himself had receiued a great wound, yet there was no lesse hanging ouer the kings head: and that long ago there was treasō in practizing against his life, which if he would do wisely he should auoyde betimes. Further he sayd, that though [Page XlVI] so soone as God should take him to himselfe out of this life, he doubted not but that his same should be brought into sundry slaunders by enuious persons, and such as ought him e­uill will by reason of the late warres, neuerthe­lesse he had oftentimes disclosed vnto the king the authors of the dissentions, and opened the causes therof, and that God was his witnesse of his most faithfull hearte to the king and the common weale, and that he had neuer holden any thing dearer than his countrey and the publique safetie.

The king after such aunswere made here­vnto as he thought best, spake aloude, & hear­tily entreated the Admirall to suffer himself to be remoued into his castell of the Louure, for that he thought some perill, least there should arise some sedition among the commons al­readie in disorder, or any stirre in that madde and troublesome Citie VVherto this speech of the king tended coulde not then be vnder­stoode. For though the cōmonaltie of Paris hath euer bene accompted the most foolish & madde of all other, yet is it euer most easily ap­peased, not onely with the comming and pre­sence of the king, but also with the very sound of his name. The Admirall most humbly and [Page XlVII] largely thanked the king, and made his exuse vpon the counsell of the Phisitions, which fea­red that shaking would encrease his paine, and therfore had taken order that he should not be stirred out of his place. Then the Counte de Rhetz turning to certaine gentlemen of the Admirals friends, sayd, I would the Admi­rall would follow the kings counsell; for it is to be feared that some such stirre may arise in the towne, as the king shall not easily be able to ap­pease. VVhich speech being vttered, although no man did yet suspect whereto that aduise tended, yet the Admirall & his friends thought it good to request of the king to assigne vnto him certaine of the souldiers of the guarde for his safetie. The king aunswered that he verie well liked of that deuise, and that he was fully determined to prouide aswell for the Admi­rals safetie as for his owne, and that he would preserue the Admirall as the ball of his eye, & that he had in admiration the constancie and fortitude of the man, and that he neuer before that time beleued that there could be so great valiauntnesse of courage in anye mortall per­son.

Therewith the Duke of Aniow the Kings brother commaunded Cossin captaine of the [Page XlVIII] Kings guarde, to place a certaine band of soul­diers to ward before the Admirals gate. There could hardly a man be found more hatefull a­gainst the Admirals parte, nor more affected to the Guisians thā this Cossin, which the successe plainly proued, as hereafter shall appeare. The Duke of Aniow further added, that he thought it should be good for the Admirall, if moe of his friēds and familiars that lodged in the faux­burges did drawe nearer about him: and forth­with he commaunded the kings herbingers to warne those to whome they had before assig­ned lodgings in that streete, to remoue from thence, and to place the Admirals friendes in their roomes. VVhiche counsell was suche, as none coulde possibly be deuised more fit for those things that followed. For those whiche might haue by flight escaped out of the suburbs were nowe holden fast inough, being enclosed not only within the walles of the towne, but also within the compasse of one narrow strete. The nexte day after, the Vndermasters of the streetes commonly called Quartermen, [...]ur­ueyed al the vittailing houses and Innes from house to house, and all the names of those of the Religion, together with the place of euery of their lodgings they put in bookes, and with [Page XlIX] speede deliuered ouer the same bookes to those of whome they had receyued that com­maundement.

After noone the Queene mother lead out the King, the Duke of Aniow, Gonzague, Tauaignes, the Countie de Rhetz called Gon­din, into hir gardens called Tegliers. This place bicause it was somewhat farre from resort, she thoughte most fit for this their last consultati­on. There she shewede them, how those whom they had long bene in waite for, were nowe sure in hold, and the Admirall lay in his bed maymed of hoth his armes and coulde not stirre, the king of Nauarre and Prince of Con­de were fast lodged in the castle, the gates wer kept shut all nighte, and watches placed, so as they were so snared that they coulde no way escape, and the captaines thus taken, it was not to be feared that any of the Religion woulde from thencefoorth stirre any more. Now was a notable opportunite (said she) offred to dis­patch the matter. For all the chiefe captaines were fast closed vp in Paris, and the rest in o­ther townes were all vnarmed and vnprepa­red, and that there were scarcely to be founde ten enimies to a thousand Catholikes: that the Parisians were in armour and were able to [Page l] make threescore thousande chosen fighting men, and that within the space of one houre all the enimies may be slayne, and the whole name and race of those wicked mē be vtterly rooted out. On the other side (saith she) if the King do not take the aduantage of the fitnesse of this time, it is no doubte but that if the Ad­mirall recouer his health, al Fraunce wil short­ly be on fire with the fourth ciuill warre.

The Queenes opinion was allowed. How­beit it was thought best, partly for his age, and partly for the affinities sake, that the king of Nauarres life shuld be saued. As for the Prince of Conde, it was doubted whether it were best to spare hym for his age, or to put him to death for hatred of his fathers name. But here­in the opinion of Gonzague toke place, that he should with feare of death and torment, be drawen from the Religion. So that counsell brake vp, with appoyntment that the matter should be put in executiō the nexte night ear­ly afore day, and that the ordering and doing of all shoulde be committed to the Duke of Guise.

The Admirall being en [...]ormed of stirre and noyse of armour, and threatnings heard euery where through out the towne, and preparation [Page lI] of many things pertaining to tumult, sent word therof to the King: who aunswered, that there was no cause for the Admirall to feare, for all was done by his commaundement, and not e­uery where, but in certaine places, & that there were certaine appointed by him to be in ar­mor, least the people should rise and make any stirre in the towne.

VVhen the Duke of Guise thoughte all things readie enough, he called to him the a­bouesayde Marcell, and charged him that he should a little after midnight assemble togither the maisters of the streetes whome they call Diziners into the towne house, for he had cer­taine strange and speciall matters in charge frō the king, which his pleasure was to haue decla­red vnto them. They all assembled bytime. Carron the new prouost of merchaunts, guar­ded with certaine Guisians, and among the rest Entragne and Pnygallart, made the declarati­on: He sayd that the kings meaning was to de­stroye all the Rebels which had in these late yeares borne armes against his maiestie, and to roote out the race of those wicked men, it was now very fitly happened that the chieftaynes and ringleaders of them were faste enclosed within the walles of the towne, as in a prison, [Page lII] and that the same night they should first begin with them, and afterward for the rest assone as possibly might be, throughout all partes of the Realme the King would take order: and the token to set vpon them, should be giuen, not with a trumpet, but with tocksein or ringing of the great bell of the pallace, which they knewe to be accustomed onely in great cases: and the marke for them to be knowne from other, should be a white linnen cloth hanged aboute their left arme, and a white crosse pinned vpon their cappes. In the meane time the Duke of Guise made priuie thervnto the Captaines of the Kings guarde, both Gascoignes, Frenchmē, and Switzers, and bad them be readie to goe to it with good courage. Shortly after, the Duke of Guise and the bastard sonne of king Hen­rie, commonlye called the Cheualier, with a great band of armed men following thē, went to the Admirals house, which Cossin kept be­sieged with harquebuziers placed in order on both sides of the streate.

The Admiral aduertised of the stirre and the noise of the armour, although he had scarcely ten persons in his house able to beare harnesse, and in his chamber onely two surgions, one preacher and one or two seruitors, yet coulde [Page lIII] not be made afraide, trusting (as he oft rehear­sed) vpon the Kings good will toward him, ap­proued by so many and so great meanes of as­suraunce, hauing also confidence that the com­monaltie of Paris if they once vnderstode the King to mislike of their madde furie, howe much so euer they were in outrage, yet so sone as they saw Cossin warding the gate, they wold be appeased. He repeated also the other for kee­ping of the peace, so ofte openly sworne by the King and his brethren and their mother, and entred in publike recordes, the league lately made with the Queene of Englande for the same cause, the articles of treatie couenanted with the Prince of Aurenge, the kings faith gi­uen to the Princes of Germanie, some townes attempted and some taken in the lowe coun­trey by the Kings commaundement, the ma­riage of the Kings sister solemnized but sixe daies before, which it was not like that he wold suffer to be defiled with bloud, finally the iuge­ment of forain nations and of posteritie, shame and the honor & constancie of a Prince, pub­lique faith, and the sacred respect of the law of nations, all which it seemed monstruous and incredible that the king could assent to be stai­ned with so outragious a cruell deede.

[Page lIIII]Cossin when he sawe the noblemen drawe neere, knocked at the gate, which as is aboue­said, he was commaunded by the Duke of Aniow to kepe. VVhervpon many applyed the olde prouerbe, A goodly guarde to make the woolfe keper of the sheepe. VVhen he was entred without in maner any difficultie, he ca­ried in with him a great companie of armed men, and after those followed the great Lords. Such as Cossin found at the entrie of & with­in the porch of the house, he slew with a parti­san that he had in his hand. VVhich when the Admirall vnderstoode, he caused those that were about him to lift him out of his bed, and casting on a nightgowne vpon him, he rose vp­right on his feete, he bad his friends and ser­uantes to flee and make shift for them selues, and to take no more care for him, for he sayd that he was readie with most willing hearte to render into the hands of God, now calling for it againe, the spirit that he had lent him to vse for a time: and sayd that this violent crueltie was prepared not so much for his destruction, as for the dishonoring of Christ and the tor­menting of so many Churches, the defence of which Churches he had at the potition of all godly men with his many daungers and cala­mities [Page lV] sustained.

In the meane time there came vp the staires into the hier part of the house, one Benuese a Germayne, broughte vp in the house of the Duke of Guise, and to whome it is saide, that the Cardinall of Loraine had giuen one of his bastard daughters in mariage: and with hym came Cossin the Gascoine, Attin a Picarde a retainer and familiar of the Duke d'Aumal, one that a few yeares before sought to murder d'Andelot by treason, and also one Hāfort an Auernois, all weaponed with swords and tar­gets, and armed with shirts of maile.

VVhen they were broken into the Admi­rals chamber, Benuese came to him, and ben­ding his drawen sword vpon him, said, Art not thou the Admirall? he with a quiet and con­stant countenance, (as we haue since vnder­stode by them selues) answered, I am so called. And then seeing the sword drawen vpō him, he sayde, yong man, consider my age and the weake case that I am now in. But the fellowe, after blaspheming God, first thrust his sworde into the Admirals brest, and then also stroke him vpō the head, and Attin shot him through the brest with a pistol. VVhen the Admirall was with this wound not yet throughly dead, [Page lVI] Benuese gaue him the third wound vpon the thigh, and so he fell downe for dead. VVhen the Duke of Guise, which stayed in the court with the other noble men, heard this, he cried out alowde, hast thou done Benuese? he aun­swered, I haue done. Then said the Duke of Guise, our Cheuelier (meaning King Henries bastard abouesaide) vnlesse he see it with hys eyes, will not beleeue it: throwe him downe at the windowe. Then Benuese with the helpe of his fellowes toke vp the Admirals body and threw it downe through the windowe. VVhē by reason of the wounde in his head, and hys face couered with bloud they could not well discerne him, the Duke of Guise kneeled downe on the grounde and wiped him with a napkin and said, now I know him, it is he. And therewithal going out at the gate with the rest of the Lords, he cryed out to the multitude in armoure, saying: my companions we haue had a good lucky beginning: nowe let vs go for­ward to the rest, for it is the Kings commaun­dement: which words he did ofte repete a­lowde, saying, Thus the King commaundeth: This is the Kings will, this is his pleasure. And then he commaunded the token to be giuen by ringing tocksein with the great bell of the [Page lVII] palace, and alarme to be raysed, and he caused it to be published, that the conspiratours were in armoure and about to kill the king. Then a certaine Italian of Gōzagues band, cut off the Admirals head, and sent it preserued with spi­ces to Rome to the Pope and the Cardinall of Loraine. Other cut off his hands, and other his secret partes. Then the common labourers and rascals three dayes togither dragged the dead body thus mangled and berayed with bloud and filth, through the streetes, and afterwarde drew it out of the towne to the common gal­lowes, and hanged it vp with a rope by the feete.

In the meane time, those of the noble mens bandes brake into all the chambers of the ad­mirals house, and suche as they founde eyther in theyr beds, or hidden, they mangled them with many wounds, and so slaughtered them. Of that number were two young children, pages, of honourable birth. There was also the Counte Rochfoucault, which for the ex­cellent plesantnesse of his wit, and for his va­liantnesse was hiely beloued of King Henry, and so seemed for the same cause also to be beloued of the king. Him was de Nāce aboue­said commaunded to kill, but he refusing it for [Page lVIII] their old acquaintance and familiaritie: one La­berge an Auernois offred him self to the king to do it, but with this condition, that the king should giue him the captaineship of horssemen which Counte Rochfoucault had. There was also slayne Theligny the Admirals sōne in law, a yong man of singular towardnesse bothe of wit and courage, to whome the king these ma­ny yeares had both in words and countenance made shewe of so great good will, as that no man was thoughte to be more hiely in his fa­uoure. He crying out, that it was now grieuous to him to liue, for that he had euer commen­ded to his father in lawe the faithfulnesse of the King, refused not the deathe offred hym. And many other most flourishing yong noble men and gentlemen were euery where but­cherly murthered in that streete. Then the noble mens bands, and Cossins souldiers went ransacking from house to house: and the Ad­mirals house and all the other houses were all sacked and spoyled, euen in like manner as is vsed to be done by souldiers greedy of pray in a towne takē by assault: and many by this rob­berie, were of beggers sodeinly become riche men. For the Duke of Guise, the Duke of Monpensier, the Cheualier king Henries ba­starde, [Page lIX] Gonzague, Tauaignes, and the other great Lords, did with reward of the spoile and bootie encourage the multitude to the slaugh­ter, and cried out aloud that this was the kings will. So all the rest of the day from morning to euening, the rascall multitude, encouraged by spoyle and robberie, ranne with their bloudy swords raging throughout all the towne: they spared not the aged, nor women, nor the very babes: In ioy and triumph they threw the slaine bodies out at the windowes, so as there was not in manner any one streete or lane, that seemed not strawed with murthered carcases.

VVhile these things were thus a doing in the towne, the King of Nauarre and the prince of Conde, whome the King had lodged in hys owne castle of the Louure, were by the kings commaundement sent for and conueyed vnto him. But their company, their seruitours of their chamber, their friends reteining to them, their scholemaisters, and those that had the bringing vp of them, crying out alowde to the Kings fidelitie for succoure, were thrust out of the chambers, and by the kings guard of Swit­zers hewed in pieces and slaughtered in the kings owne sight. But of that number of per­sons slayne, no mans case was so much lamen­ted [Page lX] of many, as Monsieur de Pilles, in whome it is hard to expresse whether there were more godly zeale in Religion, or prowesse in warre. VVhereby hauing in the late yeares, specially by the defence of the towne of Saint Iohn d'Angeli, which the King then besieged, gotten great honoure of cheualrie, he was thoughte very well beloued and hiely esteemed of the King. Him and Leranne the sonne of Odou, by the French Kings commaundement (which was not then vnderstoode whereto it tended) the King of Nauarre had stayed in a wardrobe adioyning to his owne chamber, and caused them to lodge there al night. A little afore day, hearing of the running of men, and noyse of armor, and cries and killings, they rose in hast, and immediatly de Nance, whome we haue before spoken of, came to them, and cōman­ded them in the kings name to come downe into the court, and to leaue their weapons be­hind them, and lastly to depart out of the ca­stle. VVhen de Pilles sawe himselfe thrust out among the multitude of the murthering soul­diers, and beheld the bodies of them that were slayne, he cried out with a very lowde voyce that the king might well heare him, protesting vpon the kings fidelitie, and detesting his tray­terous [Page lXI] infidelitie, & therwith he toke off a rich cloake whiche he wore, and gaue it to one of his acquaintāce, saying, take here this token of Pilles, and hereafter remember Pilles moste vnworthyly and shamefully slayne. Oh my good Monsieur de Pilles, saide the other, I am none of them: I thanke you for your cloake, but I will not receiue it with that condition, and so refused to take the cloake: and imme­diatly de Pilles was thrust through by one of the guarde with a partisan, and died. And this ende had this most valiante and noble gentle­man. And then his body was throwen into the quarrey with the rest, whiche when they that passed by did behold, the souldiers cryed out, there they be that made assault vpon vs, and would haue killed the King. Leranne beeing thrust through with a sword, escaped and ran into the Queene of Nauarres chamber, and was by hir kept and preserued from the vio­lence of those that pursued him. Shortly after, she obtayned his pardon of hir brother, and committing him to hir owne Phisitions, re­stored him both to life and health.

VVhile things were in doing at Paris, Stroz­zi, which (as we haue aforesayd) was come with all his power to Rochell, sent a great number of [Page lXII] his souldiers into the towne, vnder colour of a banket to be made to his friends in the castell called la Cheine, but by reasō of the iealosie & watches of the townes men, by whom he sawe his treason was espied, he went away without his purpose. But they of la Charité, which as we haue before shewed, were trapped by the Italian horssemen, taking lesse heed to the safe keeping of their towne, were a little before night surprized, and within fewe dayes after put to the sweard.

The next day following, where any that had hidden themselues in corners at Paris coulde be found out, the slaughter was renewed: also common labourers and porters, and other of the most rascals of the people and desperate villaines, to haue the spoile of their clothes, stripped the dead bodies starke naked & threw them into the riuer of Seane. The profit of all the robberies and spoyles came all for the most part to the handes of these laborers and the souldiers, and to the Kings treasure came very little or nothing. The onely gaine that came to him, was that which might be made of the va­cations (as they terme them) of offices and of places of Magistrates, Captaines & other romes of charge, wherof yet he gaue a great part free­ly [Page lXIII] away to diuers of the Court. For the Admi­rals office he gaue to the Marques de Villars, the Chancellorship of Nauarre, after the mur­ther of Francourt, he by and by gaue to Henry Memne de Malassise, which had been the truchman and messenger in the treatie of the last peace: the office of the maister of the Fi­nances after the slaughter of Prunes he gaue to Villequier, the office of President des aides when Plateau was slaine he gaue to de Nully: the other offices he sold as his maner is, to such as gaue ready money for them. For it hath ben the custome now lately of certaine Kings of Fraunce (such as among forein nations hath not bene heard of) to put to sale all the profits, rights, and benefites of the crowne, and to kepe an open market for money, of all iudiciall of­fices, and of all the roomes belonging to his treasure and finances, according to a rate of price set vpon euerie one of them: and there is not in maner one in all Fraunce, that doth not opēly iustifie that he bought his office for rea­die money, and that no man ought to maruell if he desire to fill vp the empty hole of his stock againe. And therefore iustice is throughe all Fraunce vsually bought for money, & though there be neuer so many murders committed, [Page lXIIII] yet is there no processe awarded to enquire thereof, till present coyne be payde to the rake­helles and scribes.

This butcherly slaughter of Paris thus per­fourmed, and foure hundred houses (as is a­bouesayd) sacked, immediatly messengers were sent in post into all partes of the Realme, with ofte shifting their horsses for hast, to command all other Cities in the Kings name to follow the example of Paris, and to cause to be killed as many as they had among them of the refour­med Religion.

These commaundments it is wonderfull to tell how readily and cherefully the greatest part of the Cities of Fraunce did obey and execute. But the king, fearing (as it was likely) the dis­honour of false treacherie and periurie, sent let­ters to the gouernours of his prouinces, and al­so speedie messangers into England, Germa­nie, and Switzerland, to declare in his name, that there was a great commotion and sediti­ous stirre happened at Paris, which he was ve­ry sorie for: that the Duke of Guise had raised the people, and with armed men made assaulte vpon the band that was assigned to the Admi­rall for his guarde, and had broken into the house and slaine the Admirall and all his com­panie [Page lXV] and houshold seruants, and that the king had hardly kept safe from those daungers hys owne castell of the Louure, where he kept him selfe close with his mother and his brethren: the true copie of which letters is hereafter in­serted. But the same most mightie, and by the consent of all nations commonlye called the most Christian King, within two dayes after came into the Parliament accompanied with a great traine of his brethren and other Princes. The counsell being assembled, he sitting in his throne, began to speake vnto them, he decla­red that he was certified; that the Admiral with certaine of his complices had conspired hys death, and had intended the like purpose a­gainst his brethren, the Queene his mother, & the king of Nauarre, and that for this cause he had commaunded his friends to slay the sayde Admiral and all his confederates, and so to pre­uent the treason of his enimies.

This his testification and declaratiō, the king commaunded to be written and entred in the recordes of Parliament, and that it should be proclamed by the heraldes, and published by Printers. And he willed a boke to be set forth to this effect, that the slaughter of the Admirall & his adherentes was done by the Kings com­maundement, [Page lXVI] for so was his maiesties expresse pleasure, bicause they had conspired to kill him and his brethren, and the Queene his mo­ther and the King of Nauarre. And farther, that the King did forbid that from thenceforth there should be no moe assemblies holden, nor preachings vsed of the Religion.

After the kings oration ended, Christopher Thuane President of that Parliament, a man verie notable for his lighte brayne and his cruell heart, did with very large words congra­tulate vnto the king, that he had nowe with guile and subtiltie ouercome these his enimies, whom he could neuer vanquishe by armes and battell, saying that therein the King had most fully verified the olde saying of Lewes the ele­uenth his progenitor King of France, which was wont to say that he knew neuer a Latine sentence but this one, Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare, He that can not skill to dissem­ble, can not skill to be a king. But Pibrace, the aduocate of the Finances, made a short oration, the summe wherof was to this effect, that al­though the king had iust and great cause to be displeased, yet he thoughte it more agreable with his maiesties clemencie and goodnesse, to make an ende of the slaughters and common [Page lXVII] spoyle, and not to suffer suche outrages to be any longer committed without iudiciall proce­ding in the cause: and besoughte his maiestie that from thenceforth it woulde please him to vse the lawe, which is well knowne to be the onely stablishment of kingdomes and empires: and that there had bene alreadie giuen to the commonaltie too perilous an example to fol­lowe. An arrest of Parliament with the Kings royall assent being made to that effecte, there were immediately Haroldes and trumpeter [...] sent round about all the towne, and an Edict proclaimed in the kings name, that frō thence­forth the slaughters & cōmon butcherly mur­therings shuld ceasse, and that all persons shuld abstaine from pillage and robberie.

This being knowne, there were diuers spee­ches vsed of this matter throughout the town, and specially of learned men. The most parte sayd, that they had read many histories, but in all memorie of all ages they neuer heard of any suche thing as this. They compared this case with the horrible doings of king Mithridates, which with one messenger and with the aduer­tisement of one letter, caused a hundreth and fiftie thousand Romaines to be slaine. Some compared it with the doing of Peter of Arra­gone, [Page lXVIII] which slewe eight thousand Frenchmen in Sicile, which Isle they had surprised in his absence. But yet this difference appeared be­twene those cases and this: that those Kings had exercised their crueltie vpon foreins and strangers: but this king had done his outrage vpon his owne subiectes, being yelded not so much to his power, as to his fayth and credit. Those kings were bounde by no promise but such as was giuen to the strangers themselues: this king was with newe made league bounde to the Kings and Princes his neighbours to kepe the peace that he had sworn. Those kings vsed no guilefull meanes vnworthie for the maiestie of a king, to deceiue: this king for a baite and allurement abused the mariage of his owne sister, and in a manner besprinkled hir wedding robe with blood. VVhich dishonor & indignitie no posteritie of all ages can forget. Some againe discoursed, that though this cruell aduise semed to many Courtiers to haue bene profitable, yet not onely the honor of a King, but also the estimation and good same of the whole nation was against that shewe of profit. They alleaged how Aristides did openly in the audience of all the people, reiect the coūsell of Themistocles cōcerning the burning of the La­cedemoniās [Page lXIX] nauie, although it must nedes haue followed, that the power of the Lacedemoni­ans their enimies should therby haue bene vt­terly weakened. Furius Camillus receiued not the childrē of the chiefe Lords of the Phalisce, betrayed to him by their schoolemaster, but stripped him naked and deliuered him to be whipped home with rods by the same childrē. Pausanias hath lefte it reported that the po­steritie of Philip of Macedon fell into moste greate calamities, for this cause, that he was wont to set light by the reuerend conscience of an oth and his faith giuen in leagues. Some cited the lawe of the twelue tables: Si patronu [...] clienti fraudem facit, facer est [...]. If the pa­trone or soueraigne defraude his client or va­ssal, be he out of protectiō. They disputed also, that like faith as the vassall oweth to his Lord, the Lord oweth also to his vassall: and for what causes and for what fellonies the vassal loseth his tenancie, for the same causes and fellonies the Lord loseth his segniorie. Some saide that the right hand in auncient time was called the pledge of the faith of a king, and that this if a king shall despise, there is no communion of right with him, and he is no more to be accoū ­ted a king, neither of his owne subiects nor of [Page lXX] straungers. Kingly vertues in times past haue bene reported to be these, iustice, gentlenesse and clemencie: but crueltie and outrage haue euer bene dispraised both in all persons and spec [...]ally in princes. Scipio hath in all ages bene praysed, who was wont to say, that he had ra­ther saue one citizen than kill a thousand eni­mies: whiche sentence▪ Antoninus the Empe­rour, surnamed Pius the kind or vertuous, did ofte repete. It was a most shamefull by worde of yong Tiberius to be called Clay tempered with bloud. They said also, that kings haue po­wer of life and death ouer their subiects, but not without hering the cause, and iudicial pro­ceding: that there cannot be alleaged a greater authoritie, than the dictators had at Rome, in whome was the soueraigne power of peace and warre, of life and death, and without ap­peale, yet was it not lawfull for them to exe­cute a citizen his cause vnheard. Only theeues and murderers take away mens liues withoute order of lawe and hearing their cause. VVho can doubt (said they) but that this so great out­ra [...]e, so great sheading of Christian bloud is the frute of the curssed life of the courtiers? For (saide they) nowe throughout all Fraunce whoredome and loose leudnesse of life are so [Page lXXI] free and vsuall, that nowe the most part of the women of Fraunce seeme to be in manner common: and the wicked blasphemies and continuall execrations and dishonorings of Gods most holy name and maiestie, are suche as God cannot longer beare: and true it is, though incredible among foreine Nations, that the catholikes of Fraunce haue prescribed them selues this for a speciall marke to bee knowne from other men, that at euery thirde word they blasphemously sweare by the head, death, bloud, and bellie of God: and wonder­full it is, that the King him selfe is so much de­lighted in this custome of swearing and blas­pheming: and this as it were a pestilente infe­ction is spred abrode and common among the very plowmen and paysants, so as none among them now speaketh three words without most filthy blaspheming and horrible execration of God. VVho can longer beare the vile vncha­stities, the bawdes and ruffians of the Courte? Finally, very nature it selfe doth now as it wer expostulate with God for his so long sufferāce and forbearing, and the very earth can no lon­ger beare these monsters.

Nowe as touching the Admirals supposed conspiracie, who can thinke it likely that hee [Page lXXII] shoulde enterprise any suche thing within the walles of Paris? For in the Court there is con­tinually watching and warding a garrison of the kings: and at the entrie of his castell the guardes of Gascoines, Scottes and Switzers, are continually attending: & the king hymselfe both alwayes before, and specially at that time, by reason of his sisters marriage, had a great trayne of Princes, great Lords, noblemen and gentlemen about him. Moreouer it was well knowne, that in Paris within three hours space might be assembled and put in armoure three­score thousand chosen armed men, specially against the Admiral, whom no man is ignorāt that the Parisians most deadly hated: beside that, the noble yōg men that came thither with the king of Nauarre and the Prince of Conde by reason of the mariage, and brought wyth them their wiues, their sisters and their kins­women, thoughte at that time vpon nothing but vpon triumph and exercises of pastime, & gaye furniture of apparell and ornamentes. Finally, at whither of these two times can it be likely that the Admirall attempted this conspi­racie? was it before he was hurt? why? at that time he found the king his most louing, or at leaste his moste liberall and bountifull good [Page lXXIII] Lord: neither coulde he hope euer to haue a more fauourable soueraigne in France. VVas it then after he was hurt? as though forsothe helying sore of two so great woundes, aged, maimed of both his armes, the one wherof the Phisitions consulted whether it were to be cut off, accompanied with three hundreth yong men, would set vpō threscore thousand armed men, or in so small a time could lay the plot for so great, and so long and so heynous a fact: for he liued scarce fortie houres after his hurte, in which time he was enioyned by the Phisitions to forbeare talke. Againe, if he had bene de­tected of any such crime, was he not commit­ted to Cossin and to his keping, and so enuiro­ned, all the wayes beset about him, and so in the kings power, that if it had pleased the king he might at all times in a moment be caried to prison? why was not orderly enquir [...]e and iu­diciall proceeding vsed according to the cus­tome and lawes and generall right of nations, and witnesses produced according to the form of lawe? but be it that the Admirall and a fewe other of his confederats and followers had cō ­spired, why yet proceded the outragious cruel­tie vpon the rest that were innocent, why vp­on ancient matrones, why vpon noble Ladies [Page lXXIIII] and yong gentlewomen and virgins that came thither for the honor of the wedding? why were so many women greate with childe; a­gainst the lawes of al natiōs and of nature, be­fore their deliuery throwen into the riuer? why were so many aged persons, manye that lay sicke in their beds, many gownemen, manye counsellers, aduocates, proctors, Phisitions, many singularly learned professors and tea­chers of good artes, and among the reste Pe­trus Ramus that renoumed man throughout the world, many yong students, executed with out hearing, withoute pleading their cause, without sentence of condemnation? moreo­uer, if the Admirall had slaine the three bre­thren, who doubteth but that all countreyes, al Cities, all Parliaments, finally, all sortes and de­grees of men would haue spedily taken armor and easily haue destroyed all of the Religion, hauing them enclosed within their townes, & hauing iust cause to render to al forrein nati­ons for their common slaughters and killing of them? As to that which toucheth the king of Nauarre, what can be imagined more absurde and vnlikely? had not the Admirall him foure yeares in his power. Did not he professe the same Religion that the Admirall did? which [Page lXXV] of those of the Religion, which of them I say (as Cassius was wont to reason) shoulde haue gained or receiued profit by the killing of the king of Nauarre? did not the Catholikes hate him? and the Admirall coulde not hope to haue any man more friendly to him, nor by any other mans meanes to haue reuenge of his iniurie. Lastlye, in their houses that were slaine, what armour, what weapons were foūd, by which coniectures iudges vse to be lead to trace oute a facte? These matters wise men throughout the towne of Paris commonlye muttered.

But now to retourne to our purpose. At such time as the Kings prohibition abouesaide was proclaimed at Paris, not only in other townes, as at Orleaunce, Angiers, Viaron, Troys, and Auxe [...]e, the like butcheries and slaughters were vsed, but also in the towne of Paris it selfe, in the very gaoles that are ordeined for the keeping of prisoners, if any had escaped the crueltie of the day before, they were nowe tumultuously slayne by the raging and out­raging multitude, in which number were three Gentlemen of great reputation, captaine Mo­nins a man very famous in marciall prowesse, Lomen the kings secretarie, a man of greate e­stimation [Page lXXVI] for his long seruice in the Courte, and Chappes a lawyer neere fourscore yeare olde, a man of great renowne in the Courte of Paris. And bycause we haue made mention of Angiers, we thinke it good not to omitte the case of Masson de Riuers. This man was a pa­st [...]r of the Church, and esteemed a singular mā both in vertuousnesse of life, & in excellēce of wit and learning, & was the first that had layd the foundation of the Church at Paris. As sone as the slaughter was begon at Paris. Monsorel a most cruell enimie of the Religion, was sente to Angiers in post to preuente all other that might carie tidings of the murdering. As sone as he came into the towne, he caused himselfe to be brought to Massons house. There he met Massons wife in the entrie, and gently saluted hir, and after the maner of Fraūce, specially of the Court, he kissed hir, and asked hir where hir husbād was, she answered that he was wal­king in the garden, and by & by she broughte Mōsorel, to hir husband, who gētly embraced Masson and said vnto him: Canst thou tell why I am come hither? It is to kill thee by the Kings commaundement at this very instant time, for so hath the king commaunded, as thou mayst perceiue by these letters, and therewith he she­wed [Page lXXVII] him his dag ready charged. Massō answe­red that he was not guiltie of any crime, how­beit this one thing only he besoughte him, to giue him space to call to the mercie of God, and to commende his spirit into Gods hande. VVhiche prayer as soone as he had ended in fewe wordes, he meekely receiued the death offered by the other, and was shotte through with a pellet and dyed.

Now to retourne to Paris, the Admirals bo­dy being hanged vp by the heeles vppon the common gallowes of Paris, as is aforesaid, the Parisians went thither by heapes to see it. And the Queene mother to feede hit eyes with that spectacle, had a mind also to go thither, and she caried with hir the king and both hir other sonnes. But the nexte night following, the bo­dy was conueyed away, and (as it is thoughte) buried. About that time, where as many of the Court secretly muttered that the king shoulde by this fact incurre dishonoure, not only amōg forreine nations, but also with all posteritie in time to come for euer, Moruillier, of whome we haue made mention before, one that is ac­compted the principal lewde practiser and wic­ked sycophant of all Fraunce, and the first au­thoure and chiefe meane of bringing the Iesu­ites [Page lXXVIII] into France, came to the Queene mother and tolde hir that it was best that some of those that were lately taken fleyng and hiding them­selues should for maners sake be brought to open iudgemēt, and after the accustomed ma­ner should be enquired vpon, that they might be condemned by the Sentence of certaine iudges piked out for that purpose, and so opē ­ly executed in sight of the people. There were called to counsell herevpon Birage, Limege, Thuan and Belleure. They not only allowed Moruilliers opinion, but also gaue aduise, that a man of hey made in figure for the Admirall (for his body, as we haue saide, coulde not bee foūd) should be dragged by the Boureau tho­rough the streates, his armes and ensignes of honoure broken, his memorie condemned, his castels and fermes rased, his children pronoun­ced infamous, vnnoble, and intestable, and all the trees in his woods to be hewen downe to the heighth of sixe foote. There was among those that were apprehended, one Cauaignes, master of Requests to the King, and Brique­mault, of whome we haue before spokē. This Briquemault had spente his time in seruice in the old warres in the time of king Frauncis and king Henry, and was for the warre accompted [Page lXXIX] a man of great experience among the best now liuing, and was neare about threescore and ten yeares olde. As sone as they were caried into prison, there were presented vnto them all the tormenter and the hangman, and they were threatned with torture and tearing their bo­dies in peeces, vnlesse they woulde presentlye subscribe with their owne hand, that they were of counsell with the Admirall to kill the King and his brethren, and the Queene mother, and the king of Nauarre. They all cryed out that they were readye to suffer deathe most wil­lingly forasmuche as the kings pleasure was it should be so: but so great torture they coulde not beare, and therefore humbly besought his royall goodnesse and clemencie to pardon thē that torment, and yet trusting vpon the mer­cie of God, they hoped that they should suffer exceeding great paynes, rather than staine thē ­selues with so great shame, or confesse an vn­true crime against themselues. They that were first assigned their iudges, hearing their cryes and defenses, and fearing the iudgemente of the worlde, saide plainly that they would not drawe vpon themselues moste assured infa­mie for condemning them. Therefore there were newe iudges appointed in their places: to [Page lxxx] them was adioyned such a tormenter and no­rarie, as were thoughte fittest for the purpose. And so Briquemault & Cauaignes were quick­ly condemned by a shadowed forme of lawe, and led to the gibbet standing in the principall strete of the towne, and in sight of many thou­sands of men gazing at them. To this spectacle the Queene mother ledde the King and hir other sonnes, and hir sonne in lawe the King of Nauarre.

It was thought commodious for playing of this last acte, that Briquema [...]lt should in hea­ring of all the people aske pardon of the king, and for that purpose there were some subor­ned to put him in minde, that if he woulde he might easily purchase his life, for the king was of nature full of clemencie and mercy, and if he woulde aske pardon of his maiestie with confessing his offence, he shoulde easily ob­taine it. He answered with a valiaunt and bold courage, that it was not his part but the kings to aske pardon of God for this fault, and that he would neuer craue forgiuenesse of that of­fence wherof he well knew himselfe and had God to witnesse that he was cleare and inno­cent. Neuerthelesse, he besought God to for­giue the king this fault. So were these two ex­cellent [Page lXXXI] and famous men with halters fastened aboute their necks throwne by the hangman from the ladder and hanged, and there withall also the man of strawe made for figure of the Admirall, was tied fast and hanged with them, after a preposterous order of lawe, wherby the Admirall was first slayne and then condemned.

But wheras in a manner in all townes there were great slaughters committed, yet was there none more horrible nor more outragious than the butcherly murder at Lions. So soone as the letters from the Court were brought to Man­delot gouernour of the towne: first, by a cryer and trumpet he caused to be proclaymed, that all the professours of the Religion shoulde ap­peare presently before him at his house. They without all delay repayred to him. As soone as they were come, he commaunded them all to suffer themselues to be led to priso by such of­ficers as should be assigned them. They obeyed his word and followed the officers that led the. By reason of the great multitude, they sorted them into sundry prisons. Then Mandelot willed the common executioner to be com­maunded in his name to take some to helpe him, and to kill those that were in prison. The executioner aunswered, that he vsed not to ex­ecute [Page lXXXII] the law vpon any but such as were con­demned, and in publike and open places, and therefore willed him to seeke another slaugh­ter man if he would. Mandelot thus refused by the executioner, commaunded the garrison souldiers of the castle to do it. The souldiers aunswered that it was against their honoure, to vse weapō vpon men bound and lying suppli­ant before them. If they had raysed any rebel­lion, or had offended or prouoked them, they said they would most readily haue fought with them. Beeing thus refused by them also, at the last he committed the matter to the watermen and butchers. Those fellowes being let into the prisons, wente to it with chopping kniues and butchers axes. Such as they found prostrate at their feete, pite [...]sly holding vp their hands to heauen, crying vppon the mercie of God and men, they did for sport cut off their fingers and the toppes of their handes, and throughout the whole towne was heard such a crie and lamen­table howling of women and children, that in­numerable people, euen suche as were zelously giuen euen to the popish Religion, did detest that crueltie, and iudged that not mē but out­ragious sauage beastes in shape of men were entred into the prisons. It is well knowne, that [Page lXXXIII] a great number of honest women in the towne great with childe, were so slighted with the hor­ror of it, that they were deliuered befor their time. And out of the Courte of the gaole called the Archbishops prison, the bloud was seene in the broad day light, to the great abhorring and feare of many that beheld it, runne warme and smoking into the next stretes of the town, and so downe into the Riuer of Sene. There was in that fame Archbishops prison an aged man called Francis Collut, a marchant of cappes, and two yong men his sonnes, whome he had eucr caused diligently to be taught and instructed in Religion. VVhen he sawe the butchers come towarde him with their Axes, he began to ex­hort his children not to refuse the death offred by God For (said he) it is the perpetuall destinie of Religion, and that often suche sacrifices do betide in christian Churches, and Christians in all ages haue euer bene and for euer to the worlds end so shalbe as sheepe among wolues, doues among hawkes, and sacrifices among priests: Then the old father embraced his two yong sonnes, and lying flat on the ground with them, crying aloude vpon the mercie of God, was with many wounds both he and his sonnes slaughtered by those butchers: and long time [Page lXXXIIII] afterward their three bodies had knit together yelded a piteous spectacle to many that be­held them. In the meane time Mandelot in iest and soorne (as it seemed) caused to be proclay­med by the cryer, that no man shoulde com­mitte any slaughter in the towne, and that if a­ny woulde detect the doers of any such slaugh­ter, he woulde giue him a hundred crownes in reward for his information. And from that time they ceassed not to kill, to robbe and to spoyle. The nexte day after, which was the first day of September, the greatest parte of the dead bodies were throwen into the Riuer of Sene, and the rest of them Mandelot, to feede and glut his eyes and heart with bloud, caused to be caried by boate to the other side of the water, and there to be throwen downe vppon the greene grasse nere vnto the Abbey called Esne. There the people of Lions, specially the Italians, of whom by reason of the ma [...]te there is great store in the towne, satisfied their eyes a while, and did such spites as they could to these heapes of carcases, and so exercised their cru­eltie not vppon the liuing only, but also vpon the dead. And there hapned one thing whiche for the abhominable crueltie is not to be omit­ted, There came to that spectacle certaine apo­thecaries, [Page lXXXV] and among these bodies they per­ceiued some verye fat ones, by and by they went to the butchers, and told them that they did vse to make certaine special medicines of mans greace, and that they might make some profite thereof. VVhiche as soone as the but­chers vnderstoode, they ranne to the heapes and chose out the fattest, and launced them with their kniues, and pulled out the fat, and sold it for money to the apothecaries.

VVhile these things were doing at Lions, the king being [...]nfourmed that diuers of the Religion had left their wiues and children, and were fled out of the other [...]wnes, and [...]ked some in the woodes, and some among their friends such as toke pitie on them, he practised with faire words to allure and call them home againe. He sent to euerie part messengers and letters, affirming that he was highly displeased with those slaughters and horrible butcheries, and that he would that such crueltie should be seuerely punished: and if the Admirall with a fewe of his confederates had entred into anye secrete practi [...]e, it was no reason, that so many [...] should beare the punishment due to a few. Many swetely beguiled with these wor­ [...]es of the king and with the letters of the go­uernours, [Page lXXXVI] retired home againe to their dwel­lings and houses, speciallye they of Rhoan, Diepe, and Tholouse. There were scant two dayes passed when they were againe cōmaun­ded to prison, where they were all shutte vp. Then were murderers a new appointed of the most base and rascall of the people, to torment them with all kind of torture, and then to slaye them. And throughout the whole realme of Fraunce for thirtie dayes togither there was no ende of killing, slaying and robbing, so that at this day there are about a hundreth thousande little babes, widowes and children, that were well borne, that now fatherlesse and mother­lesse live wandering and in beggerie. Aboute this time the King caused to be proclaimed, that such as had any office or place of charge, vnlesse they would spedily returne to the Ca­tholike, Apostolique and Romishe Churche, should giue ouer those their temporall roomes. There was no towne nor any so small a village or hamlet wherin all the professors of the Re­ligiō wer not compelled either to go to Masse, or presently to take the sword into their bo­somes: and in many places it happened that such as being amazed with the sodainenesse of the matter had abiured their Religion, yet not­withstanding [Page lXXXVII] were afterward slaine,

And while these things were still in doing, yet the king in the meane while sent abrod his letters and messages into all partes, and caused to be proclaimed with trumpet, that his plea­sure was that the Edictes of pacification should be obserued: and although they coulde not haue freedome to vse and exercise their Reli­gion in open places, yet they should haue liber­tie permitted them to retaine and professe it within their owne houses, and that no man should medle with or disturbe the goods and possessions of those of the Religion.

And the same King which but fewe dayes before, had by letters directed to all the gouer­nours of his Prouinces signified that his cousin the Admirall was slaine by the Duke of Guise to his great sorowe, and that himselfe was in great daunger, the same King I say, now cau­sed it with sound of trumpet to be proclaimed that the trayterous and wicked Admirall was slaine by his will and commaundement. He that in fewe dayes before had by newe autho­ritie confirmed the libertie of Religion permit­ted by his Edicts of pacification, the same king did now not onely take from the professors there of their offices and honours, but also [Page lXXXVIII] prescribed them in precise fourme of wordes [...] fourme of abiuring and detesting their Reli­gion. VVhich things leaste anye man shoulde doubt of, we shall hereaf­ter set downe the verie true co­pyes of the sayde Letters, Edictes and Ab­iuration.

THE KINGS LETTERS, TO the Gouernours of Burgundie, wherby he chargeth those of the house of Guyse, for the murder committed vpon the Admirals person, and for the sedition which hapned at Paris, and commaundeth that the Edict of Pacificatiō should be kept and reteined.

COusin, you haue perceyued what I wrote vnto you yesterday, concerning my cousin the Ad­mirals wounding, and how readie I was to do my endeuour to search out the truth of the deed, and to punish it, wherein nothing was left vndone or forgotten. But it happened since, that they of the house of Guyse, and other Lordes and Gentlemen their adherents (whereof there be no small number in this Citie) when they certainely knewe that the Admirals friendes would proceede to the reuenge of his hurt, and bicause they were suspected to bee the authours thereof, were so stirred vp this last night, that a great and lamentable sedition arose therof, insomuch that the Garde by me appointed for his defence about his house, was set vpon, and he himselfe with certaine of his Gentlemen slaine, and hauock of other made in diuers places of the Citie: which was handled with such a rage, that I coulde not vse the remedie that I woulde, but had [Page lXXXIX] [Page XC] much ado to employ my Gardes and other defence for the safetie of my self and my brethren within the castle of Louure, to give order hereafter for the appeasing of this seditiō, which is at this houre wel appeased thankes be to God, and came to passe by a particular and priuate quarell of long time fostered betwixte those two houses. VVhereof when I foresawe that there woulde succeede some mischieuous purpose, I did what I could possibly to appease it, as all men knowe. And yet hereby the Edicte of Pacification is not broken, which I will to bee kepte as straightly as euer it was, as I haue giuen to vnderstand in al places throughout my Realme. And bicause it is greatly to be feared, that such an execution might stirre vp my subie­ctes, one against another, and cause great mur­ders through the cities of my Realme, whereby I should be greatly grieued, I pray you cause to bee published and vnderstoode in all places of your gouernement, that euery person abide and conti­nue in the safegarde of his own house, and to take no weapons in hande, nor one to hurt another vp­on paine of death: commaunding them to kepe & diligently to obserue our Edicte of Pacification. And to make the offenders and resisters, and such as would disobey and breake our will, to be puni­shed, you shal assemble out of hand as great force [Page XCI] [...]s you can, as well of your friendes as of thē that be appointed by me and of others, aduertising the captaines of Castles and Cities in your gouerne­ment, to take heede to the safegarde and preserua­tion of the sayde places, so that no fault ensue on their behalfe, aduertising me also so soone as you can, what order you haue giuen herein, and how al things haue passed within the circuite of your go­uernement. Herevpon I pray God to keepe you, Cousin, in his holie safegarde.

Signed CHARLES, and vnder­neath, BRVLARD.

ANOTHER LETTER FROM the King to the Lorde of Prye, his Lieute­nant generall in Touraine, vpon the same matter that the former letter was.

MOnsieur de Prie, you haue vnde▪ stoode howe my cousin the Admirall was hurt the last day, and in what readinesse I was to do as much as in me lay, for the tryall of the fact, and to Wuse so gret and spedie iustice to be done as should be an example throughout all my Realme, wherin nothing was omitted. Since it is so happened, that my cousins of the house of Guise, and other Lords and Gentlemen their adherents, which are no smal [Page XCII] partie in this to wne, as all men know, hauing got­ten certaine intelligence that the friendes of my sayd cousin the Admirall intended to pursue and execute vpon them the reuenge of this burte, for that they had them in suspiciō to be the cause and occasion therof, have made such a stirre this night passed, that among them on both partes hath be [...]e raised a great and lamentable tumulte: the Garde that was set about the Lorde Admirals house, was distressed, himself slayne in his house with diuers other Gentlemen, as also great slaughter hath ben made of other in sundrie places and quarters of this towne: which hath bene done with such fu­rie, that it was impossible for me to giue such re­medie as was to be wished, I hauing enough to do to employe my Garde and other forces to kepe my selfe in safetie in the Castle of Louure, to the end to giue order for the appeasing of the whole vp­roare, which at this houre (thankes bee to God) is well quenched, for that the same happened by the particular quarell that hath of long time bene be­twene those two houses, where of alwayes hauing some doubt that some vnhappie effecte woulde e [...] ­sue, I haue (as is well knowne to all men) before this time done all that I coulde for to appease it, nothing in this last fact tending to the breache of my Edicte of pacification, which contrary wise I [Page XCIII] will in all things to be mainteined, as at any time heretofore, as I do giue it to vnderstand thorow­out my Realme. And forasmuche as it is greatly to be feared that this may stirre vp and cause my subiectes to rise one against another, and to com­mit great slaughters in the to wnes of my Realme, whereof I would be maruellously sorie, I pray you that immediatly vpon the receyte hereof, ye cause to be published and done to vnderstande in al pla­ces of your charge, that euery man as wel in towne as in countrey, remaine in reste and suretie in his house, and do not take armes one against another, on payne of death: And that more diligently than at any time heretofore, yee cause the last Edict of Pacification to be kepte and carefully mainteyned and obserued. To the intente aboue sayde, and to punish such as shall do to the contrary, and to di­stresse all suche as shall rise and dysobey our plea­sure, ye shal immediately assemble all the strength that ye are able, as well of your friends being of our allowance as others, aduertising the gouer­nors, and captaines of townes and Castels within your charge, that they take goodheede to the sure­tie and safe keeping of their peeces, in such sort as there ensue no default, informing me with speede of such order as you shall take therin, and how all things shall proceede within the compasse of your [Page XCIIII] authoritie. I haue here with me my brother the King of Nauarie, and my Cousin the Prince of Conde, to take suche hap as my selfe. I pray the creator, Monsier de Prye, to holde you in his holy safegarde.

Thus signed CHARLES, and vnderneth PI­NART.
These letters are all of one argu­ment as the former be, and written all in one forme, and al one day to Monsier de Prye the Lieutenant of Touraine.

THE KINGS LETTERS TO the officers of Burges, vpon the same mat­ter that the former were.

Ovr louing and faithfull, we doubt not but by this time you knowe of the sedition which to our great griefe happened in Paris a fewe dayes▪ sithens, wherin my Cousin the Admi [...]all, and cer­taine others of his side were si [...]i [...]e, and a great murder committed vpon diuerse in many places of this Citie. And least the newes thereof should change the quiet estate, wherein Burges hath hi­therto ben maintained since the Edict of Pacifica­tion, if remedie were not foreseene, it is the cause that we writ this letter presently vnto you, wher­by we commaund and expressely ordeine that eue­rie [Page XCV] one of you according to his charge do see that no commotion or insurrection be against the in­habitants of the sayde Citie, nor that no murder be committed, as it is to be feared, by those which pretend to breake the Edict of Pacification, and thereby would execute a reuenge of their long & priuate grudge, to our incredible vexation and anguishe of minde. For this cause it is your part to giue to vnderstand and publishe throughout that Citie of ours and other places pertaining to it, that euery one should quietly and peacibly kepe their houses, without taking weapons in hande, and offending one the other, vpon paine of death, and well and diligently to kepe our Edict of Pa­cification. And if any goe about to contrarie this our intent and minde, to cause them to be puni­shed and rigorously chastised by penalties impo­sed on such offendours in our ordinances, hauing a watchfull and diligent eye to the safegarde of that our Citie, in such sort that no inconuenience arise in your seruice towardes vs, as you woulde haue vs to knowe, that you are our loyall and obe­dient subiectes.

Thus signed. CHARLES, and [...]owe. De neuf-ville.

A LETTER OF THE TREA­sorer of the leagues of the Switzers, writ­ten by the kings commaundement vnto the sayd Leagues, of the same argument that the former letters were.

NOble Seigniours, Monsieur de la Fontaine, Ambassador for the King your assured and perfect friend & confederate, and I his Trea­sorer in this countrey, hauing commaundement of his maiestie to communicate with you, as with them whome he accompteth his chiefe and sure friends, of a chaunce which lately happened in the Citie of Paris, his owne person and court then be­ing there, wherof he receiued so much more griefé and displeasure, bicause it befell on such a time as he least feared, or loked for such a thing. The mat­ter is this. On the .xxvij. day of August last, the Admirall as he went from Louu [...]e, was with an harquebuze shot hurte in the hande and arme, whereof when his maiestie was aduertised, he commaunded incontinent that search and punish­ment were had of the offendour, and the authors of such a mischiefe; whervnto when he had readi­lie layde his hande by his officers, and committed the inhabitantes of the house, where the harque­buze was shot, to prison, they which were the [Page XCVII] cause firste of the mischiefe (as it maye easily be presupposed) bicause they woulde preuente the inquisition therof, heaping one transgression vpon another, on the .xxiij. and .xxiiij. of the said moneth assembled a great troupe of people in the night, and moued the people of Paris to a very [...] great sedition, who in a rage set vpon the Admi [...]rals lodging, and enforcing the Garde which his Maiestie had set for the Admirals suretie and keping, slewe him with certaine other gentlemen in his companie, as the like also was committed vpon others in the Citie, the matter growing in the verie same instant to suche an outrage and commotiō, that whereas his Maiestie had thought to prouide remedie for appeasing therof, he had much a doe with all his Gardes to kepe his house at Louure, where he lodged with the two Queens, his mother and the Spouse, the Lords his brethrē, the King of Nauarre and other Princes. Thinke therefore ye noble Seigniours, in what a perplexi­tie this yong and couragious King now standeth, who, as a man may saye, hath helde in his hande thornes in steade of a Scepter euer since his com­ming to the Crowne, for the great troubles which haue almost euer since beene in his Realme, and therefore by the good and wise counsell and assi­stance of the Queene his mother and the Lords his [Page XCVIII] brethren, thought to enioy and establishe a more sure repose in his Realme, and a more happie go­uernement for himselfe and his subiectes, after he had taken away (as he thought) all occasions of dis­sentions amongst his subiectes by the meanes of his Edicts of Pacifications, and of the mariage of the King of Nauarre to the Ladie his sister, and the Prince of Code to Madome de Neuers Besides all this, to the intent nothing should be lefte vn­done that mighte serue for the quieting of all things, and especially for the Admirals safegard, his Maiestie as euery man knoweth, hath done his endeuour to the vttermost, to appease and recon­cile his principall and most daungerous enimyes vnto him. And so God the true iudge of the Kings Maiesties good and pureintent, brought to passe, that the peoples rage being quieted with­in a few houres, euery one went home to his house and the king had speciall regard to nothing more than to see nothing attempted or innouated con­trarie to his Edicts of Pacification, and the repose of his subiectes as well of the one Religion, as of the other. And for that purpose hath sent to di­uerse of his Gouernours and Officers in his pro­uinces, to loke diligently to the obseruing of his Edictes, with expresse commaundement to holde their handes there, that euerie one might pe [...]ceiue [Page XCIX] that the chaunce at Paris happened for some pri­uate quarell, and not for any purpose to alter his Edicts, which his Maiestie will in no wife suffer. VVhich is the principall thing, noble Seigniours, that his Maiestie hath commaunded vs on his parte to assure you, and to let you vnderstand the daungers that depende ouer him and his neigh­bours, not so much for this sedition, for he trus­teth in God that shall growe no further, and his Maiestie wil kepe his Realme in as good repose as it hath bene since his last Edict of Pacification, but for the great mustering and assembling men of warre in many places, specially in the low coū ­treyes, where it is yet vncertaine on which side God will giue the victorie, nor whether the con­queror will employ his force, after his conquest. VVherefore his Maiestie prayeth you, continuing the good loue and intelligence which hath always bene bewixt the Crowne of Fraunce and his allied and confederate friendes the Seigniours of the Le [...]gues, to haue good regarde to him, and his Realme, in case that neede shall require, as he will haue to you and your prosperous estate, if it be requisite, employing in the meane whyle your great and singular wisedome to the preseruation of the vnion of the Nation in League, which is the onely cause to make you, not onely able to send [Page C] succour to your friends, but also maintaine your selues in estimation, that you may be a terrour to your neighbours, how great so euer they be, his maiestie promising you in all occurrentes as much friendship, fauour and assistance, as you can desire, and to be as entier and perfect a friend, as euer your nation had any.

A DECLARATION OF THE King, concerning the occasion of the Ad­mirals death and his adherents and com­plices, happened in the Citie of Paris the. 24. of August. 1572.
Imprinted at Paris by Iohn Dallier Stacioner, dwelling vpon S. Michaels bridge, at the signe of the white Rose; by the Kings li­cence.

BY THE KING.

HIs Maiestie desiring to haue all Seigniours, Gentlemen, and other his subiects, vnderstand the cause of the murder of the Admirall and his adherentes and complices, which lately happened in this Citie of Paris the xxiiij. day of this present moneth of August, least the said deede should be otherwise disguised and reported than it was in deede; his Maiestie therfore declareth that which [Page CI] was done, was by his expresse commaundement, & for no cause of Religion, nor breaking his Edictes of Pacification, which he alwayes entended, and still mindet [...] and entendeth to obserue and keepe; yea it was rather done to withstand and preuent a most detestable and curssed conspiracie begon by the sayd Admirall the chiefe captaine therof, and his sayd adherents and complices, against the kings person, his estate, the Queene his mother and the Princes his brethren, the King of Nauarre, and other Lordes about him. VVherefore his Maiestie by this declaration and ordinaunce giueth to vn­derstand to all Gentlemen and others of the Reli [...]gion which they pretend refourmed, that he min [...]deth and purposeth that they shall liue vnder his protection, with their wiues and children in their houses in as much safegarde as they did before, fo­lowing the benefite of the former Edictes of Pa­cification, most expressely commaunding and or­daining, that all Gouernours and Lieutenants ge­nerall in euerie of his Countreyes and Prouinces▪ and other Iustices and Officers to whom it apper­taineth, do not attempt nor suffer to be attemp­ted and thing in what sort soeuer, vpon the per­sons and goodes of them of the Religion, their wiues, children, and families, on paine of death a­gainst the faultie and culpable in this behalfe.

[Page CII]And neuerthelesse to withstande the troubles, slaunders, suspicions, and defiances that may come by sermons and assemblies, aswell in the houses of the sayde Gentlemen, as in other places, as it is suffred by the sayde Edictes of Pacification: it is expressely forbidden, and inhibited by his Maie­stie to all Gentlemen and others of the sayd Reli­gion, to haue no assemblies for any cause at all, vn­till his Maiestie hath prouided and appointed o­therwise for the tranquillitie of his Realme, vpon paine of disobedience and confiscation of bodie and goods. It is also expressely forbidden vnder the paine aforesayd, that for the foresayd occasi­ons, none shall take or retaine any prisoners, or take raunsome of them, and that incontinently they certifie the gouernours of euerie prouince, and the Lieutenante generall, of the name & qua­litie of euerie such prisoner; whome his Maiestie hath appointed shall be released and set at liber­tie, except they be of the chiefe of the late conspi­racie, or such as haue made some practise or deuise for them, or [...]ad intelligence thereof: and they shall aduertise his Maiestie of such, to know his further pleasure. It is also ordained, that from henceforth none shall take or arrest any prisoner for that cause, without his Maiesties commaun­dement or his Officers, nor that none be suffred to [Page CIII] roame abroade in the fieldes, to take vp dogs, Cat­tell, Beefes, Kine, or other beastes, goods, fruites, graine, nor any thing else, nor to hurt the labou­rers by word or deede, but to let them alone about their worke and calling, in peace and safetie.

Signed, CHARLES, and vnderneath, FIZES.

THE KINGS LETTERS TO the officers of Burges, of the same argu­ment that the former declaration was.

OVr trustie and welbeloued, we considering that vnder the colour of the death of the Admiral, and his adherents and complices, certaine Gentle­men, and others our subiectes, professing the Reli­gion called Refourmed, might rise and assemble together to the preiudice and hinderance of the tranquillitie which we haue alwayes desired shuld be in our Realme, the doyng of the said murder being counterfeited and giuen out otherwise than it was. VVe haue therefore made a declaration & ordinance, which we s [...]nd you, willing you to pub­lishe the same incontinently by sounde of Trum­pet, and setting the same vp in such places of your Iurisdiction, where cryes and Proclamations are vsually made, to the ende that euery one mighte [Page CIIII] knowe it. And although we haue alwayes bene diligent obseruers of our Edicts of Pacification, yet seyng the troubles and seditions which might arise amongst our subiects by the occasion of the sayd murder, as well of the Admirall as of his companions, we commaunde you, and ordeine, that you particularly forbid the principals of the Re­ligion, pretended refourmed, within your Iuris­diction, that they haue no sermons nor assemblies either in their houses, or in any other places, to take away all doubt and suspition which might be conceyued against them. And likewise that you aduertise such as dwell in the Cities of your Iu­risdiction, what you iudge meete to be done, to the intent they might in this poynt follow our mind, and kepe them quiet in their houses, as they may do by the benefite of our Edict of Pacification, & there they shall be vnder our protection and safe­garde: but if they will not so retyre themselues after you haue giuen them warning, then shall you set on them with all strength and force, as­well by the prouostes of the Marishals & their Archers, as others which you can gather toge­ther by Bell ringing or otherwise, so that you bewe them all to peeces as enimyes to our Crowne. Besides, what commaundements so euer we haue sent by worde of mouth eyther to you, or others [Page CV] in our Realme, when we were in feare, vpon iuste occasion, knowing the conspiracie that the Admi­rall had begon of some mischaunce that might fall vnto vs, we haue and do reuoke, willing you and others that no such thing be executed, for such is our pleasure.

Thus signed, CHARLES, and vnder­neath, De Neuf-ville. Published in iudgement.

REMEMBRAVNCES AND IN­structions sent by the King to the Counte of Charny his general Lieutenant in Bur­gundie, of the same argument.

THe King considering the commotion lately happened in Paris, wherein the L. Admirall Chastilion with other Gentlemen of his side were slaine, bicause they had mischeuously conspired to set vpon the Kings Maiestie person, the Queene his mother the Princes his brethren, the King of Nauarre, and other Princes and Lordes neare a­bout them, and vpon his estate: and least they of the Religion called refourmed, not knowing the true causes of the sayde rebellion, should arise and put them selues in armes as they haue done in the troubles that he passed, and deuise newe practises and fetches against the weale of his Maiestie and [Page CVI] tranquillitie of his Realme, if he should not cause the truth of the matter to be knowne to all Gen­tlemen and others his subiects of the sa [...]e religion how it passed, and what his pleasure and mind is in their behalfes. And thinking that for remedie hereof it is verie needefull for the Gouernours of the Prouinces in his Realme to go rounde aboute their gouernementes: for this occasion he will [...]h that the Counte of Charnye grea [...]e E [...]q [...]ire of Fraunce, and his Maiesties Lieutenant generall for the gouernement of Burgundie, shall go dili­gently through all Cities and places of the sayde gouernement, and as he arriueth in euery pl [...]ce, he shall deuise the best wayes that he can to make peace, vnion and quietnesse amongst the Kings subiectes as well of the one Religion as of the o­ther. And to bring it the better about, he shall gently call before him in open or priuate place as he shall see best cause for his Maiesties seruice herein, the Gentlemen of the places, and the Bur­geses of the Cities of his gouernement, that be of the Religion, and shal declare vnto them, & cause them to vnderstand the truth of the sayd com­motion, least any haue misreported it to them, o­therwise than it was in deede. And shall tell them, that vnder the colour of the L. Admirals hurte, wherefore his Maiestie would haue caused iustic [...] [Page CVII] to be done according to the good order that he had appointed, the sayde Admirall and Gentlemen of his Religion which were in the Citie with him, without looking for the execution of the sayde Iustice, had made a mischeuous, vnhappie, and de­testable conspiracie against the Kings Maiesties person, the Queene his mother, the Lordes his bre­thrē, the King of Nauarre, and other Princes & Lords with them, and against the whole estate, euen as certaine of the chiefe and adherents of the sayd cospiracie (acknowledging their faul [...]) haue confessed. VVherfore his Maiestie was constray­ned (to his great griefe) to resiste and preuent so mischieuous, pernicious and abhominable a pur­pose. And that which he suffered to be done on Sunday the .xxiiij of August vpon the Admiral and his complices, was not for any Religion, nor to goe against the Edict of Pacification, he en­tending neuerthelesse that they of the Religion should still liue and abyde in all libertie and safe­tie, with their wiues, childrē and families in their houses, as be hath and will maintaine them, if they be content to liue quietly vnder his obedi­ence as he desireth. For the which cause he willeth, that the Counte Charnye shall offer and giue to them his letters of safe garde in good and authens­ [...]yke fourme, which shal be of as good force and [Page CVIII] vertue, as if they shoulde come or be taken from his owne Maiestie: and by the authoritie of them, they shall be preserued from all wrongs, violen­ces, and oppressions: enjoyning and forbidding most expressely all his catholike subiects what­so euer they are to attempt nothing, vpon the per­sons, goods, or families of anye of the Religion which kepe themselues quietly in their houses, on paine of death. And if any be so rashe, or euil ad­uised, to do against this Iniunction, or to violate the safegard promysed, his Maiestie willeth that readie and rigorous punishment be don [...], to the intent that their example may serue to holde in o­thers not to doe the like: which is the true and onely meanes of assurance that his Maiestie can giue to them of the Religion, with his word and promise which he giueth them to be their good and benigne Prince, protector and preseruer of them and of all that toucheth them, so long as they liue and continue vnder his obedience with­out doyng or enterprising any thing against his will and seruice. And bicause his Maiestie hath oftē knowē that the enterprises and cōsultations taken in hand by them of the Religion against his seruice, haue bene concluded amongs them as assem­blies at se [...]mons which Gentlemen had libertie to cause to be made in their houses and Lordships, [Page CIX] therfore my L of Charnye shal particularly giue to vnderstand to Gentlemen which were wont to haue such sermons, that his Maiestie in considera­tion that nothing hath more moued and set on the Catholikes against those of the Religion thā such preachings and assemblies, and if they conti­nue it is certaine that it wil be a cause to encrease and maintaine the sayd commotions, desireth that they should cause them to cease off vntill he hath otherwise prouided and appointed, and that they applie themselues herevnto as a thing greatly ser­uing the effect of his intention, which is gently to bring his sayd subiects to a true and perfect ami­tie, vnion and concord one with another, commit­ting all diuisions and partialities to obliuion. And bicause this may seme [...]ard at the begīning, my L. of Charnye shall cause it to be faire and gently spoken to them, least they enter into some straunge coniecture or suspition. For so his saide Maiestie would proceede in all true sinceritie to­wardes them which conforme them selues to his will and obedience, wherin he exhorteth them to liue, with all the best perswasions that he can, and shall assure them in so doyng to be surely main­tained and preseued as his other subiects the Ca­tholikes, as his Maiestie would that he shoulde doe. And to the intent his sayd subiects the Catho­likes [Page CX] should knowe howe to vse and behaue them selues herein, my L. of Charnye shall tell thē, that his Maiesties pleasure neither is nor hath bene that any wrong or oppression should be done to them of the sayde Religion; which like good and loyall subiects will gently kepe themselues vnder [...]is obedience. Declaring vnto the sayd Catholikes; that if they forget themselues and hurt those of the Religion which in such sort behaue themsel­ues toward his Maiestie, and those also which for that ende haue receiued of his Maiestie or of my L. of Charnye letters of safeconduite, he will cause them to be punished and chastised in the fielde, as trangressours of his commaundementes, without any hope of grace, pardon, or remision. VVhich the sayd L. of Charnye shall expresse and declare. vnto them, with as plaine words as is possible, and cause it also to be as straightly executed. And af­ter that following his Maiesties intent, he hath pacified them by this meanes, which is the waye that his Maiestie best liketh of; & searched the di ectiō to assure a trāquillitie betwixt the sub­i [...]ctes and to set some assuraunce betwixt the one and the other, such as shall conforme themselues herein to his sayd Maiesties will, he will comfort, and make them the beste and most gentle enter­tainement that he possibly can. But if any of the [Page CXI] Religion become selfe willed and stubborne to his Maiestie, without hauing regarde to his sayde warnings, and shall assemble in armes together, making practises and deuises against the weale of his seruice, then the L. of Charnye shall runne vpon them and hewe them in pieces before they haue power to fortifie them selues and ioyne to­gether. And therfore he shall assemble as muche force as he can, as well of the ordinarie, as of other men of warre, Souldiers, Footemen of the garri­sons, and inhabitants of the Catholikes within the Cities of his gouernement, and shall besiege them which holde and make them selues strong in Cities about of his gouernement, so that the victo­rie and authoritie may remaine in his Maiestie.

Signed, CHARLES: and vnderneath BRVLARD.

THE KINGS LETTERS TO the L. of Gwich, wherby it may plainely be perceiued, how they would search out all them of the Religion which had anye charge in hand during the troubles.

MY L of Gwiche, I vnderstand that the iij. brethren Daggonels, and one Por­ [...]er the host at the signe of the Aduenture, Mos­soner, [Page CXII] Crispine, and Captaine Grise, which were the principall of the faction in Burgundie, and were the cause of the taking and recouering of the Citie of Mascon in the late troubles, and of all the decay which happened in that countrey, be kept prisoners in Mascon. And bicause I vnderstande they hope to escape out by rāsome (which I would in no wise should be done) I ord [...]ine and commaūd that you kepe them safe, for as much as I hope by their meanes to discouer a great many things which greatly touch the weale of my seruice. And if there be any other prisoners of the new Religi­on in Mascon, which haue bene factious, you shall likewise kepe them, so that they escape not by pay­ing ransome, for I would not for any thing in the world that there should be taking of ransome a­mong my subiects. And thus my L. of Gwiche I pray God kepe you in his holy tuition.

Sig­ned, CHARLES, and vnderneath, BRV­LARD.

THE KINGS LETTERS TO Monsieur de Gordes his Lieutenaunt ge­nerall in Daulphine, wherein he sendeth him worde, that the best proofe of his do­ings is the accusations and complaintes of them of the Religion against him, wher­vnto he shoulde haue care to answere.

M. De Gordes, by your letters of the first of this moneth I perceiued the order which you appoynted in your Gouernement since the aduertisement which you had of the executi­on of the Admirall and his adherentes: and since I am sure you forgot nothing which you thought might serue for your assuraunce of those places wherof you had occasion to doubt. And to the in­tent you shoulde haue the more meanes to make your selfe knowne, I haue prepared that the soul­diers of Corsica which I had appointed to go into Prouince, should returne to you, and therevpon haue written to my Cousin the Counte of Tende, who will not faile to send them vnto you, for as much as there is no neede of them now in that coū ­trey. He should also send you word of the time of their departing, to the ende that you might haue laysure to prouide to receiue them, and ap­point their places where they should be in garri­son. [Page CXIIII] I haue seen that which you writ to me con­cerning the cōtinuall payment in Daulphine, what is due for the last yeare, whervpon I will aduise of the state of my sines the meanes that may be, and according thervnto there shalbe no fault, but they shal be prouided for. For the reparation of the Bridge of Grenoble, they of the same place must deuise the meanes wherin they should best helpe them selues therin, and when they haue ad­uertised me, I will appoint them necessarie proui­sion. Touching the souldiers appointed for the Baron of Adresse, bicause the occasion why I ap­pointed thē to be leuied now ceaseth, I haue writ­ten to him to send them backe and dismysse them againe: wherfore there is no neede to make proui­sion for their maintenance, nor likewise to tell you any thing else concerning the answeres which you haue made to the remembrances which they of the Religion haue presented against you. For your doyngs are well knowne and plaine vnto me, and thervpon I will take no better proofe than their accusation. VVherfore you shall put yourselfe to no more paine on that side. Moreouer I haue here­with sent you a copie of the declaration which I made of the Admirals death and his adherents, & made to be vnderstoode that it should be obser­ued and followed, and that all murders, sackings, [Page CXV] and violences should cease. Neuerthelesse I haue heard complaints of diuerse places that such ex­traordinary wayes continue, which is a thing, that doth much displease me. By the meanes wherof I aduise you, in doyng this charge once againe put vnto you, that you giue order throughout your gouernement to cause all hostilitie, force, and vio­lence to cease, and that the sayd declaration be straightly obserued and kept, with punishing those that withstand, so rigorously, that the de­monstration thereof may serue for an example, seyng my intent is that they should be punished as behoueth, and to marke them which wincke or dissemble therat. This present letter shall serue also for an aduise of the receipt of those letters which you wrote the .v. of this present, whereby you send me word, that you receiued no message by word of mouth from me, but onely letters of the .xxij. xxiiij. and .xxviij. of the moneth passed, whereof put your selfe to no further paine, for that charge was only for such as then were neare about me, which is all that I haue at this time to say vnto you. Praying herevpon the Creator to kepe you in his holy and worthy tuicion.

Signed CHAR­LES, and beneath FIZES. And aboue. To M. de Gordes knight.

THE KINGS LETTERS TO the Duke of Guise, his Lieutenant gene­rall in Champaigne and in Prye.

COusin, although in all my former letters I haue giuē you to vnderstand well inough how much I desire that al my subiects, as wel of the nobilitie as others which professe the new Religion, & qui­etly vse them selues in your gouernement, should by you be maintained and preserued in all suretie vnder my protection and safegard, without gi­uing them any hinderance by trouble in their per­sons, goods, and families: yet neuerthelesse I haue beene aduertised that in certaine places of my Realme there haue bene many sackings and pil­lings done by such as dwell in the houses of them of the sayd new Religion, as well in the fieldes as in the Cities, vnder colour of the cōmotion which happened in my Citie of Paris the .xxiiij. day of August last, a thing beyond all measure displea­sant and disagreable vnto me, and for the which I would haue prouision and remedie. VVherfore I pray you, Cousin, that aboue all things as you de­sire that I should knowe the good affection you beare to the good weale of my seruice, you take that matter next your hart to preserue and main­taine within your gouernment according to that [Page CXVII] which I haue so plainely told and written to you heretofore, that all suche of the newe Religion which behaue them selues quietly, take no wrong or violence, whether it be for the preseruation of of their goodes or persons, no more than to my Catholike subiectes. And where any wrong or outrage shal be offred them against my will, as I baue before declared, so doe I nowe by these pre­sentes declare, I will and intende that you shall make some euident and notorious punishment of such as are herein culpable, so that their correction may serue for an example of all other, that I may see my self throughly obeyd herein as I would be, and my commaundementes receyued amongest all my Subiects in another sorte than they haue bene heretofore. Assuring you cousin, that the beste newes that I shall receiue from you, shall bee to beare say that you chastise those well, of whome I am disobeyed. And thus Cousin, I praye God to kepe you in his holie tuition.

Signed CHARLES: And vnderneath BRVLART.

REMEMBRANCES SENT BY the King to all gouernours, and Lieute­nantes of his Prouinces, to put out and re­moue all those of the Religion from their estates and charges, although they would abiure the same, sauing such as haue but small estates and offices, to whom his Ma­iestie permitteth continuance, on conditiō that they abiure the sayd Religion accor­ding to the forme of Abiuration sent for that purpose.

THe King considering how much his officers and Magistrates of Iustice, and such as haue the administration and dealing of his Fynes and payments, which be of the newe Religion, are su­spect and hated, and put his Catholike subiects in great mistrust if they should presently exercise their offices after these freshe commotions, for cause that the sayd offices be in their handes that nowe kepe them: therfore least the people shoulde therby be brought to a newe occasion of stirre, & they of the new Religion be in daūger or bazard of their owne persons, although they woulde ab­iure their sayde newe Religion, and professe the holy faith and Catholike Religion of Rome: his Maiestie desiring to auoyde the new mischiefes [Page CXIX] and troubles which maye come, hath aduised to discharge the sayd officers from the exercise of the sayde offices, vntill he shall otherwise appoint. And yet neuerthelesse, in the meane while, if the sayde officers be obediente vnto his will, and liue quietly in their houses, withoute attemp­ting, practising or taking any thing in hande a­gainst his seruice, they shall receiue their wages, and they that will resigne their sayd offices to Ca­tholike persons, and come to his Maiestie shal be verie honorably prouided for. And as touching other small offices without wages, which cannot be troublesome, as Notaries, Sergeants, and such where the officers haue none authoritie, which cānot be so odious nor mistrustfull to the people as the other, his Maiestie is aduised, that such smal officers which will abiure the sayd newe Religi­on, and professe the faith Catholike, Apostolike, and Romishe, and therin liue continually hereaf­ter, shall continue in the exercise and enioying of their estates: but they that will continue in their newe opinion, shall depart from their offices, vn­till his Maiestie hath otherwise prouided. And this is for the great mischiefe and inconuenience that maye betyde them, if they shoulde exercise their sayd estates, bicause of the great mistrust and suspition which the Catholikes haue concei­ued [Page CXX] of them of the newe Religion. Neuerthelesse his Maiestie well considering that the moste part of the sayd officers haue none other way to liue, but the exercise of their said offices, willeth that they shall be in thoyse to resigne to Catholike and capable persons, and then to come to him for that effect, and he will graunt them the greatest fauour and moderation of his treasorie that is possible. The which resolution and pleasure of his Maiestie he willeth to be declared to the sayd of­ficers of the new pretended opinion, as well by go­uernours and Lieutenants generall of his Prouin­ces, as by them of his Courtes of Parliament, of the Chamber of his accomptes, of the Court of his aydes, them of his great Counsell, of the Treasorie of Fraunce, the Generals of his Fynes, his Baylifes. Seneshals, Prouosts, Iudges or their Lieutenants, and euery one of them as shall appertaine. And to this intent his Maiestie willeth and intendeth that euery one of them in their calling shall send particularly and apart for euery of the sayd of­ficers of the newe Religion, which be of their in­corporation, charge and Jurisdiction, and shall admonish then in this behalfe to conforme them selues to his Maiesties minde: and if any of them in authoritie, bicause of their said estates, wil returne to the bosome of the Catholike and Romish [Page CXXI] Church, it shall be sayd to them that his Maiestie liketh verie well of it, and that he taketh a great and singular affection therein, and that it shall giue him the greater assurance and credit of their good will, and that his Maiestie will not bar thē from his seruice hereafter, but will prouide for them as their behauiour shall deserue. And not­withstanding, for the reasons abouesayd, he wil­leth that they shall cease from the exercise of their estates and offices, vntil he otherwise appointeth. And bicause that in many places of the Realme they haue proceeded by way of seasing the goods of them of the newe Religion which be deade or absente, and hide themselues: and somety­mes of those which be in their owne houses, al­though his Maiestie gaue to vnderstande by his declarration of the .xxviij. of August last, that be would and intended that they of the new Reli­gion should enioy their goods, neuerthelesse, to the intent there should be no doubt of his pur­pose, and that no mistrust might arise thervpon, he declareth, willeth, and intendeth againe, that according to his declaration of the .xxviij. of Au­gust, they of the newe Religion which be lyuing, whether they be present or absent, and be not cul­pable or charged with the last conspiration, or to haue attempted against his Maiestie or his [Page CXXII] estate, since his Edict of Pacification, shalbe resto­red to their houses, and put in possession of all & singular their goode; moueable or vnmoueable. And that the wydowes and heyres of them that be deade, may and shall succede them, and appres bend all and singular their goodes, and that they shal be mainteined in them, and kepte vnder the protection and safegard of his Maiestie, so that no hurte shalbe done or sayd vnto them in any maner of wyse or sort. VVilling for this purpose that all necessarie suretie shal be giuen them, and that all officers, Magistrates, Mayors and others which haue publike charge shall maintaine them in al safetie, forbidding al persons of what estate, qualitie or condition so euer they be, not to hurt them in person or good [...]s vppon paine of deat [...]. And neuerthelesse his Maiestie willeth, that they of the newe opinion shall submit themselues, and promise vpon paine to be declared rebells and trai [...] tours to his Maiestie, that they shall hereafter liue vnder his obedience without attempting any thing to the contrarie, or taking their parts that do attempt against his Maiestie and estate, or things against his ordinances, and to acknowledge none but his Maiestie or such as he shall appoint vnder him to haue authoritie to commaund them. And if they knowe any that shall enterprise a­gainst [Page CXXIII] his Maiestie, and service, to reueale them incontinent to him and his officers, as good and faithfull subiects. And to take away all doubte and suspicion as wel from the nobilitie as others, bicause that in the declaration of the▪ xxiiij. of the last moneth, these wordes are contained ( Ex­cept they be those of the chiefe, which had commaundement for those of the newe opi­nion, or those which made practises and de­uises for them, or those which might haue had intelligence of the sayd conspiracie.) His Maiestie declareth that he meaneth not of things done and past during the troubles which were be­fore the Edict of Pacification in August. 1570. & that there shalbe no inquisitiō therof, and none shall be troubled in goods or person therfore (but for that respect they shall enioy the benefit of the Edict of Pacification) but that the sayd wordes extend onely to those which be found to be giltie or accessarie to the last conspiracie done against his Maiestie and estate, and that other which are imprisoned, shall be set at libertie. And as tou­ching them which will make profession of their faith, and returne to the Catholike Religion, his Maiestie desireth that his gouernours and offi­cers shall excyte and comforte them as muche as they can, to that effect, and executiō of that good [Page CXXIIII] will: and that their friends and kinsfolks should also be exhorted to doe the like for their parte. And if any should hurt them in goods or body, his Maiestie willeth readie and speedie execution to be done on them: And to the intent that they may followe the fourme which hath bene kept, in professing the faith which they doe make that re­turne to the Apostolike and Romishe Churche, there is sent herewith a memorie thereof.

Signed, CHARLES, and beneath PINART.

THE FOVRME OF ABIVRA­tion of heresie, & confessiō; of faith, which they which haue swarued from the faith, and pretende to be receyued into the Church, ought to make.
THIS IS THE ABIVRATION which they caused all of the Religion to make in France, to saue their liues. Printed at Paris by Nicolas Roffet, dwelling in the new streate of our Ladie, at the signe of the Mower: with the Kings Priuilege.

FIrst, they whiche haue swarued from the faith, and desire to returne into the com­passe [Page CXXV] of our holy mother Church, ought to present themselues to their Curates or vicars to be instructed of that which they ought to doe: that done, they shal be sent vnto the re­uerend▪ Byshop of the dioces or his Chaun­cellour or officiall, to make the sayd Abiurati­on and confession in maner and forme fol­lowing.

IN. borne at. &c. in the dioces of. &c. and dwelling. &c. acknowledging by the grace of God the true faith Catholike and Apostolike from the which I haue through my fault gone astray and separated my selfe since. &c. and desirous to returne to the flocke of Christes true shepefold, which is the Catholike, Apo­stolike, and Romish Church, confesse to haue Abiured and cursed all the errours and here­sie of the Lutherians, Caluinistes, and Hugo­notes, and all other heresie whatsoeuer wher­with I haue heretofore beene diffamed or touched: and I agree to the fayth of our holy mother the Churche, and desire you in the name of God, of his sonne Iesus Church, and of the glorious Virgin his mother Marie, and of all the Sainctes of Paradice, that it woulde please you to receiue me into the flocke and shepefolde of Gods people, which liue vnder [Page CXXVI] the obedience of the Pope ordained our Sa­uiour Iesus Christs vicar in the sayd Church, submitting my selfe paciently to abyde and willingly to doe the pennance which it shall please you to enioyne me for the absolution of my faults committed, whilest I was in the foresayd sectes, whereof I aske and require pardon of God, and of his sayd Churche, and of you (that be appoynted my pastor by God the Creator) absolution, with such penance as you shall iudge to be holsome for the satisfac­tion of my sinnes and offences. And to the intent you shoulde knowe that I haue and doe make this Abiuration from my heart, I confesse moreouer before God and you, that I beleeue that which is contayned in the Sim­bole or Creede of the Apostles, and Athana­sius, and other confessions of faith made and approued by the whole Councels of the Ca­tholike, Apostolike, and Romish Church: that is: I beleeue in one onely God, the father al­mightie, Creator of Heauen and Earth, and of all things visible and inuisible, and in one L. our Lord Iesus Christ, the onely sonne engen­dred by God the father before the constitu­cion of the worlde, God of God, Light of Light, true God of true God, engendred not [Page CXXVII] Created, Consubstantiall with the Father by whom all things were made, who for vs mē, and for our saluation, descended from hea­uen. &c. as in the beliefe of Morning prayer. I beleeue likewise, acknowledge and confesse all that which is contayned in the bookes as well of the olde as of the newe testament, approued by the sayde holie and Apostolike church of Rome, according to the sense & in­terpretation of the holy Doctours receiued by the same, reiecting all other interpretation as false and erroneous. I acknowledge the se­uen Sacramentes of the sayde Catholike, A­postolike and Romishe Churche, that they were instituted by our L. Iesus Christ, and that they be necessarie for the saluation of mankind, although that all of them are not of necessitie to be conferred to all, that is to say. I confesse that the sayd seuen Sacramen­tes are these, Baptisme, Confirmation, Eucharist which is the Sacrament of the altar, Penance, extreme vnction, Order, and Mariage, and that the sayd Sacraments confer grace, & that of them, Baptisme, Confirmatiō, & Order, can not be reiterated without sacrilege. That the sayd Sacraments haue the effect whiche the sayd Church teacheth, and that the forme & [Page CXXVIII] vsage wherwith they be ministred to Christi­ans, is holie and necessarie. I acknowledge al­so that the holy Masse is a sacrifice and obla­tion of the verie bodie and bloud of our sa­uiour Iesus Christ vnder the forme of bread and wyne mingled with water, whiche sub­staunces of bread and wyne vnder the sayde formes (are in the Masse by the words which serue for consecration, sayd and pronounced by the Priest) transubstanciated and trans for­med into the substance of the sayd body and blood of Iesus Christ. Notwithstanding, that the qualities and accidentes remayne in the sayd formes after the sayd consecration, and that the Masse is holesome and profitable as well for the quicke as the deade. I acknow­ledge and confesse the cōcomitance, that is to say, that in receiuing the body of Iesus christ vnder the forme of bread alone, I likewise re­ceiue the blood of Iesus Christ. I confesse that Prayer and intercession of Sainctes for the quicke and the dead is holie, good and helth­full for Christians, and is not contrary (for any respect) to the glory of God. That pray­ers made in the Churche for the faithfull which are dead, do profit them for the remis­sion of their sinnes, and lessening of their [Page CXXIX] paines incurred for the same. That there is a Purgatorie where the soules abyding are suc­coured by the prayers of the faythfull. I con­fesse that we muste honor and call vpon the sainctes which raigne with Iesus Christ, and that they make intercession for vs to God, & that their Reliques are to be worshipped. That the commaundements and traditions of the Catholike, Apostolike, and Romishe Church as well they which pertaine to the forme and ceremonies of diuine seruice, and to assist the same, which I thinke be to drawe Christian people to pitie and turning to their God; as fasting, absteyning from meates, obseruation of holy dayes, and ecclesiasticall pollicie, ac­cording to the tradition of the Apostles and holy Fathers continued since the primitiue Church till this time, and afterwards brought into the Church by the ordinances of Coun­sels receiued in the same of long and auncient time, or of late, be good and holy, to the whi­che I will and ought to obey as prescribed & appointed by the holy ghost, the author and director of that which serueth for the keping of Christian Religion, and of the Catholike, Apostolike, and Romaine Church. I beleeue also and accepte all the articles of originall [Page CXXX] sinne, and of Iustification. I affirme assuredly that we ought to haue and kepe the Images of Iesus Christ, of his holy mother, and all o­ther saincts, and doe honor and reuerence vn­to them. I confesse the power of indulgence and pardons to be left in the Church by Iesus Christ, and the vse of thē to be verie health­full, as also I acknowledge and confesse the Church of Rome to be the mother and chief of all Churches, and conducted by the holy ghost: and that other pretended particular in­spirations against the same, come of the sug­gestion of the Deuill, the Prince of dissenti­on, which woulde separate the vnion of the mysticall body of the sauiour of the worlde. Finally, I promise straightly to keepe all that was ordayned at the last generall councell of Trent, and promise to God and you, neuer more to depart from the Catholike, Aposto­like, and Romaine Church: and if I do (which God forbid) I submit my selfe to the penal­ties of the canons of the sayd Church, made, ordeyned, and appointed against them which fall backe into Apostasie. The which Abiura­tion and Confession I haue subscribed.

THE KINGES LETTER TO M. de Guyse and other Lieutenantes and Gouernors of his Prouinces, by the which he wholly abolisheth and subuerteth al the Edictes of Pacification, and willeth that onely the Romishe Religion shoulde take place in his Realme.

THe King knowing that the declaration which he made vpon the occasions which lately chaū ­ced in the Citie of Paris, the remebrances and in­structiōs of his will which be sent round about to all Gouernours of his Prouinces, and Lieute­nants generall therin, and particular letters to the Seneshals, and his Courts of Parliament, and o­ther officers and Ministers of Iustice, can not his therto staye the course of murders and robberies done in the most part of the cities of this Realme, to his Maiesties great displeasure: hath aduised for a more singular remedie, to send all the sayde Gouernours into euery of their charges and go­uernements, assuring him selfe, that according to the qualitie and power which they haue of his Maiestie, they can well followe and obserue his intent, the which more fully to declare, his Ma­iestie hath caused his letters patentes to be dis­patched, which shal be deliuered them. Besides the [Page CXXXII] contentes wherof M. de Guise the gouernour, & Lieutenant generall for his Maiestie in Cham­paigne and Brye, shall call before him the gentles men of the newe Religion abyding within his go­uernement, and shall tell them that the Kings wil and intent is to preserue them, their wyues, chil­dren and families, and to mayntaine them in pos­session of their goods, so that on their parte they liue quietly, and render to his Maiestie obedience and fidelitie as they ought: in which doyng the King also will defende them, that they shall not be molested or troubled by waye of Iustice or o­therwise in their persons and goods, by reason of things done during the troubles, and before the Edict of Pacification of August▪ 1570. And af­terwardes be shall louingly admonishe them to continue no longer in the Error of the newe opi­nions, and to returne to the Catholike Religion, reconciling themselues to the Catholike Romishe Church, vnder the doctrine and obedience wherof, Kings his predecessors and their subiects have al­wayes holily lyued, and this Realme hath ben cares fully conducted and maintained: Shewing to thē the mischiefes and calamities which haue happe­ned in this Realme, since these newe opinions haue entred into mens spirites: Howe manye murders haue bene caused by such which haue fallen from [Page CXXXIII] the right waye holden by their Auncestors. First they made them separate them selues from the Churche, then from their nexte of kinred, and al­so to be estranged from the seruice of their king, as a man may see since his raigne. And althoughe the authors and heades of that side, would haue couered their doyngs vnder the title of Religion and conscience: yet their deedes and workes haue shewen well inough that the name of Religion was but a visarde to couer their driftes and dis­obedience, and vnder that pretence to assemble and subborne people, and to make and compel them to sweare in the cause vnder the title of disobedi­ence, and by suche wayes to turne them from the naturall affection which they owe to the King, and consequently from his obedience, being noto­rious that what commaundement so euer the King could make to them of the newe Religion, they haue not since his raigne obeyed him other­wise than pleased their heads. And contrariwise, when their sayd heads commaunded them to arise and take to their weapons, to set vpon Cities, to burne Churches, to sacke and pill, to trouble the Realme and fill it with bloud and fire, they which went so astray to follow them, forgot all trust and duetie of good subiects, to execute and obey their commaūdements, VVhich things if the gen­tlemen [Page CXXXIIII] will well consider, they shall easely Iudge how vnhappie and miserable their condition shal­be, if they continue longer therein. For they may well thinke of them selues, that the king being taught by experience of so great a daunger, from the which it hath pleased God to preserue him and his estate, and hauing proued the mischiefes and calamities which this Realme hath suffred by the enterprises of the heads of this cause, their ad­herentes and complices, that he will neuer willing­ly be serued with any gentleman of his subiects that be of any other Religion than the Catholike, in the whiche also the king, following his prede­cessors, will liue and die. He willeth also to take away all mistrust amongst his subiects, and to quench the rising of discordes and seditions, that all they of whom he is serued in honorable places, and specially the gentlemen which desire to be ac­compted his good and lawfull subiects, and would obtaine his fauour, and be employed in charges of his seruice, according to their degrees and quali­ties, do make profession hereafter to liue in the same Religion that he doth: hauing tryed that discords and ciuill warres will not cease in a state where there be many Religions, and that it is not possible for a King to maintaine in his Realme diuersities in Religion, but that he shall leese the [Page CXXXV] good will and beneuolence of his subiectes, yea and they which are of a contrarie Religion to his, desire nothing in their hart more than the change of the King and of his estate. For the reason a­bouesayde, the Duke of Guise, to bring the matter to this passe, shall take paines to persuade the no­bilitie and others infected with the sayde new o­pinion, to returne of them selues, and of their owne frewill to the Catholike Religion, and to ab­iure and renounce the new without any more ex­presse commaundement from the King. For how so euer it be, his maiestie is resolued to make his subiects liue in his Religion, and neuer to suffer what so euer may betyde, that there shall be any other forme or exercise of Religion in his Realme than the Catholike. The sayd Duke of Guise shall communicate with the Principall officers and Magistrates, hauing the Principall charge and administration of Iustice in Cities of his gouern­ment, his Maiesties declaration, to the intent they should know his minde, and the good end where­vnto he tendeth for the vniting and quietnesse of his subiects, to the intent the sayd M. de Guise & the sayd officers and Magistrates, should with one concorde, intelligence and correspondence pro­ceede to the effect aboue sayde, so that fruit and quietnesse may thereof ensue, such as his Maiestie [Page CXXXVI] desireth, not onely for himselfe, but for the whole Realme. The Baylifes and stuardes which are not in Religion accordingly qualified, shall within one moneth resigne their offices to gentlemen ca­pable, and of the qualitie required by the Edict, which may keepe and exercise the same. And to the intent this should be done, his Maiestie doth nowe presently declare them depriued after the sayd moneth, if they do not then resigne, that they shall haue no occasion or colour of excuse to delay their resignations, and yet permitteth them in the meane while to resigne without any syne paying. All Baylifes and stuardes shal be resident at their offices vpon paine of losse of the same, & if they can not so be, thē they shall be boūd to resigne. All Archbyshops and Bishops shall likewise be resi­dent in their dioces, and such as for age and other disposition of person can not preach the word of God, nor edifie the people, and do other functions appertaining to their charge and dignitie, shall be bounde to take a conductor to comfort them, and to employ them selues to the duetie of their charge. To the which conductour they shall ap­point an honest and reasonable pension according to the fruites and reuenue of their liuing. Also persons and vicars shall be resident at their bene­fices, or else shall be admonished to resigne them▪ [Page CXXXVII] to suche as will be resident, and doe their duetie. Archbyshops and Byshops shall take informati­on of them which holde abbeyes, Prioryes, and o­ther benefices in their dioces, of what qualitie so euer they are, and how they do their duetie in the administration of them, wherevpon they shall make processe by worde vnto the Gouernours, which shall sende them to the King to prouide therin as reason shall moue him. They shall com­pell the Curates actually to abide at the places of their benefices, or else shall appoint other in their steades according to the disposition of the Can­nons.

Signed, CHARLES.

LETTERS OF M. DE GORDS the Kings Lieutenaunt in Daulphine, to certaine of the Religion in his gouerne­ment, wherby the exhorteth them to come backe againe to the Religion of Rome, & how the King is determined to suffer none other.

SIr I am sufficiently aduertised of you behauior, but you should remember what aduertisements I haue before sent you to returne to the Catho­like Religion of your selfe, which is the best hold [Page CXXXVIII] and stay that you can chose for your preseruation and health, putting from you all those which per­suade you to the contrary, who would abyde to see any commotion or disorder rather than abate any poynt of their opinion. And by this meanes you shall make euident to the King, the wil which you say you haue to obey his Maiestie, counsai­ling you for as much as I desire your well doing, that this is the best for you to do, without loking for any more open commaundement: otherwise as­sure your selfe, there can but euill come of it, and that his Maiestie would be obeyed. And thus I pray God to aduise you and giue you his holye grace.

Your entire good friend, GORDES.

THE ANSVVERE OF THE Gentlemen, Capitaines, Bugeses, and o­ther being in the towne of Rochell, to the commaundementes that haue bene giuen them in the name of the King, to receiue garrisons.

WE the Gentlemen, Capitaines, Bugeses, and o­ther nowe being in this towne of Rochell, doe giue answere to you Mounsier N. and to suche commaundementes as you giue vs in the name of [Page CXXXIX] his Maiestie, that we can not acknowledge that that which is signified vnto vs, and the Proclama­tion which you require that we should cause to be published, dò proceede from his Maiestie. And thereof we call to witnesse his Maiestie himselfe, his letters of the .xxij. and .xxiiij. of August, his owne signet, and the publishing of the same let­ters, by the which his sayd Maiestie layeth all the fault of all the trouble lately happened, and of the cruell slaughter done at Paris, vpon those of the house of Guise, protesting that he had enough to doe to keepe himselfe safe within his Castell of Louure with those of his Garde. And we shall neuer suffer our selues to be persuaded that so foule an enterprise and so barbarous a slaughter hath at any time entred into the mind of his Ma­iestie, much lesse that the same hath bene done by his expresse commaundement, as the paper impor­teth which you haue exhibited vnto vs, nor that his Maiestie hath bene so ill aduised, as himself to cut of his owne armes, or to defile the sacred wed­ding of Madome his owne sister with the sheding of so much noble and innocent bloud, and with the shame of so cruell a fact to disteine the nation of Fraunce and the bloud royall which hath hereto­fore euer among all nations borne the name of franke and courteous: nor that he hath had minde [Page CXl] to deliuer matter to writers to set forth a tragicall historie, such as antiquitie hath neuer berd speake of the like, and such as posteritie can not reporte without horror. But that it was first layd at Rome, and afterward hatched at Paris, by the authors of all the troubles of Fraunce. And howsoeuer it be, we are readie to maintaine that out of the mouth of his Maiestie doth not pro­cede hote & cold, white and black, & that he doth not nowe say one thing and by and by an other, as he should do if the paper that you present vnto vs had passed from him, protesting that he will inuiolably keepe his Edict, and immediatly brea­king the same in declaring that he commaunded those murders to be committed, hauing also made protestation before, that it is to his great griefe, and done by the outrage and violence of those of Guise against whom he was not able to make spee­die resistance in time as his Maiestie desired. And in this quarell, we the Gentlemen, Capitaines, and other that make you this answere, are readie to trie it by combat man to man, or otherwyse, to maintaine the honour of our King against all those that so prophane holy things, and as much as in them lyeth do by such wordes and titles vi­lainously defile the excellence of his Maiestie and of the noble Princes of his bloude. VVhich wee [Page CXLI] maye righte well coniecture and estimate, by the slaughters that are yet in doing, as well in the towne of Paris as else where, vpon so many no­blemen, gentlemen and other, men, women and children, and vpon a great number of yong schol­lars (the maintenance vnder God, of Realmes and common weales in time to come) and by many o­ther barbarous, vnnaturall and vnmanly actes ge­nerally committed. VVe thinke therfore & iudge that herein treason is enterprised against the per­son of his Maiestie and of my lords his brethren, & that the Guisians meane to inuade the Crowne of the Realme as they haue of long time practi­sed, and how so euer it be, we say that his Maie­stie is forced by the power that they haue taken vpon them and vsurped by meane of the rebelli­ous stirre of the commons of Paris. As for that which they saye that the Admirall and those of the Religion had conspired against the Kings Maiestie and his brethren, these be allegations of as great truth and of as good likehoode, as their maner of proceeding in iustice hath hene orderly, beginning at executiō before examination of the fact. But it is now no neede to tarrie for time to discouer it, for the matter is plain to be seen with eye and groped with hand, and all those of the Ro­mishe Religion that haue remaining any droppe [Page CXLII] of nature of man, doe confesse it and hold downe their heads for shame, cursing both with hart & mouth the cruell executers of this abhominable enterprise, and the wicked disturbers of common quiet, which can yet no more suffer, than they he­therto haue done, that this poore Realme shoulde long enioye the benefite of that peace, which the King alone next vnder God, had wisely caused to be made and to be accordingly obserued, whereof this Realme began to feele the good taste, to the great contentment of all persons, except the eni­mies of peace and of this Realme, namely the Gui­sians. Finally, when his Maiestie being oute of their handes and power shall declare what is his pleasure, we will endeuour vs to obey him in all things, wherin our consciences, which are dedicate to God alone, shall not be wounded, in which case we will rather forsake the earth than heauen, and our fraile and transitorie houses rather than the heauenly mansons. But hetherto, the lawe of na­ture, and the duetie that we owe to our naturall Prince, to the preseruation of his Crowne, and to the safetie of our lyues, oure wiues and children, doth commaund vs to stand vpon our garde, and not to put vs in the mercie of those that haue re­ceiued the same bloody commission from the Gui­sians vnder the pretended name of the King, to [Page CXLIII] vse vs in the same manner as they haue wickedly, traitorously and vnnaturally done to those about his Maiestie, and as it were vnder his wings and vnder the skirtes of his robe, which the traitors strāgers haue stained with the true French blood, without that his Maiestie hath bene able to re­medie it, nor to staye their cursed attemptes: so much lesse is he able now so farre off to defend vs as he would, which his Maiesties good wil be­ing knowne vnto vs, doth arme vs for our defenc [...], and for the safegarde of our liues, and of the priuileges which he hath giuen vs, vntill such time as he shal be able by himself to defende vs against his enimies and ours.

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