The first Booke.

HERODIAN HIS IMPERIALL HISTORIE. The second Booke.

COMMODVS being In the Night. slain as hath beene related in the former booke) the Conspirators (carefull to con­ceale the Fact from the Souldi­ers which watched the Empe­rours [Page 80] Pallace) caused his Corps to be wrapped and wound up in a course Coverlet, and gave or­der to two of their trustiest Ser­vants to carry it forth, as some voyd stuffe sent out of the Bed­chamber. They which convey­ed it away, passed easily thorow the Guards, which were either so drunke or drowsie, that they could scarce hold their Halberts; or else gave small heed to that, which (they thought) little con­cerned them. Thus was the Em­perours Corps closely car [...]yed out of the Court Gates, and sent (by Coach) that night to Ari­sl [...]um.

Laetus, Electus, and Marcia, ha­ving debated what was best to be done, resolved to give out, that he dyed suddenly of an Apople­xie; which they thought would easily bee credited, his excessive [Page 81] Epicurisme and Intemperance being so vulgarly knowne. But their first care was, to elect for Emperor some ancient and tem­perate man, both for their owne safety, and that all might have a breathing time, after so bitter and wanton a Tyrannie.

After consultation, they held Pertinax his descrip­tion. none so fit as Pertinax, who was an Italian borne, famous for ma­ny noble acts in Peace and Warre, and renowned for ma­ny victories over the German and Easterne Barbarians; and the onely able man that was left of all those honourable persons which Commodus was recommended to by his Father Marcus, who reposed greatest confidence in him, above all his Nob [...]es and Commanders; whom Commodus either revered for his Gravitie, or spared for [Page 82] his Poverty: for that also was part of his praise, that whereas hee tooke greatest paines in go­verning the State, yet hee was the poorest of all the Nobility. To him therefore at midnight, when all were asleepe, Laetus and Electus, with a [...]ew others of that faction, addresse them­selves; who finding the Gates shut, call up the Porter, who opening the Gate, and percei­ving the Souldiers, and Laetus the Generall, ran in great af­fright and amazement to tell his Master, Pertinax bids him bring them to him, saying, that now that mischiefe would be­tide him, which hee had long expected. They say, that such [...] was his undaunted spirit, that he neither forsooke his bed, nor changed his countenance, but with a bold courage, and unap­palled [Page 83] visage, spake thus to Lae­tus and Electus (whom he sup­posed to bee sent to murther him:) ‘This indeed is the end that every night I have a long while expected, being the last of all his Fathers friends; and I have oft wondered that Commodus was so slow to dispatch me. Why then for­beare yee? Doe as you are com­manded, that I may bee rid from continuall feare and anxietie.’ Lae­tus replyed: ‘Speake no further of these things, which are so farre be­neath your merit: Our comming is not for your destruction, but for the safetie of our selves and the Ro­man Empire▪ For the Tyrant is dead, and hath his due reward, ha­ving suffered that which hee inten­ded to inflict on us. Our comming therefore is to invest you in the Em­pire, His wor­thy [...] whom of all the Nobilitie wee know to be, for Vertue, Authority, [Page 84] Age, and Gravity, most loved and honoured by the people; not doubt­ing, but this our choyse w [...]ll be ac­ceptable to them, and most safe for us.’ Pertinax answered; ‘I am too old to bee deluded in this sort. Why doe you offer to abuse mee as a Coward, and so to slay me?’ Then said Electus; ‘Since you will not credit us, reade this Booke (you know Commod [...]s his hand, ha­ving beene so long used to it) and then you shall perceive what danger wee have escaped, and that we speake not this to try you, but truely to in­forme you.’ Which when Per­tinax had done, knowing them also to bee his ancient friends, and understanding all the busi­nes, hee yeelded himselfe to their dispose. First then it was thought fit to send to the Army, to know how the Souldiers would take it: but Laetus under­tooke [Page 85] to get their goodwill, be­ing their Generall, and there­fore of some authority with them. Wherefore the night be­ing farre spent, and the next day the Feast of the New-yeare, they hastned to doe all before it were day. They sent also some of their trustiest servants, to disperse the newes of Com­modus death, and Pertinax his going to the Army to bee made Emperour. Which when it was divulged in the Citie, all the people in an extasie of Ioy, ran through the streets to bring the happy tydings to their friends that were of any note Who in greatest danger of Tyrants. for wealth or worth; (for such were in greatest danger of Com­modus.) Wherefore they ran to the Temples and Altars to give thankes to the Gods (for their deliverance.) And now some [Page 86] cried out, the Tyrant was dead; some, the Fencer; others, worse than all this: For that which before they durst not mutter for feare, they now pro­claimed with impunity. But the most part of the people po­sted to the Army, being much afraid, lest the ruder Souldiers accustomed (under the former Tyrannie) to ravine and spoile, would not admit for Emperour, so mild a Prince as Pertinax: which to the end to perswade them to, the more forcibly, they went thither in great numbers. Laetus, Electus, and Pertinax (with the multitude) being en­tred the Campe, and the Soul­diers called together, Laetus spake thus.

Laetus having thus sayd, while the Souldiers pawsed, and were demurring on the businesse; all the people with joyfull Accla­mations, proclaymed Pertinax Emperor and Father of their Coun­trey. So also did the Souldiers, though not with the same Ala­crity: for the Multitude being every where mixt among them who were unarmed because it was Holi-day, did after a sort constraine them to it, being but [Page 89] few (in comparison of them.) All therfore having sworn Feal­ty to him, and beene present at the Sacrifice, the Souldiers and Commons with Lawrell bran­ches in their hands, conduct him ere it was Day-light, to the Im­periall Pallace: whither being come, he was exceeding pensive. For though hee wanted neither spirit nor resolution, yet did the present action much distract and dismay him; not that he doub­ted so much his owne safety (for he had despised greater perills) but considering with himselfe the sudden Change of the Ty­rannicall Government, and the Noble descent of some chiefe Senatours; hee supposed they would not suffer the Empire to be invested in a man of a meane and obscure Familie, after an Emperour of so Princely a Li­nage. [Page 90] For though his Life was much commended for his tem­perate carriage, and for deeds of Armes hee were most famous; yet was hee farre exceeded in birth by many of the Senatori­an Order. Wherefore as soone as it was Day-light, hee went to the Senat-house, not suffering Fire to bee carryed before him, nor admitting any other Symbol of Soveraignty, till he knew the pleasure of the Senatours: but they, when they saw him, did with one accord joyfully re­ceive him, stiling him Augustus and Emperor. Which high and envious Title (as he termed it) he disavowed at first, excusing himselfe, by reason of his Age, and desiring them to passe by him, and elect some of the prime Nobility, which might bet­ter beseeme the Empire. Then [Page 91] taking Glabrio by the hand, and Glabrio a noble Ro­man. pulling him forth, he placed him in the Imperiall Throne; Hee was the most Nobly descended of all the Peeres, and derived his Pedigree from Aeneas, sonne to Venus and Anchises, and had beene twice Consul. Notwith­standing he spake thus; I whom you judge most worthy, doe here ren­der you this Princely honour; yea, all this noble Assembly adjudges you the Soveraigne Rule. Whereupon Pertinax confirmed by the Se­nate. being irrresistably importun'd, and almost compelled by the Se­nate; after much reluctation, he seated himselfe in the Chaire of Estate, and spake as followeth.

Pertinax having with this speech exceedingly cheered the Senatours, was with generall ac­clamations, and great honour and reverence, conducted to the [Page 95] Temple of Iove and the other Gods, where having sacrificed for his good successe in the Em­pire, hee went to the Imperiall Pallace.

When it was voyced, how graciously he had spoken to the Senate and written to the Com­mons, all men were infinitely pleased; hoping that now they should have a worthy and tem­perate Pertinax his rare go­vernment. Governour, and a Father rather than an Emperour. For hee made an Edict, that the souldiers should no more wrong the Commoners, nor abuse any Passingers; intending to plant every where good order and ci­vility. When hee went abroad, or sate in Iudicature, hee shew­ed what a me [...]ke and sweet spi­rit hee had. And by his zea­lous imitation of Marcus his Government, he did exceeding­ly [Page 96] content the elder sort, and at­tract the Affections of all, who being delivered from the cruell Thraldome of Tyranny, lived now in great peace and security.

The fame of his Princely ver­tues, moved the Nations, Ar­mies, and Confederate [...] of the Romane Empire to Deifi [...] him. Yea, the Barbarians which had revolted, o [...] purposed to rebell, over-awed with the Remem­brance of his Militar Vertue in former times; and calling to minde his singular Integri [...]y, Iu­stice, and Clemencie, did wil­lingly sub [...]it themselves unto Embassa­dours. him. Embassadours also came from all pa [...]ts, to congratulate the Romans, for so Nobly qua­lifyed an Emperour.

But that, which was such a generall Rejoicement, was much The Pret [...] ­ri [...]ns Ma­ligne him. resented by the souldiers in Rome [Page 97] which were the ordinary Guard of the Emperor. For being for­bidden rapine & outrage, and re­called to a civil & regular forme of life by the Emperours Edict, they reputed his mild & mode­rate government to tend to their great Dishonour and Disparage­ment: and because it bridled their licentiousnesse, they resolved not to indure it. For a while, they did but grudge and grumble at his Commands; but at last, when he had not yet raigned two months (having given pregnant hopes, in that shorttime, of many excel­lent good acts) the malignity of Fortune overthrew all, and quite dasht his noble & admirable de­signes for advancement of the Weale publike. For be first e­nacted that all the wast Ground Pe [...]tinax a Father to the Co [...] ­mo [...]s. in Italy, and other Countries (though of the Princes demes [...]e) [Page 98] should be planted and improved and freely given to them that would cultivate and manure it: to which purpose, hee granted to Husbandmen, ten yeares im­munitie from all Taxes, and se­curity from all further Trouble during his Raigne. As for the peculiar Goods of the Empe­rors, he permitted not his name to be stamped on them; saying, that the Propriety thereof per­tayned not to the Emperour, but to the Romane State in generall. Hee released all Tolls and Im­posts exacted in the time of Ty­ranny, at the Bankes of Rivers, Ports of Cities, High-wayes, and Rodes; asserting them to their ancient Freedome. Many the like good Deeds hee inten­ded; which shewed his firme Resolution to benefit his Sub­ject [...]. Informers p [...]isht. He banisht Informers out [Page 99] of the City, and commanded them to bee punisht where ever they were found, to the end none might be indangered or ruinated by their forged Criminations. Heereupon the Nobility and Cōmunaltie promised to them­selves an assured happy Estate. For hee was so moderate and [...] fellow-like, that he would not admit his sonne, a young Youth, into the Court, but caused him to live a privat life. He frequen­ted Pertinax love to learning. the publicke Schooles and Lectures, repayring also to the usuall Places of Exercise, where hee demeaned himselfe as an or­dinary man, without any Prince­ly pompe or State.

Pertinax thus ruling with singular good order and decen­cie, the Praetorian Souldiers (not enduring to be restrayned any longer from their accusto­med [Page 100] rapines and outrages) con­sulted and agreed (at a drunken Feast) to make him away (who was so great a grievance to them) and to substitute another that would impatronize their lawlesse and licentious misde­meanours. Whereupon, on a sudden, no man suspecting any tumult (for all lived in peace) in a great fury and Brutish rage they hurry at Noone-day (in a The Prae­torians mu­tine. Military March) with drawne Swords, and Pikes advanced, to the Emperours Palace: where the Courtiers and Officers of State, affrighted with that sud­den and unexpected Alarme, and not able (being few and un­armed) to resist so many men at Armes, forsooke their severall charges within the Verge of the Court, and fled. Howbeit, some few that were well affe­cted [Page 101] told Pertinax of the Soul­diers Mutiny; perswading him to avoid them by flight, and to desire the peoples aid. But al­beit hee knew it were a safe course to follow their counsell, yet holding it an extreme Inde­ [...]o [...]um, der [...]gatory to Imperiall Majesty, and unworthy his for­mer glory, to fly, or conceale himselfe; hee resolved to af­front the danger, hoping hee should perswade them, and ap­pease their causelesse Commo­tion. Going therefore out of his Chamber, he met them, and askt the reason of that sudden Impression; disswading them, without any shew of amaze­ment: For, composing him­selfe in a grave and venerable fashion, suitable to his Princely [...]. State, without any signe of sub­mission, feare, or intrea [...]y, hee spake thus.

With this speech divers of The like effect of M [...]jesty in Q [...] ­as, see in lo [...]t [...] lib. 14. them were perswaded, and ma­ny retreated, being daunted with the Reverend Majestie of their Prince: but others flew upon him and slew the old Em­perour He is mur­thered. while hee yet spake, which exec [...] act as soone as they had done, purposing to decline the f [...]y of the multi­tude, who (th [...]y knew) would take it most grievously, they ran to their Campe; where immuring themselves, they placed Armed men on the Bat­tlements, to keepe the people from the Wals. This end had that renowned Pertinax.

When this Massacre of the Prince was divulged, all places [Page 104] were full of uproars, and dole­full Outcries; the people ran up and downe like Frantickes, And ex­treamely lamented. in a great hurly burly; search­ing for the Actors, and not wot­ting where to find them, or how to bee revenged on them: but especially the Lords and Se­nators tooke it most to heart, as a common calamity, wanting now their indulgent Father, and most gracious Governour: all men fearing a relapse into Ty­rannie; which they knew, the Souldiers so much delighted in. After a day or two, the people were calmed with their owne feares, and the chiefe Nobles and Magistrates retired to their remotest countrey houses, a­voiding the danger that might ensue, by being present at the el [...]ction of the next Successor.

The Souldiers perceiving that [Page 105] the people were quiet, and that none durst undertake to revenge the Princes death; kept them­selves close within the Campe, appointing those that could speake lowdest, to proclaime from the top of the Wall, that the Empire was to be sold, and hee The Em­pire se [...] to sale. that would give most Silver for it, should bee invested in it, by force of Armes; and safely conducted to the Imperiall Palace. When they had made this Out-cry, none of the worthier or nobler sort of the Lords or Senators, nor yet any of those wealthie Citizens, which were the small remaines of Commodus Tyran­nie, would goe to the wall, to traffique with them, as scor­ning the Empire [OF THE The brave­rie of the Roma [...]s spirit WORLD] on such base and dishonourable termes.

But when In [...]ian, a man of [Page 106] Consular dignity, who was re­puted a great monied man (but of little honesty) had notice late in the Evening, being at supper (in the midst of his cups and jollity) of the Souldiers Proclamation, hee was perswa­ded by his wife and daughter, and a number of Parasites, to rise from his [...] (for the Romans sate not at Tables.) Pallet, and hie him to the Wall, to see what was done. All the way as hee went, they counselled him to lay hold on the Empire, now it was profered; for having store of coine, hee might easily out­vie all, in magnificent Dona­tives, if there should bee any competition. As soone there­fore as hee got to the Campe­wall, hee shouted to them, pro­mising to give whatsoever they desired: for hee said, hee had a mighty Masse of money, and [Page 107] Treasuries full of gold and sil­ver.

At that same instant, Sulpi­tian Iulian and Sulpitian offer for [...]. Provost of the Citie, who had also beene Consull, and was Pertinaxes Father in law, came thither with an intent to buy the Empire. But the Soul­diers were jealous of him, be­cause of his alliance to Bertinax, mistrusting, hee went about to entrap them, and to revenge his death. Wherefore rejecting him, they put downe a Ladder, and t [...]ok [...] up Iulian to the top of the Wall, yet admitted him not into the Campe, till the summe hee should give were a­greed upon. Being entred the Campe, hee promised to renue the memory, and restore the honours and Statuaes of Com­modus▪ which the S [...]nate had ab­rogat [...]d; to afford them as [Page 108] much liberty, as ever they had under him; and to give to eve­ry Souldier, more silver then they demanded or expected, and that without delay, in re­gard he had it ready at home.

The Souldiers allured with I [...]lian ele­cted. such faire Hopes, proclaymed Iulian Emperour, sirnaming him Commodus. Then slourishing their Ensignes (which they had garnisht with his pictures) they resolved to bring him into the Citie. Iulian having sacrificed in the Campe (as new Emperors were wont) issued forth with a stronger Guard than formerly had beene accustomed. For ha­ving forcibly seiz'd the Sove­raignety against the Peoples minde, by foule and shamefull meanes, hee might justly feare a Commotion. But the Souldi­ers arming themselves com­pleatly. [Page 109] put themselves in Batta­lia, that if need were, they might be ready to fight; placing their Emperour in the midst, and co­vering their heads In forme of a Testu­do. Vid. Lips. de Milit. Rom. with their Pikes and Targets, to prevent the Peoples throwing stones up on them from the House-tops (as they marched.) Thus they conducted him to the Palace, none of the Commons daring to resist, nor congratulating him (as was usuall at the Election of Emperors.) But on the contra­ry, they stood a farre off, cur­sing and banning him for pur­chasing The Com­mons curse him. the Empire with mony.

Here first of all, did the Soul­diers fall into extremity of De­bauchednesse, and by their rave­nous and insatiable Desire of Money, the Imperiall Majesty was blasted with Contumelie. For there being none to vindi­cate [Page 110] the cruell massacre of the former Prince, nor to withstand the base Brocage of the present Vsurper; it was the chiefe cause of many Insolencies and Mu­tinies which afterwards happe­ned: their Greedinesse of Mo­ney, and Contempt of Sove­raignty, still inducing Murther and Bloud shed.

Iulian having thus ravisht the Empire, plunged himselfe pre­sently into all Riot and Disor­der, little regarding State busi­nesse; being wholly devoted to an Vnprincely and voluptuary life. And now it was discove­red, that hee had cogged, [...] and cheated the Souldiers; and was not able to keepe up his Credit with them: for hee had not so great store of Coyne as he vaun­ted. As for the Excheq [...]er, Commodus had long since ex­hausted [Page 111] it, with his vaine luxu­ry, and vast prodigality. The Souldiers therefore falling short of their hopes, were extremely offended with him, and the Commoners, who knew their minds, utterly scorned him; rayling at him, when he came abroad, and taunting him for his lewd and lascivious behavi­our. Yea, in the The Cir­cus (or Horse-race) was built in an Ovall forme of great length, with rowes of Seats one above the other, able to containe above an hundred thousand Spectators. [...] Cirque or Race­yard (where was the greatest Concourse of people) they de­cryed Iulian; calling upon Ni­ger, the chiefest Officer of the sacred Empire, to vindicate the Roman State, and hasten to free them from that propudious Go­vernour.

This Niger had beene Consul long before, & at that time was Praesident of Syria, which was then the highest and most emi­nent Dignity in the Empire; for [Page 112] the Phaenician Nation, and all the Regions as farr as Euphrates, were under his Command. He was now well stept in yeares, and having gone through many weighty Affaires, had got a ve­ry high esteeme for his Modera­tion and Sufficiencie: and was reputed to imitate Pertinax; for which Cause the Romanes did chiefely affect him. And now in all their Assemblies they still cryed aloud for him; reproa­ching Iulian to his face, and uni­versally calling upon Niger, with acclamations [...] Imperiall.

When Niger understood the Romans inclination, and what Out cries they made for him in their ordinary meetings; consi­dering withall, that Iulian was contemned by the Souldiery, for falsifying with them, and condemned by the communal­ty, [Page 113] for his Mercenary Purchase; h [...]e perswaded himselfe that the busines would easily be accom­modated, and made no doubt of obtaining the Soveraignety. Wherefore imparting these Ro­man passages and intelligences to somefew Tribunes, [...] Coro­nels, and Captaines; hee sent them home one after another, that these Aires might (by their relations) bee dispersed among all the nations and Armies of the Orient: for by that course Nigers Po­licie. hee assured himselfe, that all men would most readily incline to him, when they saw that he did not insidiously invade the Empire, but was wooed to ac­cept it by the ardent votes, and humble sute of the Romans. And according to his expecta­tion, they flocked to him from all parts, beseeching and impor­tuning [Page 114] him to take upon him the Soveraigne rule. Now the The Cha­racter of the Syrians. people of Syria are naturally light, and prone to Innovations; and were infinitely devoted to Niger, both in regard hee had ruled with singular Clemencie, and had also entertained them with Shewes and Enterl [...]des. Stage­playes and Revels. For the Syrians are by naturall Inclination, great lovers of sports; insomuch, that the in­habitants of Antioch (a mighty and flourishing Citie) spend (in a manner) all the yea [...]e in spor­tive Recreations, either in the Citie or Suburbs. Thus Niger by continuall cour [...]ing them with Bals, Masq [...]ies, Shewes, and other pleasurable pastimes, had chained their affections to him. Which hee well knowing, ap­poynted all the Souldiers there­abouts, to come together at a [Page 115] day prefixed; What time a great number of people being likewise assembled, hee thus spake to them from a high Seat purposely erected.

At which Words, the whole [Page 117] Armie proclaimed him Empe­rour Niger ele­cted. and Augustus. Then vesting him in Purple Robes, and other Royall Abiliments (as that sud­den Preparation would afford) they conducted him (with Fire carryed before him) first to the Temples of Antioch, and then to his owne House; which now honouring as the Princes Pal­lace, they adorned on the Out­side, with all Imperiall Orna­ments.

Niger glad at his heart, of this good successe, seeing the Ro­mans and all others conspired to advance him, made no doubt of carrying the Soveraignety. When this Newes flew abroad, presently all the Nations borde­ring on Europe, willingly sub­mitted to him: sending their Embassa­dours. Embassadours to Antiech, as to their rightfull Emperour. Also [Page 118] the Kings and Princes beyond Euphrates and Tigris, sent to con­gratulate him, promising their ayds, if he needed. He retur­ned them many thankes, richly rewarded the Embassadors, and rold them he needed no supplies, for hee was sufficiently assured of the Empire, and would raigne without bloud-shed. In which Confidence reposing, he began to bee mo [...]e remisse and negli­gent; Nigers se­curity. solacing himselfe and the Antiochians with all variety of sports, and Theat [...]icall delights; And Error. not regarding (which most con­cerned him) to take his journey to Rome, nor yet acquainting the Illyrian Armies; which he ought first of all to have sollicited and gayned. But he perswaded him­selfe, that as soone as they heard of it, they would side with the Romans, and Easterne Forces. [Page 119] While hee thus demeaned him­selfe, and anchored on these Shallowes, and Vncertainties; the Bruit of these Occurrents was fresh among the Pannonians, Il­lyrians, and all the Garrisons which were quartered on the Bankes of Ister, and the Rhine, to defe [...]d the Romane Empire from the Incursions of the ad­joyning Barbarians.

The President of the Panno­nians Severus de­scribed. (for they all [...]ad but one Governour) was Severus, an Af­f [...]ican by Descent, a brave active man, but of a violent spirit, in­ured to a strict and austere life; easily induring labour and tra­vell; of a nimble Apprehen­sion, and quicke Resolution to execute what hee determined. When he perceived by the Mes­sengers, that the Romane Em­pire hanged like a [...] Meteor in [Page 120] the Skie, and was exposed to him that could catch it; he con­temned Iulian, as an abject Fel­low: and Niger as a dull Fleg­maticke. Hee was also much animated by certaine Dreames, Oracles, and Presages; which are then best credited, when they are verifyed by the event: most whereof himselfe recorded in the Booke which he writ of his owne Life; and presented them also to publicke view, in Statua­rie Representations; but his last and chiefest Dreame, which ray­sed him to the highest hope, I may not omit. What time Se­verus His dreame received intimation of Pertinax his Instalment in the Empire, having sacrificed and sworne Allegeance to him; comming home at night, he fell asleepe, and dreamed hee saw Pertinax mounted on a gallant [Page 121] Co [...]rser, adorned with Impe [...]i­all [...]pp [...]rs, which car [...]i [...]d him through the sacred Via sacr [...] Street at Rome. But when he was to en­ter the Foru [...], where the people, in time of Popular Rule. Democracie, had their most solemne Assemblies; the Horse seemed to throw Per­tinax (w [...]th a terrible fall) to the ground; and gen [...]ly to suffer him (who [...]tood next) to backe him; carrying him safely and st [...]adily through the midst of the Forum; lif [...]ing up Severus on high, so that all the people saw him, [...]nd adored him. And there remaines to this day in the very same place, a huge brasse Image of that Dreame.

Severus hus enc [...]u [...]aged, and p [...]rswaded he was called to the Empire by Divine Providence, resolved to try how the So [...]ldi­ers were inclined: and first hee [Page 122] convented a few Coronels, Tri­bunes, and Commanders; and taking occasion to speake of the Roman Empire, shewed how vilely it was prostituted; and that none of spirit or worth, went about to vindicate it. Hee inveighed also against the Pre­torian Bands at Rome, as Tray­tors; for violating their oath, by spilling their Emperour and Countrey-mans blood; saying, that it was fit they should pur­sue Pertinax his murther with a sharpe revenge.

Now hee well knew that the memory of Pertinax was still fresh in the Illyrian Armies; which under his command (in the Emperour Marcus time) had got many glorious victories, over the Germanes: and when hee was President of Sclavonia. Illyria, hee carried himselfe very brave­ly [Page 123] in the warres; and ruled with such wisedome and moderation, as well shewed his rare sweet spirit, and generous disposition. Wherefore they highly honou­red his memory, and were enra­ged against his Assassinates: Se­verus embracing this opportu­nity, did easily draw them to his bent, by the lustre of his faire and winning Propositions; pretending that hee affected not the Empire, nor any Principa­lity, but was onely desirous to▪ revenge the blood of that fa­mous Emperour. For the Na­tives Illyrians de­scribed. of that Region, as they are a Race of men, mighty of body and limbe; tall Souldiers and good Sword men; so are they but of slow wits; not ea­sily discerning the plot, if a man deale sub [...]illy or Spalato was an Il­lyrian, and Gondomar (they say) did Severely over-reach him. politickly with them. Wherefore Severus [Page 124] having solemnly vowed to pur­sue Pertinaxes murtherers; they beleeved him, and submitting themselves, stiled him Empe­rour, and conferred upon him the Soveraignty.

Having thus assured the Pan­nonians, he presently sent to the bordering Nations, and to the Presidents of the Northern Provinces, which were under the Roman Regiment; whom he easily gained by great hopes, and faire promises. For he was the most cunning Dissembler in the world, and of a most win­ning behaviour; Severus a darke and subtile Prince. not regarding to falsifie his oath, to serve his turne. He knew how to cogge for his owne advantage; and would readily utter that with his tongue, which hee never meant in his heart. Thus by his courtly Letters hee won all the [Page 125] Illyrians to his lure, and like­wise the Provinciall Presidents. Which done, hee levied great numbers of Souldiers from all parts; assuming for his surname Pertinax; which hee thought would make him gracious both with the Illyrians and Romans (for their worthy esteeme of him.) His Army being assem­bled, hee thus spake to them from an high Throne.

Severus having thus sayd, the Severus pro­clamed Emperour. Souldiers with great cryes of joy, proclamed him Augustus and Pertinax; making all possi­ble expressions of Loyaltie and Alacritie.

Severus without further pro­crastination, His Expedi­tion to Rome. commands all to Arme themselves as lightly as they could, and proclames his Expedition to Rome. Then gi­ving them Donatives, and distri­buting to every one a competent Portion for a Viaticum; he mar­ches with high speed & haugh­ty courage, resting no where, nor s [...]arse suffering his weary troops [Page 130] to breathe them a little. Him­selfe tooke as great paines as a­ny, using as course Lodging, and hard Fare, as the meanest common Souldier; without a­ny shew at all of Imperial pomp or delicacie; which made the souldiers much more af [...]ect him. For taking such infinite toyle in his own Person, it did so indeare him to them, that they readily did whatsoever he commanded.

After he had marched through Pannonia, and was come to the Mountaines of Italie, preventing Fame it selfe, by being seene as Emperour among them, before they had any Intelligence of his comming; all the Cities of I­taly were in a fearfull Fever, at He surp [...]i­zes Ita [...]y. the approach of so great an Ar­mie. For the Italians having long since left all us [...] of Arme, and Militarie Discipline, dev [...] ­ted [Page 131] themselves to Agriculture, and a peaceable course of life. While the Romanes were a free State, and Generalls were elected by the Senate, Italy was still in Armes, and having conquered the Greekes and Barbarians, be­came Lords of the world; there being not an Angle of Earth, or Climate under Heaven, whither the Glory of the Roman Armes extended not. But when Augu­stus came to the Monarchie, his pacificall Government induced a generall lazinesse and desue­tude of Martiall Exercises; for hee kept onely a certaine num­ber of Mercenary Bands in Pay, to guard the Romane Empire, at the utmost bounds thereof, which were naturally fortifyed with great Rivers, deep Ditches, craggy Mountains, and vast De­sarts and Wildernesses. Where­fore [Page 132] a [...] soone as it was knowne, that S [...]verus was comming with so mighty an Army, they were sore agast at that strange newes, and [...]ot daring to stirre against him, went to meet him with Law [...]els in their hands. But hee making no longer stay at any place, than either to sacrifise to the Gods, or speake to the peo­ple, posted away for Rome. When Iulian was advertised hereof, he made account he was utterly undone. For understan­ding what a numerous and po­tent Army the Illyrians were, and having no hope in the peo­ple (to whom hee was odious) nor much in the Souldiers (whom he had gulled) he made Iulian in great▪ care. all the money he could, by him­selfe or his friends▪ r [...]bbing the very Temples, and publicke Treasuries, and gave all to the [Page 133] Souldiers to purchase their good will. But they returning small thankes for his great lar­gesse, tooke it rather as a due debt, than free gi [...]t. Iulians friends counselled him to ad­vance with his Army, and pre­clude the Alpine Straits. (Now The Alpes. the Alpes are exceeding high Mountaines (such as wee have none in these parts) circuli [...]g Italy like a wall; nature adding to the felicity of that Region, this impregnable fortification; extending from the North to the South-sea.) But Iulian not daring to budge forth of the Citie, sent to the Souldiers to beseech them to take armes, and exercise themselves, and make trenches & rampiers before the Citie; wherein he prepared all military ammunition, & caused Elephants trayned. all the Elephants (which he kept [Page 134] for shew and State) to be taught to indure Riders: supposing the Illyrians and their Horses would be skared wi [...]h the strange shape and bulke of those Beasts which they never saw before. All the City was now busie in providing Armes and Warlike Furniture. But while Iulian's Souldiers goe slowly to worke, and scarce prepare for Warre, Severus is reported to be come already; who having appoin­ted many of his Souldiers, seve­rall Severus his Stratagem. wayes to disperse themselvs, and enter secretly into Rome, they arrived by sundry passages into the City (by night) cove­ring their Armours with Rusti­call habite, as if they had been plaine Countrimen. And now was the Enemie in Iulian's bo­some ere he was aware. When the People perceived this, be­ing [Page 135] all amazed, and greatly drea­ding Severus power, they be­ganne to incline to him, con­demning Iulian for a Dastard, and Niger for a Slugge, but com­mending Severus who was now at hand. Whereupon Iulian be­ing at his Wits end, and not knowing what to doe, assem­bled the Senate, and sent Let­ters to Severus, desiring to con­tract a League with him, and to be made his Consort in the Em­pire. But when the Senatours Iulian de­serted. which had agreed on that course saw how basely timorous and dejected hee was, they reiected him for a Recreant, and wholly revolted to Severus. Two or three dayes after, when Newes was brought that Severus was now come in person, all the Citizens utterly forsaking Iulian, assem­bled in the [...] Authority of Consuls. Guild-hall, by com­mand [Page 136] of the Consuls (who in such doubtful times have charge of the Romane State) where they entred into Consultation, what was best to bee done in that Exigent: Iulian abiding (the while) in the Palace, deploring his Infortunity, and humbly begging that hee might abjure the Soveraignty, and resigne all his Imperiality to Severus. But when the Senate understood, that Iulian was in such desperate Horrour, and that his Guards No receipt against Feare. (Di­ctum Mariae illustrissimae Scotorum Reginae.) (for feare of Severus) had quite forsaken him; they decreed his Death, and declared Severus sole Emperor. Then send they (as Commissioners) diverse of the chief Magistracie, and prime Nobility, to render to him all Imperiall Honours. The Exe­cution of Iulian was committed to one of the Tribunes, who [Page 137] finding [...]he wr [...]tc [...]ed old Man (that had bought his owne Ru­ine with his Money) wholly de­serted and forlorne; slew him, Iulian slain. [...]. as he was tearing his hayre, with abject Lamentations. When Se­verus understood the Senates Declaration, and that Iulian was slaine; hee hoped to doe grea­ter matters; and layd a Traine to catch all the Pretorian Soul­diers that had murthered Perti­nax. He sent therfore secret Let­ters to their Coronel [...] and Cap­taines. Tribunes and Cen­turions, promising them great rewards, to perswade their Com­panies in the Citie, to submit to his Mandates. Meane while, he makes Proclamation, that all of them, leaving their Armes in the Campe, should come forth like Severus his Traine to take the Pretorians. peaceable men, in such Habits as they used when they atten­ded the Emperour at solemne [Page 138] shewes and Sacrifices, that they might be sworne to Severus; and that they should come cheere­fully, because they were to bee his Guard. The Souldiers cre­diting this Edict, and being also perswaded by their Officers, lay aside all their Armes, and issue forth with lawrell branches in their hands, in such Equipage as they were wont in some great Festivity. When they drew near to Severus Campe, and it was told him they were all come, he comanded them to bee brought to his presence, as if hee meant to welcome and entertaine them with all honour. But when they came before his Throne (with joy full acc [...]na­tions) upon a signall given at the instant, they were all apprehen­ded. For Severus commanded his Souldiers, that when they [Page 139] saw them assembled before him expecting some high favour, they should presently wheele a­bout them in martiall manner; yet not wound nor strike them, but onely make a Ring, and hemme them in; presenting their Iavelins and Pikes towards them, which they being unar­med, and but few in compari­son of them, durst not resist so many men at Armes. When Severus had thus impounded them, with a strong voice, and furious spirit, hee thus spake to them.

Having given this charge, The Pre­to [...]ans de­graded. the Illyrian Souldiers presently ranne to them, and disarming them of their short Swords, (which were curiously wrought with gold and silver, and custo­ma [...]ily worne at solemn sh [...]wes) they tooke from them their belts, scarffes, and other milita­ry ornaments, and rasht off all their clothes; leaving them starke naked.

[Page 142]When they saw themselves Traytor [...] betrayed. thus betrayed and taken with a Wile; there was no way but patience. For what could a few naked men doe, against so many armed? They departed there­fore with heavie cheere; yet glad their lives were given them; shrewdly repen [...]ing, that by leaving their Armes, they had subjected themselves to so foule and disgracefull a Doome. Severus used also another poli­cie; for doubting lest being de­graded, they would desperately runne to their Campe, and re­sume their Armes; he had sent before some Troopes of his choicest and trustiest Souldiers, by secret wayes and passages, commanding them suddenly to seize their vacant Campe, and with their owne weapons to keepe them out, if they attemp­ted [Page 143] to returne. Thus were those Assassinates of Pertinax puni­shed.

Forthwith Severus with his Severus enters Rome. Army arranged in Battel-array, makes his entry into Rome; the Romans being at first sight ter­ribly afraid of him, for his da­ring and speedy Enterprise. Howbeit, the Peeres and Com­mons received him with Law­rels, who of all Men and Em­perours, was the first, that with­out blood or sweat, effected such rare Enterprises. Indeed, His Elogie. all things in him were admira­ble; especially his high wit, piercing judgement, indefatiga­ble industry, happy-hopefull audacitie in great and Heroicall Attempts.

After the people had well­comed him with their Accla­mations, and the Nobles salu­ted [Page 144] him at the City Gates, hee repayred to Iupiters Temple; where having sacrifised, he did his Devotions at the other Fan [...]s (as the E [...]pe [...]urs were wont) and lastly, betooke himselfe to the Imperiall Pallace. The next day he went to the Senat-house, where hee made a smooth and plausible Speech; and then gave his [...] Hand to all the Company, professing, ‘That his maine End in His Plausi­bility. comming to the City, was to revenge Pertinaxes Death, and to lay the Plo [...] and Foundation of an Optima­cie: promising that none but those which were condemned by Lawe, should lose Life or Goods: that hee would not tol [...]erate Informers: that hee would make a happy and flou­rishing State, and in all things imi­tate Marcus; and not onely assume the Name, but the Minde of Perti­nax.’ With these faire Promi­ses [Page 145] he stroked the Senators; most of them inclining to affect and believe him: but some of the el­der and sager sort, that better knew his disposition, told them in their eare, that hee was a right His Cen­sure. Politician, full of tricks and traines, and an exquisite Dissembler and Temporizer, for his owne ends: As afterwards it proved.

Severus intending but a short stay in Rome, gave to the Com­mons a magnificent Donative of Corne, and a great Largesse to his Souldiers; selecting the ablest among them for his guard (in steed of those which were degraded.) And now he prepares an Expedition to the Orient; where Niger lay rusting (all this while) and revelling at Antioch; whom he hasted to surprise ere he were aware, and take him un­provided.

[Page 146]Commanding therefore his His prepa­ration for Warre. Souldiers to make ready for that Voyage, and recollecting all his Forces, he adjoyned to them all the flowre of the Italian Youth; and gave order, that the rest of the Army in Illyria should come down to Thrace, and meet him on the way. He provided also, a great sleet of ships, & prest all the gal­lies of Italy, which he filled with Men at arms, & sent them a way: having amassed together, with incredible speed, a mighty maga­zin of all manner of provision & ammunition. For he well knew, hee needed more than ordinary Forces against the Nations bor­dering on Europe, which were all under Niger's command. Thus Severus [...] gallantly prepared for the war. But withall, like a wise and provident man, he shrewdly He is afraid of the Bri­taines misdcubted the British Armies, cōsisting of great & bravetroops [Page 147] of mo [...] excellent [...] Souldiers; whose Generall was Albinus; of Albinus Governour of Britaine. very noble & honorable descent & born to exceeding greatwelth and possessions. Him hee resol­ved to win by policie▪ lest other­wise being excited by his riches, noblenes, forces & renown (sharp and piquant motives to aspire to Soveraignty) he should attempt to overtop him & seize on Rome (w ^ch is not very far distant from Britaine) while himselfe were in­gaged in the Eastern wars. Now his bait to catch him, was by a glittering shew of honor; for be­ing a credulous man, and none of the deepest Politicks▪ he presētly believed the oaths & protestati­ons w ^ch he sent him by Letters: wherin he stiled him Caesar, anti­cipating He is stil [...]d Caesar by Severus. his ambition, by cōmu­nicating the sov [...]raigne dignity. In the sayd cou [...]tly and comple­mentall [Page 148] lines, he besought him to bee Protector of the Empire, w ^ch stood in great need of so no­ble and brave a yong Gallant; as for himselfe, he was now grown old and gow [...]ie, and his children were but infants. Albinus easily gave credit to him, and willingly took the honor upon him; being glad he attained his desire with­out battel, or further danger. To give the more glosse to his inten­tions, Sev [...]rus acquainted the Se­nat with the passages; comanding also Coines to be stamped with his image; as also his statues to be erected; with all other Imperiall honors; the better to blanch his designes. Which having with high wisdome performed, & so lookt Albinus in Britain, that there was no feare of him; he gathered all the Illyrian Forces into one body, & now all things being in [Page 149] readinesse, he leads his Army di­rectly against Niger. What were his Stations by the way, what speeches he made to every city, what frequent prodigies N. B. [...]. by di­vine providēce appeared; a [...] also what countries he marched tho­row, what conflicts hee had, and how many were slaine on either side, many Historians have rela­ted, & Poets especially have larg­ly dilated; making Severꝰ acts the argument of their works. But my intendmēt is to compile a Histo­ry of the acts of many Emperors raigning in the compasse of 70 Her [...]d [...] writes a History of 70 vea [...] yeares, w ^ch I certainly [...] know to be true. I shall therfore deliver part of the chiefest and choifest actiōs of Severꝰ, not flattering, or faining more thā was performed (like the Writers of that time) nor yet suppressing ought that is worthy to be knowne or recor­ded.

HERODIAN HIS IMPERIALL HISTORIE. The third Booke.

IN the former Booke, we have related the Mur­ther of Pertinax, the Slaughter of Iulian, Severus his Expedition to Rome, and lastly his Preparations against Niger. As soone as Niger (who little ex­pected Niger pre­pares for Warre. such [...]ewes) understood [Page 152] that Severus had seized Rome; that the Senate had proclaimed him Emperour; and that all the Illyrian Armie, and other Forces were comming against him by Sea, and Land; be­ing extreamely startled, hee warnes all the Vice­gerents of the Provinces, to set strong Guards at all Ports and Pas [...]a­ges; and sends for Ayd, to the Parthian, Armenian, and Atre­nian Kings. The Armenians an­swer was, that hee would bee Neutrall, and reserve his owne Forces to desend himselfe if Se­verus assayled him. The Parthi­an promises to write to his No­bles, to levie Souldiers (as his manner was in time of Warre.) For the Parthians have no ordi­nary standing Armies, nor any souldiers in continual pay. From the Atrenians came a Band of [Page 153] Archers, sent from King Barse­mius, who then raigned in those Parts. The grosse of his army he made up of the Souldiers which he had with him; most of the Countrey youths, but especial­ly of the Antiochians, either out of their Levitie or Love to Niger; more boldly than wisely flocking unto him. The Straits and Precipices of Mount Tau­rus, Mount Taurus for­tifyed. hee fortifyed with strong Walls and Munitions; accoun­ting that impassable place, would bee a Barricado to blocke up the Way to the Orient. For Taurus lifting up his Ridge be­tween Cappadocia and Cilicia, dis­severs the Eastern and Northern Nations. Hee put also a Garri­son in Byzantium, the chiefest Byzanti [...]m n [...] Con­ [...]. and mightiest Citie of Thrace, flo [...]ishing at that time in strength and wealth; for beeing situ­ate [Page 154] in the narrow Proponticke Sea, it [...]eaped equall benefit by Water and Land; from the first, Impost a [...]d Fish; from the lat­ter, Corne and Fruit; as having a large and fertile Territory. This strong City he preoccupates to prevent the passage of Severus Flee, which was to sa [...]le out of Europe into Asia, through that narrow Chanell. The City was compast w ^th a [...]uge strong wall, of squared Milstons, so curtously cemented that it seemed to bee an in [...]re work made by Nature, rather than Art: yea▪ the very Ruines and Rubbish (which yet appeare) sh [...]w the marvellous skill of them that buil [...] it, and the stupendious strength of those that dismantled it.

In this mannet did Niger or­der his Affaires, with singular Prudence and Providence (as he [Page 155] imagined.) Severus on the other side, slacked not, but incessant­ly marched with his Armie. And being advertized that By­zantium was well manned and strongly fortifyed, he turnes his Aemilianus Nigers Ge­nerall. course to Cyzicum. Aemilianus Lievtenant of Asia, to whom Niger had committed the Man­nage of the Warre, and chiefe Command; hearing that Seve­rus was marching, leades all the Forces which he had leavied, or were sent by Niger, directly to Cyzicum. When the Armies met on both sides, after divers blou­dy battels in those parts, Severus at last was Master of the Field; a great number of Nigers Soul­dier being routed, slaine, and Defeated by Seve [...]. pu [...] to flight. Which Successe mightily incouraged the Illyri­ans, and the [...] Easterlings. [...]ut many were of opinion, that from [Page 156] the beginning, Niger was betrai­ed by Aemilian; for these reasons. Some say, hee envied Niger, dis­dayning that hee, who was but his Successour in Syria, should now be his Superior, Emperor, and Soveraign. Others suppose, that hee was thereto perswaded by his Childrens Letters, who besought him to take care of their safety: for Severus having found them at Rome, put them in hold, out of deep policie, and early providence. And it was Commodus his manner to retaine with him their Children, whom hee sent to bee Lievtenants of Provinces, as Pledges of their Allegeance and fidelity. Wher­fore Severus (like a vigilant man) Severus his Policie. at his first Designement to the Empire in Iulians time, sent se­cretly for his children out of the Citie, lest they should be after­ward [Page 157] seized on. And at his com­ming to Rome, hee instantly ap­prehended all the Children of the Presidents, and other chiefe Captaines & Commanders that ruled in Asia, or the East, carrying thē with him as Prisoners, there­by to induce their Fathers to re­volt from Niger (for their preser­vation) or if they continue firme to him, to let them know, that by killing them, he could be re­venged on them at his pleasure.

Nigers Souldiers being over­throwne at Cyzicum, fled amaine; some to the Armenian Moun­taines; others through Asia, and Galatia, hastning to Mount Tau­rus, to get into that strong Hold. Severus Armie marcht through the Country of Cyzicum, to the next region of Bithynia. When it was famed that Severꝰ was victor suddenly all the Cities in those [Page 158] Parts, fell to deadly Feud; not so much for Love or Hate to either Emperour, as out of a mortall Antipathie, and impla­cable Enmitie one to the other. And this was anciently the fault of the Greekes, who by their intestine broyles and consp [...]ra­cies, to ex [...]irpate the most emi­nent men, have utterly undone Greece: whose Inhabitants (by their old grudge, and civill dis­asters) first became Vass [...]l [...]s to the Macedons; and then Slaves to the Romans: the same heart­burning, and spightfull emulati­on, continuing in the best Cities to our time. Wherefore after these things hapned at Cyzicum, the Citizens of Nicomedia in Bi­thynia, revolted from Niger to Severus, promising him (by their Embassadors) to receive his Ar­mie, and assist him in all things. [Page 159] But the Citizens of Nicaea, out of their malignity to them, took Nigers part, and entertayned his Souldiers, which either fled thi­ther, or were sent to detend Bi­thynia. Out of these two Cities (as severall Camps) the Armies of both sides issuing, fought a­gaine; but after a terrible bat­tell, Severus got the Victory. From thence the Remaines of Nigers Forces fled to the Straits of Mount Taurus, to def [...]nd those Fortifications. Niger having left there as many as he thought suf­ficient to make good the Place, returnes to Antioch, to raise more Men and Money Meanewhile, Severus Armie p [...]ssing through Bithynia, and Galatia, marcht in­to Cappadocia▪ and there began Mount Taurus a [...] ­ [...]ayle [...]. to assaile the Fortification But they met with no small difficulties; for the passage was extreme [Page 160] rough and craggie, and the Ene­mie which was on the Walls, and over their heads, tumbled downe Stones upon them, and fought bravely; a few men ser­ving to repell a great Num­ber. For the Ascent was excee­ding strait, being defended on the one side with a huge steepe Mount, on the other with a wonderfull Precipice, downe which fell continuall Cataracts from the top of the Mountaines. Niger had also made there a strong Fort to barre their En­trance on every side. During this Assault in Cappadocia there arose Mutinies upon the like Grounds and Grudges as asore­said. For Laodicea in Syria (in despight of Antiochi [...]) and Tyrus in Phoenicia (repining at the Be­rythians) when they heard of Ni­gers Discomfiture, defaced his [Page 161] Images, and proclaimed Seve­rus Emperour: which Niger (then at Antioch) understanding, though (otherwise) of a milde disposition, yet stung with those opprobrious Injuries and De­fections, sends against both the Cities all the Maurita­nia, now F [...] and Mo [...]occo. Mauritanian Darters that he had, and part of his Archers, charging them to kill all afore them, and to sacke and burn the Cities. The Moores The Moores described. (who are naturally bloudy and desperate, regarding neither death nor danger) suddenly in­vading the Laodiceans, put them all to the Sword, and destroyed their Towne. Thence marching to Tyre, they first pillag'd it, and then cruelly slaughtering the In­habitants, set it on a bright blaze. While this passes in Syria and Niger is levying new Sup­plies, the Severians persist in their [Page 162] assailment of the Fort of Mount Taurus, but with much wan hope and great discouragement; for it was an impregnable Worke, and naturally defended with the Mount, and Precipice. Being quite wearyed, and their Ene­mies now secure; extraordina­ry Stormes and Snowes fell sud­denly in the Night (for in Cap­padocia, and especially at Mount Taurus, Winters are ex reame rough) accompanyed with a ve­hemen and imp [...]tuous Torrent; which being check [...] by the For­tification, became more fu [...]ious and violent. At last, Nature vanqui hing Art, and the Wall yielding to the deluge, the floud (having sapt the Foundation, which was made in haste, and not so carefully as wa [...] requi-site) bore downe all before it, and made an exceeding great [Page 163] breach: which the Defendants perceiving, & feating that when the Waters were downe, they should be surprized by the Ene­mie, they all quit the place, and fled. With this Accident, the Severians were infinitely chee­red and animated (as lead by di­vine providence) and seeing also the Guardians of the Mount were fled, they easily scaled it, and entered Cilicia. When Niger heard these Tidings. he gathered a vast Armie of undisciplined & inexpert Souldiers: & marching with maine speed, was followed with huge numbers of people, and almost all the Youth of An­tioch, who exprest great alacrity, but were not comparable to the Illyrians for Valour or Experi­ence. A [...] the Bay of A Citie called by Alexander Ni [...]opolis, for his Vi­ctory there. Issus, the Armies met, in a goodly spaci­ous Plaine, which lying under [Page 164] a row of Hills, Theatre-wise, is extended all along the Sea­coast; Nature having here made (as it were) a Stage for a battell. In the very same place they say that Darius was overthrowne and taken by Alexander in the last great Battell; the In Nature the Nor­therne Re­gions are most Mar­tiall. Northerne Men then also vanquishing the Easterne. The Citie Alexandria (built on a Hill) the Trophie Alexandria. and Monument of that Victo­ry, yet remaines; and the bra­zen Image of him that so named it. Now it fell out that the Hosts of Sever [...]ss and Niger did not onely incounter in the sayd place, but also with like fortune [to the other:] For on both sides were they ready to fight in the Evening, not sleeping all Night for Care and Feare. At The Battell betwixt Se­verus and Niger. Sunrising, the Generalls incou­raged their Souldiers, who as­sailed [Page 165] each other with incredi­ble fury; as accounting that the last Fatall Conflict; and that Fortune would there designe the Emperour. After a long and grim Fight, there being on each side so great Slaughter, that the Rivers which ranne through the Plaine, sent much more bloud than water into the Sea; at last the Orientalls turned their backs and fled, the Illyrians pursuing them to the Sea (where they thrust them in with woundes) and to the Hill-tops, where they flew them, together with a great number of people, assembled there out of the adjoining towns and villages, as Spectatours of the battell; supposing they were safe in that high ground. Niger being bravely mounted, poasted with a few of his Followers to Antioch; where the people [Page 166] flying every way, and piteously bewayling their sonnes and bre­thren; hee also grew desperate, and be tooke himselfe to flight; but being found hid in a Subur­ban house, by the Hor [...]emen that pursued him, his Head was strucke off. Niger be­headed.

This end had Niger, being brought to that Disaster, by his dull protracting of time; though otherwise he were (as they say) in his publike and private carri­age not culpable.

Niger being slaine, Severus pre­sently put to death all his friends and Partizans, whether Volun­taries, or compelled to assist him. Yet he pardoned the Soul­diers which were fled (for feare) to the Barbarians beyond the River Tigris; and received them into favour. For great numbers of them retired into those parts, [Page 167] whereby it came to passe, that the Barbarians were afterwards more able to incounter the Romanes in set battell; their manner of Fight, before that time, being onely with bowes and arrowes on horseback, with­out compleat Armour; having no skill to use Sword, or Lance; but clad with thinne loose Gar­ments, they shot their Arrowes (most part) backewards, flying from their Enemies. But when diverse Romane Souldiers, and (among them) many Armou­rers, which fled thither, had set set up their Rests there; the Barbarians learned not onely to use Armes, but also to make them.

Severus having setled the Af­faires of the Orient to his owne contentment, had a strong desire to invade the Dominions of the [Page 168] Atrenian and Parthian Kings, who were both Nigers Confe­derates. But deserriug that till another time, he cast about, how he might now establish the Ro­mane Empire on himselfe and his Sonnes. For Niger being ta­ken away, the only Rub that re­mayned was Albinus, whom he held to be altogether unprofita­ble for his Purpose, and incom­patible to his designes. Besides, the Report was, that his Caesa­rian Title had so puft up his spi­rits, that he beganne to fare like an Emperour; and that many of the chiefe Peeres of the Se­nate had secretly writ to him to hasten to Rome, while Severus was absent, & elswhere ingaged. And indeed all the Nobles were most devoted to Albinus; who was very honorably descended; and reputed to bee of a sweet and [Page 169] generous Disposition. Of all which passages Severus having got intelligence, resolved not in­stantly to make open warre a­gainst him; or proclame him his enemy (there being no just cause or colour for it) but to trie if he could make him away by trea­cherie. Wherefore hee dispat­ches Severus plots against Albinus. to him diverse trusty per­sons, which (as Poasts) used to carry the Emperors Letters and Missives, giving them in charge, that after they had publikely de­livered the Packets, they should desire him to understand some further secrets in private; and whē he was apart from his guard suddenly to fall upon him, & kill him. Moreover, he delivered to them divers sorts of poysons, to bee min [...]stred to him by some of his Carvers or Cup bearers, if they could perswade them. But [Page 170] Albinus his friends mistrusting Severus, gave him many caveats to beware him as a fraudulent and insidious person: For his fame was fouly blasted by his ill dealing with Nigers Captains; whom having under wrought by their Children (as wee for­merly shewed) to betray Nigers Affaires, when he had made use of their Service, and attayned his owne ends, hee slew both them and their Children. By these Actions of his, they ma­nifested to him his dangerous disposition. Albinus thereupon doubled his Guards, and admit­ted not to his presence any mes­senger from Severus, till he had laid by his military Fauchi [...], and was also searcht, lest he had any other Weapon in his bosome. And now were Severus his poasts arrived at Albinus In Britain Court, where [Page 171] delivering their Letters openly, they besought him to step aside, to heare some speciall Secrets. Albinus suspecting them, com­mands them to be apprehended. Then, secretly torturing them, he learnt out all their treachery, and put them to death; and made preparation against Severus, as a professed Enemie. Which Se­verus understanding, being of a violent spirit and irefull nature, he no longer concealed his En­mity, but assembling all his Ar­my, spake thus.

Severus having thus sayd, the whole Army proclamed Al­binus Traytor, but making full Demonstration of their loyall zeale to him, by their Acclama­tions; they mightily incouraged him, and made him wondrous confident. Whereupon rewar­ding them with magnificent do­natives, he tooke his Iourney a­gainst Albinus. Withall he sent certaine Troops to invest Byzan­tium, B [...]zantium invested. which was yet held by Nigers Souldiers that fled thi­ther. Which Citie was after­ward taken by Famine, and ra­zed to the Ground; insomuch [Page 175] that the Theaters, Therms, and all the splendor and glory there­of being quite defaced, it was reduced to a meane The Fate of Roch [...]: now, S. Ma­ry Village. Village, and given in vassalage to the Pe­rinthians, as Antioch in like sort to the Laodiceans. Further, hee consigned great summes of money for the reedifying of the Cities spoyled by Nigers Souldiers. And now marching without any Severus wa [...]wo [...]d was Labo­remus Intermission, or regard to holi-dayes, or worke­dayes, heat or cold (all being a­like to him) he would oft in that His Winter­m [...]h. stormy season, goe bare-headed on the tops of Mountaines, when it sharply snowed; to excite his Souldiers to Patience and Ala­crity, by his owne Example; so that they cheerefully indured all difficulties, not so much for feare of law, as in a generous emulati­on of their royall Chiefe. He [Page 176] sent also a strong Army to seize the Alpine Straits, and to fore­lay the passages into Italy.

Albinus, who (this while) pur­su [...]d his pleasures, and was su­pinely negligent, when he heard that Severus was marching with such expedition; being startled with the horrour of the newes, presently sailes out of Britaine, Albinus [...] out o [...] [...]. and disbarkes his Armie in the opposite Coasts of Gallia; where he lend, his Mandates to all Go­vernors of the adjacent Provin­ces, to furnish him with Money and Victualls. They which did so, dealt very unadvisedly, for they were plagued for it, when the Warre was ended; but they that refused (rather by good hap than fore sight, saved themselves: the Event and [...] Fortune of the Warre determining who were the wiser.

[Page 177] Severus Forces being entred Gallia, there were first certaine light Skirmishes in divers parts; but at last, they fought a pitcht Battell be­t [...]ixt Seve­rus and Al­binus. Field, neere the great and rich City Lugdunum; where Albinus immuring himselfe, sent foorth his Armie to fight. The En­counter was exceeding fierce; and doubtful it was a great while which way the Victory would Britains Elogie. incline; For the BRITAINES were no whit inferior to the Il­lyrians in [...] Manhood, or Mar­tiall fury. Both Armies fighting with equall bravery, it was hard to say, which would get the bet­ter. Divers Historians (of that Time) which more regarded ve­rity than partiality, report that Albinus his Army was [...] farre superiour in that Part, which was incountred by Severus in Person, with his Battalion; [Page 178] insomuch, that Himselfe was put The Bri­taines beat the bravest Martialist of the world. to flight, and beaten off his Horse, yea forced to throw off his Imperiall Cloake, and hide Himselfe. While the Britaines follow the Chase, chanting out their Hymnes s [...]ng to Mars before Battell, to Apollo after Victory. Paeans, as Victors; Laetus one of Severus Commanders, suddenly charges them with fierce & fresh troops. Hee was harshly censured, as if hee purposely kept aloofe, and reserved that choice Regiment to get the Empire to himselfe: intending then to take the Field, when he heard Severus was slain. Which suggestion was fortified by the event. For when Severus had setled all things to his owne minde, and secured his estate, he richly rewarded all his other Chieftaines; but remembring how Laetus had served him, hee put him to death, as he deserved. These things were done after­wards. [Page 179] Now when Laetus [...]ame in view (as a [...]oresaid) with a new supply; the Severians took heart againe, and remounting Severus on Horsebacke, put on his Pur­ple A milita­ry Mantle. Surcoat. The Albinians, that (presuming they were Ma­sters of the Field) had So the dis-ranking of the En­glish lost all to the [...] ­mans. disban­ded themselves; being sudden­ly and furiously charged by fresh Companies; after a short resi­stance, fled; the Severians fol­lowing the execution to the Ci­ty gates. The Number of the slaine, and captives, on either side, is differently related by the Writers of that Age. The City Lyons in France. Lugdunum was sackt and burnt by the Severians; who having took Albinus, struck off his head, Albinus be­headed. and presented it to Severus.

Thus raised he two most state­ly * Monu­ments of Victory usuall in those p [...]rts. Trophies; One, in the East; and Another, in the North; so [Page 180] that Nothing is comparable to Severus conflicts, or conquests, either for multitude of Forces, commotion of Countries, num­ber of Battells, length of Iour­neyes, or speede in Marches. I confesse, Caesars Acts against Pompey (the Souldiers being Ro­mans on either side) were very great; as also that of Augustus Severus the greatest Conqueror of the World. against Antony and Pompey's Sonnes; and likewise the Ex­ployts of Sylla and Marius, in the civill and forraigne warres. But for One Man to have the killing of Three Enthronized Empe­rours; to surprise the Pretorian Troops at Rome by finenesse of Wit; to kill One Emperour in the Pallace Royall; to defeat another, that raigned in the O­rient, and was elected Empe­rour by the Romanes; and to vanquish a Third, that was a [Page 181] Caesar, of great Nobility and Dependencie; you shall hard­ly finde the like. To this End came Albinus, having injoyed his Fatall Dignity but a short time.

And now was Severus full charged with wrath and indig­nation against Albinus Friends at Rome; whither he sent his head, commanding it to be publickly affixt on the Gallowes. And in the Letters which he writ to the People of his Victories, he ad­ded this Post-script; that He there sent them his Head, strictly char­ging, that it bee publickly set on the Gibbet, to the end, they might per­ceive by that Token of his Wrath, how highly hee was offended with them.

Having Ordered the State of Britaine, and divided the govern­ment of the Province into two [Page 182] [...] President-ships; and having Two Vice­royes in Britaine. likewise composed the Gallicke Affaires to his owne minde, and slaine all Albinus Friends and Partners, whether voluntary or forced; he set forward towards Rome; leading all his Army thi­ther, to strike the greater ter­rour. His Iourney being ended, with extraordinary speed (as his manner was) and being full of fury against Albinus Friends that survived, hee enters Rome. The Commons met him with Lau­rells, and received him with all honour and joyful acclamation. The Senatours also congratula­ted him, though many of them were extreamly afrayd that hee would not pardon them; being so apt by reason of his Na­turall Immanity, to oppresse Men on the least Occasion; and having now so probable [Page 183] pretences to question them.

Severus having visited Iupiters Temple, and performed other [...] Sacred Rites, went to his Roy­all Palace, and in honour of his Victories, bestowed great store of Corne on the Citizens, and much Coyne on his Soulders, to whom he granted many Pri­viledges which formerly they had not. For hee first augmen­ted their proportion of Wheat, and permitted them to weare Gold Rings, and cohabit with their Wives; all which were reputed utterly dissonant from Military austerity, and Martiall dispositions. But he was the first that altered their strong and manly Diet, and subverted all Order, Discipline, and Obedi­ence to Governours; by tea­ching them to hunt after Mo­ney, and using them to delicate [Page 184] Fare. Having made these Ordi­nances (after his owne fancie) he entred the Or, Par­liament­house. Senat-house, where ascending his Royall Throne, hee made a bitter Invective a­gainst Albinus Friends, produ­cing the secret letters of some of them, which hee found in his Cabinets; and objecting to o­thers, that they had honoured him with the richest Presents; to these, that they had favoured his Eastern Niger. Enemies; to those, that they were Albinus Favou­rites. Then he put to death all Severus cru­elty and co­vetousnes. the chiefe Peeres of the Senate; and slew without mercie all that were of great Estate and Nobi­lity in the Provinces: preten­ding to suppresse his Enemies; but spurred on (indeed) by ex­treame Avarice; wherein he ex­ceeded all the Emperours. For, as in Haughtinesse of Spirit, [Page 185] hardnesse to indure labour, and Skill in Martiall affaires, he was equall to the worthiest: So was hee an unmeasurable Lover of Money; which hee accumula­ted by cruell Slaughters, upon the least Cause or Colour; ru­ling his Subjects rather by feare than love. Neverthelesse, hee affected popular Lustre, by fre­quent His Popu­larity. exhibiting most stately Shewes (of all Sorts) where were oft slain an hundred beasts brought from strange countries. Hee distributed also magnificent Donatives to the people, and ordayned a Triumphall Game, or Exercse of Manhood. Agon, sending for Actours and Cham­pions from all parts. I have seene (in his Time) Shewes of all kindes of Pageants in all the Theaters at once; as also pro­cessions and vigils (like Ceres my­steries.) Secular Games. These were then called [Page 186] Secular Solemnities, because they V. Alex. ab Alex. Gen. dier. l. 6. c. 19. were celebrated (as they sayd) after the Tearme of three Ages or Generations. What time, Bedles went thorow Rome and Italy, to invite All to come and see those Instituted in honour of Apollo and Diana (the Sunne and Moone) Shewes which they had ne­ver seene before, nor should ever af­ter see: Intimating thereby, that the inter-space betwixt the past and present Celebrity, exceeded the longest Age of Men,

Having stayd a sufficient time at Rome (where he associated his Sonnes in the Soveraignty, and declared them Emperours) con­sidering that his former Victo­ries were over his owne Coun­trey-men and the Romane Ar­mies (for which cause he forbore Triumph) he determined to get himselfe honour by a glorious Conquest of the Barbarians. His pretext was, to be revenged [Page 187] on Barsemius the Atrenian King, for his Confederacie with Ni­ger. Whereupon he lead his ar­my into the Orient, and as hee was about to enter Armenia, the Severus his second Ex­pedition in­to the East. King of the Armenians sent him Money, Presents and Hostages; humbly intreating to contract a League of Amitie with him. Severus seeing all things happen to his mind in Armenia, marches against the Atrenians. But Au­garus King of the Osroens sub­mitted himselfe to him, and ha­ving assured his Homage, by delivering his children for pled­ges, sent to his Ayd a goodly Band of Archers. Severus ha­ving passed the Region lying betwixt the Rivers and the Archers. Country of the Albenians, made a Rode into Arabia Felix, where growe those odorate Herbes which wee use for Spicerie and [Page 188] Frankincense. Having destroy­ed many Cities and villages, and wasted the Countrey, [...]e entred the Land of the Atrenians, and Siege of Atrae. beleaguerd Atrae, a City moun­ted on the top of an exceeding high Hill, strongly, walled and fortifyed, well manned and full of excellent Archers. Severus army incamping before it, made many furious Assaults, striving with all their strength to master it; to which purpose, they as­sailed the Walls with all sorts of warlike Engines; pretermit­ting no kinde of Invasion. But the Atrenians made abrave Re­sistance, and with Shot and Stones from above, did much hurt to the Severians. They fil­led also Earthen Vessells with small Fowles and Venomous beasts, which being cast among them, and lighting on their [Page 189] Faces, and other open parts of their bodies, crawled all over them, and secretly stung and tormented them. Moreover, they were not able to indure the stifling Aire of that extreame hot Clime, which cast them in­to strange Calentures; so that the most part of the Armie dy­ed rather by that meanes, than by the Enemie. Whereupon, the Souldiers growing desperate at that luckelesse Siege (where the Romans lost more than they got) Severus discamped, and de­parted without Effect, lest all his Men should perish: being much grieved that the successe of the Siege was not answerable to his desire. For having beene wont to get the Victory in all incounters, he now reputed him­self overcome, because he could not overcome. But Fortune [Page 190] soone after smiled on him, and advanced his Designes; so that hee lost not all his labour, but fared better than hee expected. For his Army being imbarqued was not brought to the Romane Territories (as hee intended) but was hurried by the violent Streame to the Parthian banks; not many dayes journey from Ct [...]siphon; where was the royall Severus strange for­tune. Palace of the King of Parthia, who lived there in peace; estee­ming Severus warres against the the Atrenians, to concerne him nothing at all. In which securi­ty he little thought of any Dis­aster. Severus Host arriving there Si vis secu­rus esse, ti­me securita­tem. S. Ber­nard. against their wills, by the vio­lence of the Current; presently landed, and immediately fell a syoyling & ravaging the Coun­trey; driving away all the Cat­tell they met with, for Provisi­on; [Page 191] and burning all the Towns (as they went,) Then marcht they to Ctesiphon, where the great King Artabanus was resiant, and King of K [...]thia surprised. finding the Barbarians ubpro [...]vided, they slew every man they found, pillaged the City, and led captive all the women and chil­dren. The King, with a few Horsemen, escaped: but they rifled his Treasures, and taking all his Ornaments and Iewells, returned to their Ships. Thus got Severus the victory over the Parthians rather by chance than choice. And now having sped so happily beyond all hope, hee sent Dight with Lau­rel, as Con­querors u­sed. Letters to the Romane Peeres and People, containing a glorious Relation of his Acts; accompanied with painted Ta­bles, representing all his Battels and Conquests. Hereupon the Senate decreed to him all tri­umphant [Page 192] Honours, and the Sir­names of the Nations hee had vanquished.

Severus having composed the Orientall Affaires, took his way towards Rome, bringing with him his Sonnes, who were now big Youths. Having ended his Iourney, ordered the Provinces (as was requisite) and visited the Mysiae, now Servia and Bulga­ria. Mysian and Pannonian Ar­mies, he entred the City in Tri­umph; the Romanes receiving him with great Acclamations Severus Triumph. and glorious Ceremonies. Hee againe entertained them with Feasts, Sports, Spectacles, and Pageants; giving them Royall Donatives, and solacing them with Triumphall Shewes. Hee abode many yeares in Rome, where he wholly gave himselfe to Matters of Iudicature, and State-affaires; indeavouring to [Page 193] traine his Sonnes in all noble Studies and Exercises. But they being well-growne Youths, had their Dispositions corrupted by the Romane Diet and Delices; as also by the excessive frequen­ting of Stage-playes, Charriot­sports, and Revells. Moreover, His Sonnes diss [...]tions. the Brethren fell at variance, one with the other; their first quar­rell being about the childish de­sire of Victory at Quaile-fights, Cock-fights, and the wrestling of boyes. Yea whatsoever they saw or heard in publicke, they were still divided; never affecting the same thing; but what the one applauded, the other scorned, Which Discord was fomented by both their servants and slaite­rers; who [...] collogued with them for their owne ends, Severus un­derstanding their differences, as­saled to recōcile them and reduce [Page 194] them to better temper. The elder of them (whose [...] Genuine Name was Bassian, before his Advancement to the Imperiall Family) Severus after his Inau­guration in the Empire, named Antonine; which was the Sir­name of Marcus. To him hee gave a wife; hoping that [...] Mar­riage would make him a stayd man. Shee was the Daughter of Plautian, Captaine of the Pre­torian Ba [...]ds, who was (as they say) but of meane estate in his youth, and proscribed for Sedi­tion, and other Crimes. Hee was Severus his Countriman (an African borne) and (by report) his Kinsman: and (as some have taxed him) in his younger yeares his Catamite. Him Severus ad­vanced from very low degree, to great dignity; inriching him ex­ceedingly with the Goods and [Page 195] Lands of condemned persons, and almost sh [...] Of Severus [...] p [...]ss [...]g [...] t [...]e [...] Es­s [...]y of Friendship. pire with him. [...] Fortunes he ab [...]ciousnesse; omitti [...] cru [...]l [...]y or outrage, to comp [...]sse his de­signes; being more Tyrannical­ly sterne, than all the Princes that ever were. To his Daugh­ter did Severus match his Sonne, and unite his House to his.

But Antonine taking small joy Forced Marriage. in those Nuptialls, whereto hee was forcibly yoaked, without any prae-election of his owne, infinitely hated both the young Lady and her Father; scorning to lodge or cohabite with her; yea, hee so loathed her, that hee daily menaced to kill her and her Father, as soone as hee were sole Emperour. Which when she still told her Father, shewing him how hee abhorred her, hee [Page 166] mightily stomackt it. Plautian therefore considering that Seve­rus was now growne old and diseased, and that Antonine was a bold fierce Youth, he feared his Threats, and resolved to doe some Exployt, rather than suf­fer himselfe to bee made away. Plautian the mig [...]ti­ [...]st Favou­rite of the World. Moreover, he had many provo­catives to aspire to Soveraignty: such excessive wealth, as never a­ny Subject had the like: Marti­all men were all at his becke: the whole Romane State highly ho­noured him: yea his ordinary Garbe made him very gracious with the people; for hee still wore the Senatorian robe, Vid. Alex. ab Alex. l. 5. cap. 18. pur­fled and embrodered with Gol­den Studds, and was ranked with the prime Nobility. A Sword was borne before him, and hee alone represented the Emperors Person. Hee walked abroad [Page 197] with such terrible Majestie, that none durst come neere him; and if any met him (by chance) they stept aside: his Gentlemen Vshers making Proclamation, that None should stand in the way, nor looke at him; but turne aside, and looke downewards. When Severus understood this, he dis­gusted it, and beganne to thinke harshly of him; insomuch that hee clipt the Wings of his Au­thority; commanding him to leave that insolent Demeanour. Plautian taking this as an intol­lerable Affront, fell roundly to His treason surprise the Empire: And this was his Plot: There was one Saturninus that had a Tribunes The com­mand of 1000 soul­diers. place under him, and was ex­ceedingly devoted to Plautian; and though all were intirely his, yet hee by his singular ve­neration, had wonne his Affe­ction [Page 198] more than the rest. Think­ing him to be a most trusty fel­low, and the onely Engine for his secret Designes; hee sends for him in the Evening; and all being commanded to voyd the roome, spake thus to him.

At this Sp [...]ech the Tribune was not a little confused; yet recollecting himselfe, and being a notable shrewd pated Fellow (for he was a Syrian borne, and your Easterne Men are general­ly wise, and of quicke In warme Climates people are generally more wise. sent) he considered, that to reject the motion of so mighty a Potentate, being in so great rage, were pre­sent death: wherefore preten­ding that hee infinitely liked the Businesse, he adored him as Em­perour, beseeching his Warrant for the Execution: (For it was the manner of Tyrants, when they commanded any to be slain [Page 200] (without Iudiciall Processe) to signe a Warrant to that purpose, for the Actors discharge.) Plau­tian, blinded with ambition, de­livers his Warrant to the Tri­bune, strictly charging him, that as soone as hee had killed both the Princes, before it were noy­sed abroad, he should send some to call for him, that hee might seize the Palace and Empire, be­fore any man dreamt of it. With this charge and commission, the Tribune departs, and as hee was wont, walks the Round through all the Emperours Pallace; and knowing how difficult a thing it were for one man to kill two Princes in severall Lodgings, he intends to disclose all to Severus; and desired the Doore keepers to let him in, for it concerned his Life. They delivering the Message to Severus, hee com­mands [Page 201] them to bring him in. Being entred in, hee thus said: ‘Sir, I am come (as hee that sent mee Saturninus detects Plautian. makes full account) to kill you, as your Deaths man; but as my selfe resolve and vowe to bee a Preser­ver of your Life. Plautian trayte­rously aspiring to the Empire, hath commanded mee to murther You and your Sonne, not onely by Word, but also by Writing; (Witnesse this Schedule.) And accordingly I undertook to execute his Command, lest, upon my Refusall, some other should have attempted it. This I come to certifie your Majestie, that you may avoyd him.’ The Tribune having done, fell a weeping. But Severus could not instantly credite it: For Plautian's Love had taken deep root in his heart; and hee suspected it to bee a meere Illusion, and cunning Im­posture; imagining that his son [Page 202] [the Prince] out of his hatred to Plautian and his daughter, had devised this stratagem & deadly [...] slander. wherfore instantly sen­ding for him, he sharply rebuked him, for plotting such things a­gainst his deare bosome-friend. Antoninus swore deeply he knew nothing of it. The Tribune producing Plautians Warrant, Antonine incouraged him to de­tect the Crime. The Tribune perceiving his owne Danger, and well-knowing how gracious Plautian was with the Emperor (so that if now hee made not good his Charge, he should bee put to a cruell death) sayd thus; ‘Sir, what clearer proofe or stronger Evidence can you desire? yet if you will give mee leave to goe out of the Pallace, and send a trusty Mes­senger to him, to let him know that I have done his Command, hee will [Page 203] presently believe it, and repaire hi­ther to seize the Pallace. So may you learne out the Truth. Onely com­mand all in the Court to be quiet, that there may bee no intelligence given to prevent the Plot.’ This being a­greed, he sends a speciall friend to Plautian, to bid him come quickly (now both Princes were slaine) before it were blazed a­broad; that possessing the [...] Ca­stle, and seeling himselfe in the Empire, he might get the Sove­raignty in despight of all men. Plautian believing the Message, was full of hope, and putting on a Cuirace (for defence) under his Garments (the night being well spent) he poasted in his Caroach to the Court, taking but a few with him, that supposed the Em­perours had sent for him about extraordinary Affaires. Being en [...]ed the Royall pallace, with­out [Page 204] any stop (the Corps de guard knowing nothing of the busines) the Tribune meets him, and (of set purpose) salutes him Empe­rour; Plautian the Traitor betrayed. then taking him by the hand in friendly sort, he leades him to the Chamber, where he said hee had throwne the dead bodies of the Emperours; ( Se­verus having appointed some of his Guard, as soone as hee en­tred the roome, to lay hands on him.) But Plautian (who little expected such a banquet) per­ceiving (when he was come in­to the Chamber) both the Em­perours standing there, and that hee was taken in the manner, being horribly afraid, fell on his knees, and sought them not to misdeeme him; saying it was a meere Gull and Tricke put upon him. Severus exprobra­ting his Ingratitude, in rewar­ding [Page 205] his many Honours and Fa­vours in that sort; and Plautian on the other side remembring him of his ancient love and ap­prooved Fidelity, the Empe­rour beganne by little and lit­tle to incline to believe him; till his Cuirace was discerned by the opening of his Garment. Which Antonine espying, being a bold chollericke Youth, and bearing a grudge against him; Sir (quoth he) what colourable answer can you make to these two poynts? First you come to Vs (thus late) unsent for. Next, what is the meaning I pray of this Cuirace? who uses to sup or banquet in Armour? With that hee commands the Tribune, and the rest that were present, to dispatch him with their swords, as an open enemy. Plautian slaine. They (without dilay) did as the [Page 206] young Emperour bade them, and threw his carcasse into the High-way, to bee the scorne of them that ha [...]ed him.

This end had Plautian, answe­rable to his exorbitant Life and Insatiate Ambition. Severus henceforth made two Pretorian Prefects, and spent most of his Time in his Royall houses in the Suburbs, or in the Sea-coast of The Re­gion be­twixt Rome and Naples. Campania, ministring Severus was a good Law-giver. S. Aur. Vici. de Caesar. Iu­stice, and attending State-Af­faires. Hee was also exceeding carefull to have his Sonnes at Rome, bred in honourable fashi­on. For he perceived they were more addicted to Playes and Games, than was agreeable to their Princely estare. The pur­suit whereof, and their eager de­sire to win, being st [...]ll accompa­nyed with different successe, and vehement altercation, distracted [Page 207] the Brethrens affections, and in­flamed them with Fire-brands of enmity and discord. But An­tonine especially (now Plautian was made away) beganne to be intolerable in his behaviour, and formidable to all; using all pos­sible meanes to destroy his wife, daughter to Plautian. But Seve­rus sent her away with her bro­ther into Sicilie, assigning them sufficient Maintenance to live plentifully (imitating Augustus, who dealt in like sort with An­tonius sonnes, when he became his Enemie.)

And now he mainly laboured Severus In­struction to his Sonnes. to reconcile his Sons, and reduce them to Vnity and Vnanimity [...]: Remembring them out of old Sto­ties and Tragedies, of the disasters which befell to Brothers that were Princes, by such Dissentions. Hee shewed them how full of Money the [Page 208] Treasuries and Temples were, so that they needed not to seeke for Wealth and Riches abroad, that had such abundance at home, whereby they might bountifully reward the Souldiers at their pleasure: That the Romane Guards were quadru­pled; and so puissant an Army lay before the City, that considering the Number of men at Armes, Huge­nes of their bodies, and great store of treasure, no forraign power was able to come neere them: And yet all (he said) would come to nought, if they jarr'd & warr'd one with the other.

Thus did hee daily schoole them, and by sharpe reprehen­sions and faire speeches, strove all hee could to bring them to sobriety and temper. But all in vaine. For these unbridled Gal­lants, being in those first heats of youth, flesht in all kinde of Pleasures (by reason of their [Page 209] Imperiall State) became worse and worse, and were more at ods than ever, by the practices of their Parasites, who did not only base offices in serving their Lusts, but were also still projecting new Quarrells and Debates be­twixt them for their own sinister ends. But Severus finding out di­vers of those bad Instruments, severely punisht them.

The Emperour being in great anguish of spirit, by reason of his Childrens unseemly and un­princely Demeanour, received Newes from Bri­taine. Letters from his Vice-Roy of Britaine, cerifying, that the Bar­barians there were risen, and had ranged over the Country, pilla­ging & wasting all before them: that he needed therfore greater Forces to defend the He means the Provin­ciated part of Britaine. Place; or rather, that his Imperiall Maje­stly should come in person.

[Page 210] Severus was glad of this newes as naturally desirous of honour, and ambitious (after his Eastern and Northern Victories and Sir­names) to make a Conquest of the Britaines. Ioyfull also hee was of so faire an occasion to take his Sonnes from Rome, and weane them from the Diet and Delights of the City, by inuring them to a sober military life. He proclamed therefore his Expe­dition Severus ex­pedition in­to Britaine. into Britaine, being now old and gowtie, but of more vi­gour and alacrity, than any in the flower of youth. In his Iourney, he was carried (for the most part) in a Siegetta: and re­sted almost in no place. Having ended his Land travells, he im­barks (with his sonnes) for Bri­taine; where he arrived sooner than any thought or expected. Presently he commands a gene­rall [Page 211] Muster, and raising a great power, prepares for the Warre.

The Britaines much troubled at the Emperors sudden Omnia re­pentina ter­rent. arrival, and understanding that he meant to bring all those Forces against them, sent Embassadors to crave Peace, and excuse their Faults. But Severus seeking to protract time (lest hee should returne to Rome as he came) and being very eager of the Conquest and Sir­name of Britaine, dismisses their Embassadors without [...] dispatch, and provides all warlike Ammu­nition. And to the end his soul­diers might stand firme in fight, and bestirre themselves nimbly, and on sure ground; hee gave strict charge to make Causies and Bridges over the Marish land: For the most part of that Region of the Britaines, being surrounded by the Oceans con­tinuall [Page 212] Irruption, is Fenny and Moorish. In those Bogges the The Ro­manes sti­led all Bar­barians, but themselves and the Greeks. Barbarians use to swim and run up and downe, plunging them­selves to the middle; for being halfe-naked, they care not for Mire or Mud. They use not Vestures, but weare about their Description of Picts or Scots, a branch of the Britans. wasts and neckes an Ornament of Iron, which they esteeme a rare accoutrement, and rich abi­liment (as other Barbarians doe Gold.) They pownce and paint their bodies with curious pi­ctures, and the shapes of all sorts of Creatures; in which regard, they are not clad all over, lest Their Elo­gie. they should hide that brave Em­broderie. They are a most Marti­all [...] people, and very furious in fight: wherein they use onely a Sword and Pike the King and Queene of Weapons. narrow Shield, a Pike, and a Sword hanging at their naked sides. As for Cuirace or Caske, [Page 213] they use none at all; deeming they would but hinder them in traversing the pools and fennes; out of which the foggy vapours continually arising, make the sky in that Coast alwaies cloudy.

Severus hauing all things in readinesse that he desired, which might further the Romanes, or hinder & annoy the Barbarians, left his younger son Geta in that Viz. at York part of the Ile, which was un­der the Romane obedience, to minister Iustice, and governe the State; appoynting (for his Assistance) his most ancient Friends and Counsellours; but tooke Antonine with him to the Warre against the Barbarians. The Armie (having past those rivers and Rampiers which dis­terminate the Frontiers of the Romanes from the Barbarians) made certaine petty Skirmishes [Page 214] and Excursions, wherein they had still the better. But the ene­mies retreated at their pleasure into their Fastnesses among the Woods and Fennes (so familiar to them;) wherein they hid themselves; which being no small Severus lost fifty thousand in that Ser­vice. Dio. detriment to the Romans, did spinne the Warre to a great length. Meanewhile Severus, be­ing now very aged, fell into a languishing Disease, which for­ced him to keep home, and send Antonine to prosecute the warre. But hee little regarding the Bar­barians, bended all his indea­vours to win the Souldiers, per­swading them to make him their Chief. For he vehemently aspi­red to sole Soveraign; to which purpose, hee still depraved and disvalued his brother. Hee was also much vext that his Fathers Disease was so lingring, and had [Page 215] not made an end of him; wher­fore he sollicited his Physicians and Attendants to dispatch the old man, and mischiefe him (by any meanes whatsoever.) At last Severus departed this life, being consumed and pined a­way, rather Severus dies for griefe. with Heart-griefe, than any other malady; having beene the most famous Warrier of all the Emperours. For none ever got so many Victories over Civill and Forraigne Enemies. He deceased At Yorke, April. 4. An. Dom. 212. in the eighteenth yeare of his Raigne, leaving to his young sonnes which succee­ded him, such a Masse of Trea­sure, as never any did; and so puissant an Armie, as was un­matchable.

Antonine (after Severus death) Antonines Cruelty. being now in supreme authori­ty, instantly beganne to bathe himselfe in bloud: putting to [Page 216] death the Physicians for not ha­stening the old Emperors death (as he commanded) & killing his own & brothers foster▪ fathers, because they had mediated an Accord between them: not spa­ring any that either honoured his Father, or was honoured by him. He sollicited also the chief Captaines and Commanders (with large gifts and promises) to perswade the Souldiers to proclame him sole Emperour: using all possible Traines and Mines against his brother. But the Souldiers would in no wise yield to it; for they well knew, that Severus had from their In­fancie trained them in the same degree of honour; and there­fore they were resolved to love and honour both alike. Antonine seeing hee could not prevaile with the Armie, made a League [Page 219] with the Barbarians; to whom having given peace, and recei­ved their Pledges, hee depar­ted in all haste to his Mother and Brother. Being come to­gether, their Mother [the Em­presse] and all the great Lords and Counsellours of State assai­ed to make them friends: where­upon Antonine, when he saw that all opposed his Designes, of constraint rather than willingly, yielded to a dissembled attone­ment. Then both the Brothers, ruling with equall Authority, sailed out of Britaine, and tooke their Iourney to Rome; carry­ing with them their Fathers Re­liques. Severus his R [...]liques. For his body being bur­ned, the Ashes (mixt with sweet Odours) were bestowed in an Vrne of Alablaster, which they tooke to Rome, to place it in the [...] sacred Sepulchers of the Em­perours. [Page 220] They lead the Army (as Conquerors of Britaine) and Antonine and Geta saile out of Britaine. landed in Gallia. Thus have we shewed in this Booke, the man­ner of Severus Raign and Death, and how his Sonnes suc­ceeded him in the Empire.

HERODIAN HIS IMPERIALL HISTORIE. The fourth Booke.

THe Acts of Severus the Emperour during the Eighteene yeares of his Reigne, we have related in the precedent booke.

His Sonnes, who were yet The two Emperors take their Iourney to Rome. young, hastned with their Mo­ther towards Rome: but by the way, they fell to such Iarres, as that they neither lodged in the same house, nor eate together; being extreme jealous, lest they received poyson one from the other, in their Meats or Drinks; either secretly from themselves, or otherwise, by suborning their Servants. They made therefore [Page 223] the more haste in their Iourney, as supposing they might both live more securely at Rome; and that the Imperiall Palace (which The Mag­nificent Pallace of the Em­perours. for Numerous and Gorgious Edifices, was larger than all the Citty) being disparted betwixt them; there would be roome enough for each of them to have his severall Court, and live as pleased himselfe.

Being come to Rome, the peo­ple They enter Rome in State. received them with Laurels, and the Peeres welcomed them. The Emperors themselves went formost; vested in Purple Robes of State. Next after them fol­lowed the Consuls, which sup­ported the Vrne, wherein were Severus Reliques. The Nobles having saluted the new Empe­rours, passed along, and adored the Vrne: which having honou­red with great Pompe and Ce­remony, they shrined it in the [Page 224] Temple, where the Sacred Mo­numents of Marcus, and the Em­perours (before him) are to be seene. After the Divine Rites and Offices were celebrated, (as is accustomed at Imperiall Inau­gurations) the Princes went to the Palace Royall; which divi­ding betwixt them, they dwelt apart, making fast all the secret passages; and using onely in common, the publicke Court­gates. They chose also severall Guards, and came not together, but for some small while, when they were to shew themselves to the people.

Yet had they speciall care to Severus Fu­nerall. solemnize their Fathers Fune­rall with Glorious Ceremonies. For it is the manner of the Ro­manes to Deifie those Empe­rours, which at their Decease leave their Sonnes to succeede them. This Solemnity they call, [Page 225] placing of thē among the gods.

Over all the city there is a sem­blance The Ritual magnifi­cence at the Funeralls and Deifi­cations of Emperors. of Mourning intermixt with that Divine Celebrity. For the dead corps is with sumptuous Exequies, buried as others usual­ly are. Then in the Porch of the Palace, is erected on high, a state­ly bed of Ivory, spred with cove­rings of cloth of Gold; wheron is laid an Image of Waxe, made very like to the Defunct. This I­mage lies like a sicke person, pale & discoloured. On both sides of the bed, there sit most part of the day, on the left hand, all the most Honourable Lords, in black Ve­stures; on the right hand, all the Ladies of Honour ennobled by the Splendor of their Parents & husbands. None of which are a­dorned with gold or Iewels, but are vested in thinne white Ray­ment, after the guize of Mour­ners. This they doe seaven daies [Page 226] together Meane-while, Physici­ans come often to the bed, as if they visited a Patient, saying stil, that he growes worse and worse. When he seems to be departed, the most noble young Gallants, among all the Senators, & [...] Or­der of Knight-hood, lift up the bed on their shoulders, and carry it through the Via sacra: It reached from the Pallace to the Forum, which was the chiefe Place of publicke Meetings & Pleadings. Sacred Street, to the old Forum; (where the Ro­mane Magistrates use to resigne their Offices.) On both sides are Scaffolds erected: On the one part, is a Quire of Boyes of most noble birth and descent: oppo­site to them is a Quire of Ladies of prime Nobilitie: all which sing Hymnes and Or Paeans Lauds over the defunct, with solemn mourn­full Melody. Which done, they take up the bed againe, and carry Cam [...]us Martius. it out of the City, to Mars his field; in the broadest place wher­of is erected a Frame, of a Qua­drangled [Page 227] Aequilaterall Forme, made like a little [...] House, consi­sting of no other Materials, but The Fune­rall Pile, or Deificatory Throne. huge pieces of Timber compact together. Within, it is filled with dry wood: without, it is decked with Tapestry embrodered with Gold; with Ivory Statuaes, and Exquisite Pictures. In the lower part, is placed a lesser Structure, framed and beautified like the o­ther, with little gates and doores set open. There is also a third, and fourth roome; still lesser, and les­ser: and then, divers other; till you come to the last, which is least of all. Which kinde of Edi­fice, may bee resembled to the By these Arabian Spices and Odours, & there seems to be in this supreme So­lemnity, an Allusion to the Phoenix, &c. [...] Light-Houses, which by fire in the night, direct ships to a safe Harbor (vulgarly called Pharos.) The bed being brought into the second roome, they throw in (by heapes) all sorts of Spices, and sweet Odours, that the earth af­foords, [Page 228] and all kinde of fragrant and odo [...]ate Fruits, Herbes, and Gums: for there is not a [...]. ( [...] [...]hich sen [...]e the Authour u­ses it per to­tum.) Pro­vince, or City, or any Person of Honor and Authoritie, which is not ambitious to send these last Presents, to the Honour of their Prince. When a mighty Pile of Aromatickes is amassed toge­ther, so that all the place is full; then, all of the Order of Knight­hood, The Fune­rall Dance or Triumph gallantly mounted on horseback, ride round about the Frame; wheeling to and fro, and prancing in great bravery the Dancing in Armour inve [...]ed by [...]. [...]rr [...]us. P [...]in H [...]st. lib. 7. [...]. 56. Pyrrhick Measures. In the same stately manner, there ride about the Frame, Purple Chariottiers, representing the Persons, & bea­ring the Images of the Noblest Roman Worthies & Emperors. Which Celebrity performed, the Successor in the Empire takes a Torch in his hand, and puts it to the Frame, Then, all the [...] ­titude [Page 129] set fire to it on every side, and presently the whole Frame, filled with such combustible and odoriferous stuff, is al on a bright blaze. Immediatly, from the top of the least and highest Turret (as from a Pinnacle) an Eagle is let An Eagle let flie. flie into the Ayre, at the instant of the firing; which (as the Ro­mans believe) carries the Empe­rors soule from earth to heaven. And ever after, they worship him among the other Gods.

The young Emperours, after Severus De­ifyed. the solemne Deification of their Father, returning home, the flames of discord burst out a­gaine; which growing to a dead­ly Feud, they plotted all manner of wayes to surprize and entrap one another, each attempting all possible meanes to make away the other, that he might be sole Emperor. Yea the minds and af­fections of all the Cittizens of [Page 230] greatest Power and Dependen­cies were infinitly distracted, both the Emperours sending (in secret) their different Letters, and seeking to win and wedge men to their severall factions, by faire promises. But the maior part in­clined to Geta, because he shew­ed The Cha­racter of Geta and Antonine. some sparks of Noble Hone­sty, and was mild and affable in Conversation, and used Honou­rable Studies. For he had still a­bout him Learned men, and was frequent at Wrestling, and other Wrestling a Princely Sport. ingenious Exercises. He was also full of Humanitie and Courtesie towards all▪ & of so gracefull & Princely behavior, that the fame and good opinion of him drew most mens affections to him. But Antonine bore himselfe in a harsh and rugged fashion; and being altogether averse frō the things before recited, affected the repu­tation of a Martialist & Man of [Page 231] Warre. Whereupon, doing all things in Choller and Fury, hee sought rather to winne men by Threatning than Intreating, and by Feare than Love. Their mo­ther seeing them so discordant in all their Actions (even of least Consequence) assayed to recon­cile them, but in vaine. Wherup­on, they (once) resolved to share The Em­pire divided the Empire betwixt them, least residing still at Rome, they should be circumvented by each other. Wherefore having assembled their Fathers Kinsmen & Coun­cellors of State, they debated (in their Mothers presence) how to make the Partition: Where all Europe was adjudged to Antonine, and all the opposite coast called Asia, was assigned to Geta: (for so hath it pleased the Divine Pro­vidence to disterminate both Continents by the Of this Vid. Strab. lib. 2. and the Travels of that no­ble learned Gentleman M. George Sandys, pag. 27.— quem pulcher A­pollo, Omnes per montes, at (que) antra per omnia auxit Propontick Gulfe.) It was also, agreed that [Page 232] Antonines Campe should lye at Byzantium: and Getaes at Chalce­don, a City in Bithynia: that the Armies facing each other (in those Frontire Townes) might guard the Dominions of both, and forbid the Passage by Sea: [ Chalcedon being situate over a­gainst Byzantium, in the mouth of Pontus Euxinus.] It was like­wise ordered, that the Senators and Nobles which were Europae­ans, should reside at Rome; the rest should follow Geta; who desti­ned Antioch or Alexandria (which were not much lesse than Rome) for the chief seat of his Empire; & was content to leave to Anto­nine the Provinciated Moors and Numidians of the South (with the bordering nations of Africk) taking to himselfe the Countries (beyond) towards the Orient. While they were thus parting the Empire [...] by the Map, all the [Page 233] Lords being much grieved at it, their Mother Iulia thus interrup­ted them; O my Sonnes, you have The Em­presses Speech to her Sonnes. found the way to divide Sea and Land; and the Ponticke Gulfe (as you say) parts both Continents: But how will you divide your Mother? How shall I (Wretched Woman!) be torne & mangled betwixt you? First therfore kill me outright, and divide me (each of you taking his part) that I also (with Sea and Land) may bee divided betweene you. Having thus said, with many teares, she caught hold of them both (with a loud shrieke) and clasping them in her Armes, with great violence of affection, endeavoured to recon­cile them. Which piteous sight strucke such a horrour into all; that the [...] Counsell was dismist, the Proposition quite dasht, and the Princes returned to their se­verall Palaces. Yet was there no hope of Reconcilement, but still [Page 234] their irrelenting Fury increased. At the Elections of Vice-Royes and Presidents, each preferred his Friend; and when they sate in Iudgement, they were of diffe­rent Opinions; to the infinite losse of those which had Causes to be heard; for they more regar­ded Partiallity, than Iustice or Equitie. Yea, at Sports & Games they were still of contrary sides. Neither did they forbeare any sort of Treachery; but dealt eft­soons with their severall Cooks and Cup-bearers, to poison each other. Which not taking effect, because of the ordinary care and caution of both at their Table; at last Antonine having lost all pa­tience, and resolved to raigne a­lone, intends to murther his bro­ther. For seeing his secret plots succeeded not, he determined in despight of all danger, to breake through all difficulties. Where­fore [Page 235] rushing into his bro­thers Chamber (who thought not of him) hee slew him in his Antonine kills Get [...] mothers armes, who was all em­brewed with his bloud. Which done, he leaps forth, and running through all the Court, cries out, he had like to have beene mur­thered, and hardly escaped. Then he commands his Gaurd to con­vey him presently into the camp to save his life; saying, he should instantly be slaine, if he stayed there. They beleeving what hee said, and not knowing what was don within, ran along with him. The City was extremely terri­fied He fles to the Campe. at the Emperours running thorow the City in the evening. As soone as he got to the Camp, he went to the Chappell, where the Ensignes and Images of the army are kept with religious ve­neration, and falling flat on the earth, thanked the Gods for his [Page 236] great deliverance. Which when the Souldiers heard (that were then either bathing, or gone to their Rest) they all flockt thither in amazement. Antonine going a­mong them, confest not present­ly what he had done, but cryed out amaine, that he had escaped a dangerous plot of his Capitall Enemie (meaning his Brother) and that with much adoe, after a long Conflict, his Adversaries were overcome: in which fight, both being ingaged, himselfe at last (thanks to his good Fortune) remained sole Emperour: By which darke and intortled Spee­ches, he meant they should rather ghesse at what was done, than di­rectly understand him. Then (to secure himselfe and the Empire) he promised to every Souldier, two 80. li. ( aut praeter-prop­ter.) thousand five hundred At­tique Drachmaes, and double the His Prodi­gality. Wheat they were wont to have: [Page 237] bidding them go themselves im­mediatly and take the Mony out of the Temples and Treasuries. Thus did he in one day squan­der away all the Coyne that Se­verus had raked out of others ruines, in eighteene yeares. The Souldiers allured with such a Masse of money, and understan­ding how the world went, (the murther being now divulged by them that fled out of the Court) Proclaimed him sole Emperor, (terming Geta a traitor.) Antonine stayed that night in the Tem­ple, and taking heart (as having by these Donatives assured the Souldiers) he repaired (the next day) to the Senate-house, with all his Army, which was better ar­med than in the usuall Atten­dance on the Prince. Having sa­crificed, he mounted the Impe­riall Throne, and thus spake:

Having thus said with a loud Voice (in great rage) and casting His Savage Cruelty. a terrible frowne on his brothers friends, he leaves the Senatours (most whereof lookt pale and trembled) and hurries to the Pal­lace: where he instantly slew all his brothers servants & friends, not sparing any Officers that were found in the House, nor a­ny other, no not very Infants: All whose Carkasses being de­spightfully throwne into Carts, and carryed out of the City, were cast by heaps (at randome) into the They had not the ho­nour of a decent Fu­nerall. fire. Hee spared none that had the least acquaintance with Geta; but put to the sword, even Wrestlers, Charriot-dri­vers, and all kinde of Players and Actors, that had any way delighted him, by seeing or hea­ring [Page 241] them. He slew also the most eminent and opulent Senatours, upon the least suipicion or sug­gestion, that they were friends to his brother. He put to death Commodus his Sister (who was then an old woman, and had bin much honoured of all the Em­perours, because she was Marcus his Daughter;) imputing it as a crime, that shee wept with his Mother at her Sonnes Murther. Nor did hee forget his quondam Wife ( Plautians Daughter) that lived in Sicily; nor his Couzen­german, named Sevecus; nor Per­tinaxes Sonne; nor the Sonne of Lucilla (Sister to Commodus) but cut them all off, together with all the Imperiall Kindred, and the flower of the Nobility and Gentrie. Then sent he into the Provinces, and massacred all the Presidents and Procurators, as Geta's Favourites. Yea, whole [Page 242] Nights were spent in such Tra­gicall executions of all sorts of people. Hee buryed the Vestall Virgins quicke, pretending they had lost their Virginity. Lastly (which was never done before) when at the Circensian Instituted in honour of Neptune. Vid. Al. ab Alex. Gen. Die. lib. 6. cap. 19. Sports (where himself was a spectator) the people cast some scoffe at a Charriotier which he favoured, he taking it as an affront to him­selfe, suddenly commanded his Men at armes to rush among the Multitude, and kill all that had scorned the Charriot-driver. Upon this Command, it being impossible to find out the Delin­quents, in so great a throng (no man confessing himselfe guilty) the Souldiers spared none that they light upon, but either slew them, or tooke away that they had in lieu of Ransome. After all which hainous Acts, his con­science His guilty Conscience recoyling, and shrewdly [Page 243] stinging him, he was weary of the City life, and resolved to leave Rome, upon colour to re­forme the Legions, and visit the Provinces. Departing therfore from Italy, he came to the banks of Ister, and the Northern parts of the Empire; where he exer­cised His Exerci­ses. himselfe in Coach-races and combating with all kind of Wilde-beasts. Sometime he sat in judgement (though very sel­dome) where, after a few words on either side, he presently gave Sentence. He much affected the Germanes, and made them his His affecti­on to the Germanes▪ Confederates and Associates in warre; choosing from among them, the most valiant and per­sonable, to bee of his Guard. Yea, he oft laid aside his Roman habit, and put on Germane at­tire, going abroad in their Cas­sockes trimmed with Silver; and wearing a yellow Periwig, l [...]ke [Page 244] the Germane bush. Which af­fected Garbe infinitely indeared him to the Barbarians. And the Roman Army was well pleased, by reason of his profuse Dona­tives, and because he descended to the performance of all Mili­tary His Milita­ry Austerity labours in his owne person; for hee would first dig (when neede required) and if a bridge were to bee made over a River, or a Rampire to be cast, or any Manuary worke or toyle to bee undertaken, he would be the first that should put his hand to it; contenting himselfe with a spare Diet, wooden cups and platters, and any bread whatsoever: for his manner was, to take so much wheat as would suffise one man, which he grinded himselfe, and then kneading it into Cakes, and baking it on the Embers, eat it. Briefe, hee left off all manner of Iunkets and delicates, faring no [Page 245] otherwise than the poorest com­mon souldier. Moreover, it plea­sed him better (as he pretended) to bee called Fellow-souldier, than Emperour; accustoming himselfe to travel on foot (as the rest did) and rarely using Horse or Caroach; carrying also his owne Armes, and many times, the Great Imperiall Standard; which being marveilous weigh­ty, by reason of the rich and Massie Gold-worke, was not ea­sily borne by the strongest An­cient-bearer. For these and the like observances, the army loved him as a good Souldier, and ho­noured him as a brave Com­mander. And indeede it was a wonder, that so small a timberd man, was able to do so great mat­ters. But when he had visited the Legions upon the banks of Is [...]er, and went downe into Thrace, which borders on Macedonia, he [Page 246] then began to play Alexander; He acts A­lexander. reviving that Kings Memory, by all meanes possible, causing his Statues and Images to be erected in every City, and filling Rome it selfe, the Capitoll, and all the Temples with them. I have seen also divers ridiculous Images, which had one entire Body, and one Head, which had two halfe­faces, to wit, Alexanders and An­tonines. His ordinary Weare, was the Macedonian Habit, a [...] Tur­ban on his head, and Pantofles on his feet. He had a select troop of young Souldiers, which hee stiled the Macedonian Phalanx, commanding his Captaines to call themselves by the names of Alexanders Captaines. Hee sent for Youths from Sparta, and ter­med them the Laconicke and Of the Ci­ty Pitane in L [...]onia. Pi­tanite Band. After this, having made the Townes and Cities te­nable, he went to Pergamus a Ci­tie [Page 247] in Asia, to take Physicke of Aesculapius; where having done as his Fancie led him, he mar­ched straight to Troy. Ilium, to view the Ruines of it, and visit Achilles Tombe; w ^ch having bravely dec­ked with flowers and garlands, hee then would needs act Achil­les: He acts A­chilles. but wanting a Patroclus, hee played this Pranck. He had with him one Festus, his most beloved Freed-man, and the Imperiall Remembrancer, who died while he was at Ilium, being (as some say) poysoned, that hee might have such a Funerall as Vid. Hom. [...]ad [...]. 23. Patro­clus: but others say, he dyed na­turally. However, he comman­ded his corps to bee brought forth, and a great Funerall Pile to be made; wheron having cast the dead body, and killed of all manner of beasts, he set the Pile on fire, and lifting up a Viall, sa­crifised Wine, and prayed to the [Page 248] Winds. But when he was to cast his haire This was an ancient Funerall [...]. Vid. [...]. Iph. [...] in [...] pat also into the flame, having a very thin Bush naturall, all the Company laught: yet he made a sorry shift, and cut of all the haire he had. Of all Generals, he comm [...]ed chiefly the Ro­man Syll [...], and African Annibal: Sylla and Anniball. whose [...]mages and Statues he e­rected.

Departing from Ilium, and passing thorow Asia, Bithynia, and other Provinces (where hee setled his Affaires) hee came to Antioch; where being honoura­rably entertained, and having stayed a certaine time, he sent to Alexandria, pretending he had a great longing to see the City which Alexander founded; as al­so, to consult the God which the Citizens so much honored. Vpon these two Pretexts, to wit, the Adoration of their Deity, and Veneration of that Heroes [Page 249] Memory, hee gave order that Sacrifices of an hun­dred Oxen. Hecatombes and Sacrifices (of all sorts) should bee prepared a­gainst his Comming. Which Message being delivered to the Alexandrians (who are natural­ly Cocke-brain'd and light-hea­ded) they were almost beside themselves for joy that the Em­perour was so devoted to them: They made therefore such roy­all preparations for his Enter­tainment, His royall entertain­ment at A­lexandria. as the like (they say) was never made for any Prince. All manner of exquisite Musick and curious Melody was heard over all the City: All his Passa­ges were perfumed with all sorts of precious Odors and Aroma­tickes. Torches were lighted, and all the way strewed with Gelsomines and Muske roses. The Emperour entred the Ci­ty with all his Army, and first went to the Temple, where ha­ving [Page 250] sacrifised Hundreds of Beeves, and burnt Heapes of In­cense on the Altars, he visited His Offer­tory at A­lexanders Shrine. Alexanders Shrine; where he of­fered his Purple Robe, his Rings set with Paragon Stones, his Belt, Scarfe, and choicest Iew­ells he had about him: all which he laid upon his Tombe; where­at the Alexandrians being [...] over­joyed, revelled and feasted day and night, little dreaming what a banquet the Emperour would shortly make them. For all this P [...]ausibilitie was meerely colou­rable; his Intendment being to make a generall Massacre among thē. The cause of his secret [...]an­cour His secret [...] ell to [...] Alex­andrians. was this: It was told him a Rome in his brothers time, and after his death, that the Citizens of Alexandria had spoken dis­gracefully of him. Indeed they The Alex­andrians described. are naturally a very scurrilous People, and much given to gi­bing [Page 251] and giering of others; ca­sting out against the most emi­nent Persons, many cutting Quips, which themselves thinke are fine conceits; but they against whom they are spoke, take them as great Indignities. For those jests are most biting, that have most relish of truth. Having ther­fore much traduced him for his brothers murther, nicknamed his mother Iocasta, and scoft him, for that being such a low Grig, he would presume to personate such High and Mighty Or Semi-Gods. Heroes as Alexander and Acchilles; they did so enrage Antonine, who (by nature) was of a fiery and sangui­nary disposition, that while they thus sported themselves with their Squibs and Flashes, he in­tended to la [...] them with a teri­ble Revenge. Wherfore the Fe­stivall Celebrity being ended; he perceiving what an infinite [Page 252] number were come together in­to the City, out of the Regions adjoyning, made Proclamation, that all the Youths should as­semble themselves in a certaine Plaine; that as he had already a Macedonian & Spartan Phalanx; so also he might (in honor of A­lexander) have another Phalanx; named (after him) Alexandrian. He willed therfore that the yong men should be so ranked that a Lane might bee left for him to walke and take a View, which were fittest for Age, Strength, & Stature, to serve in the wars. This being beleeved (as very proba­ble [...] regard of the high honor he had so lately done to Alexan­der, all the yonkers accompani­ed with their Parents and Cou­zens, me [...] at the place assigned, with great joy and alacrity. An­tonine passing thorow all the Ranks, and perusing them seve­rally, [Page 253] commended first one, and then another; protracting the time, till his whole army had rounded them (ere any observed it or thought of it.) As soone as he wist that they were all circu­led by his men of war, and taken (as it were) in a toile, he presently departs (with his Guard) and makes a signall to the Army; Alexandri­ans massa­cred. which instantly rushing in on e­very side, make a furious slaugh­ter of the unarmed Youths, and all the rest that were enclosed; some of the Souldiers employ­ing themselves onely in killing, other in throwing the dead bo­dies into huge deep Pits, wheron casting much earth, they made a huge great Mount. Many were thrust in halfe dead; and not a few were buried quicke. There perisht also many of the Souldi­ers: For they which had any breath left in their bodies, and [Page 254] had not lost all their vigour, caught hold of the Souldiers that flung them in, and haled them with them into the graves. So great was the slaughter, that streames of bloud gushing through the Plaine, died the Month of Nilus, and the shore a­bout the City with Purple gore. And now affecting the Sirname of Parthicus, and the honour of Conquering the Orientall Bar­barians (though they lived in [...] profound Peace) he layes this Plot. He sends Letters to Arta­banus the King of Parthia, and Embassadours with stately Pre­sents; An embas­sy to the Parthians. Certifying them, that he was desirous to have his daughter to wife; that he was an Emperor, and Sonne to an Emperor, and was not minded therefore to bee Sonne in Law to any Subject, or meane person, but rather to espouse a Queene, or some great Princesse; that the Roman and Par­thicke [Page 255] Empires were the two grea­test in the world, which if (by affini­ty) they were united, & their powers conjoyned, (without any Barre or Let by Rivers or otherwise) they would become absolutely Invincible; that the Barbarian nations subject to both Empires, would be more mannagea­ble, if every severall Countrey and City had governours of their owne Nation; that the Roman Infantery and Pike-men excelled all others in set Battel, that the Parthian Caval­lery and Archers, exceeded for num­ber Parthian Archers. and Skill. Both which concurring with correspondent Military valour, and all Warlicke necessaries, would easily reduce the whole World to an entire Monarchy under one Diadem. And whereas those Countries yeelded Spices, Odours and the finest Silkes; and the Roman dominions abounded in all kind of Mineralls, and Ma­nufactures, which (in the division) Merchants imported but by stealth, [Page 256] and very seldome; were this Vnion effected, on one sole Empire constitu­ted, there would follow by mutuall Trafficke and Amitie, a happy in­tercourse, without impeachment, or impediment.

The Parthian having read these Letters, refused the offer at The Par­thians An­swer. first, saying; That it was very in­convenient for the Roman & Barba­rian Princes to match together, for what concord could there be in so dif­ferent Language, Diet, and Habite? that the Emperour might finde at Rome, many of great Nobility, and Extraction, not unworthy his Affi­nitie; as himselfe had likewise a­mong his Peeres and Princes of the bloud descended of King Arsa [...]es. Arsacidae, and that it was not fit that either of their Races should be Mungreliz'd in that manner. This was his first answer to the Emperors proposition: but Antonine reinforcing his suite, & by many gifts and solemn oaths confirming his zealous affection [Page 257] and desire of Marriage; The Barbarian King yeelded (at last) and promising to give him his Daughter, called him, His son in law that should be. Which newes being divulged; all the Barbari­ans prepared to entertaine the King of the Romanes; and re­joyced in hope of an eternall Peace. Whereupon Antonine Antonine enters Par­thia. passing the Rivers without op­position, progressed over Parthia (as if it had been his own Coun­trey) the Natives every where entertained him with Sacrifices, crowned Altars, and most exqui­site sweet Odours; which hee made shew to bee exceedingly affected with. Approching af­ter a long March to the Court of Artabanus, the King goes forth to meet the Bridegroome (his Son in law) in a faire Plaine be­fore the City, attended with a wondrous company of Barbari­ans, [Page 256] [...] [Page 257] [...] [Page 258] wearing Chaplets of flow­ers and divers coloured Vestures of wrought Gold; frollicking and dancing to the Musicke of Flutes, Pipes, and Timbrells; for with these Revells they are marveilously delighted, especi­ally when they are well tipled. Now when the greatest con­course of people was come toge­ther, and the Barbarians (having left their horses, bowes, and ar­rowes) were feasting and carow­sing (at randome) and misdee­ming nothing, thronged and crowded together to see the roy­all Bridegroom; Antonine made a signe to his souldiers to flie up­on them and murther them. The Barbarians amazed at this, gave The Par­thians mas­sacred. back and fled; the Roman, fol­lowing the Chase, killing and wounding them. Artabanus him­self being [...]ued by his Guard, and set on Horseback, had much [Page 259] adoe to escape with a few of his Courtiers. The Remainder of the Barbarians were put all to the sword; for they had neither horses (which they most needed) having turned them to pasture; nor could they runne away, be­ing hindred by their loose Gar­ments, which reached downe to the foot, nor had they with them their Bowes and Arrowes; for what should they doe with them at a Wedding? Thus af­ter a mighty Massacre of the Barbarians, Antonine taking mag­nificent Spoyles, and many Pri-soners, departs without any re­sistance; burning Townes and Cities as he went, and licensing the Souldiers to take what pil­lage and booty they listed. This blow the Barbarians received ere they lookt for it. Antonine having harried and wasted the Parthian Countrey (till his soul­diers [Page 260] were weary) retreits into Mesopotamia, and from thence certifies the Romane Senate and People, that hee had conquered all the Orient, and reduced all those Kingdomes under his o­bedience. The Senate, albeit they wel knew how things went ( [...] for it is impossible that a Prin­ces actions should be concealed) yet out of feare and flattery they decreed to him all Triumphall Honors. And now did Antonine keepe his Court in Mesopotamia, wholly devoting himselfe to Charriot-races, and Combates with all sorts of Wilde beasts. He had two Generalls of his ar­my; the one was very aged, and though no great Statesman, yet a good Martiall man. His name was Audentius. The other (called Macrinus) was well seen in points of State, and an excellent Law­yer. Him the Prince did oft [Page 261] shrewdly checke and taunt (in publicke) as a man of no spirit or valour, giving him very con­tumelious tearmes. For under­standing that he kept a good ta­ble, and loathed the course Vi­ands that himselfe delighted in (like a souldier) and that he used to weare a short [...] Cloake, and other City attire; he called him an effeminate Coward, and con­tinually threatned to kill him. Which Macrinus taking to heart, was mightily inraged. Now there fell out this Accident (for at last Antonine was to leave the Stage.) Beeing naturally curi­ous and inquisitive to know not onely the secrets of Men, but of Gods also, and Daemons; and suspecting that all inten­ded Treason against him, hee consulted all Oracles, and sent Magicians consulted. farre and neere for Magicians, Astrologers, and Wizzards: not [Page 262] one escaping him, that professed those Curious Arts. But mis­doubting that they all lyed, and prophesied falsely (to sooth him in his humour) hee writes to one Maternianus, to whom hee had committed the Government of the State at Rome; and (as to his most confident friend) hee had imparted all his secrets; willing him to inquire out the chiefe Magicians and Conjurers that Conjuring. were to be found, and to demand of the Spirits that were raised, how long hee had to live; and whether any intended to surprise the empire. Maternianus obeying his Cōmand, (whether the Spi­rits signified so much, or whether he plotted so against Macrinus;) writes back to Antonine, that Ma­crinus [...] insidiously aspired to the Empire, and that therefore hee should make him away.

Having sealed these Letters (a­mong [Page 263] others) hee delivers them (as usually he did) to the Posts that knew nothing of the Con­tents. They with wonted speede arrive at the Emperours Court, at the very instant of his begin­ning his Charriot-race, (for hee was now entring the Charriot) and deliver him the Packet, wherein the Letters (touching Macrinus) were. But Antonine's minde being wholly fixt on his present * Sports, he bids Macri­nus Charriot­races a great sport in those daies take the Letters and peruse them, and if there were any matters of Weight, to certifie him; otherwise to attend his Charge as he was wont, (thus he oft used to doe:) And so he hurries away in his Chariot. Macrinus retiring himselfe, broke up the severall Letters, and fell upon that which aimed at his destruction. Percei­ving therefore that his danger was great and impendent; and [Page 264] well knowing Antonines ferall Cruelty (especially having so faire a Pretext) he reserves that Letter to himselfe, and (as his manner was) acquainted the Prince with the Contents of the rest. But fearing, lest Maternianus should write againe of the same Businesse, he resolved rather to doe than suffer; and thus he plots: There was one Martial, a A Cap­taine of an hundred men. Cen­turion, and one of Antonines Guard, that still waited on him; whose brother was a few dayes before, executed by the Prince, upon bare Information (without proofe or proceesse) who had al­so called Martial himselfe, Base Coward, and Macrinus his Favo­rite (in scorne.) This man being infinitly grieved at his brothers death, and enraged with those reproaches, Macrinus (who knew all the Passages) sends for; repo­sing in him, as having beene for­merly [Page 265] his Servant, and obliged to him by many singular Fa­vours. Him he perswades to kill Antonine, upon the first Oppor­tunity. Whereupon allured with Macrinus Promises, and instiga­ted with his owne Quarrell, and his brothers Revenge, he under­takes to effect it, as soone as was possible. Shortly after it fell out, that Antonine lying at Carrae in Carrae in Mesopota­mia. Mesopotamia, went from his Pa­lace to visite the Temple of the Of Luna and Lunus see M. Ssl­den, de Dijs Syris. Moone, (a good distance from the City) which Goddesse is ho­noured by the Natives with great Devotion. Taking with him but a small Troop of Horse (not troubling the whole army) he went on his Iourney, purpo­sing (when he had sacrificed) to returne to the City. In the Mid­way, commanding all to stand off, hee went aside to his E [...]s [...] ­ment, taking but a Pag [...] along [Page 266] with him. Whereupon all tur­ning their faces, and going a great way off (for Honours sake) Martial, who watched every mi­nute of opportunitie, as soone as he perceived the Prince was all alone, runs instantly (as if he had beckoned to him to doe some­what) Antonine slaine. and stabs him behind with a Stilletto, (as he was uncovering himself.) The wound being mor­tall, he was suddenly slaine with­out recovery. Which done, Mar­tial takes horse and flies. But the Germane Horsemen which An­tonine much delighted in, and u­sed for his Guard, being next at hand, and the first that saw what was don, pursued him, and thrust him thorow with their Iavelins. When the report heereof was brought to the Army, they all ran together to the place; where Macrinus was the first that sell a weeping and wailing (dissem­blingly) [Page 267] over the dead body. The Souldiers tooke his Death very heavily, accounting they had lost a deare friend and com­panion rather than a Prince: and not conceiting any thing of Ma­crinus his [...]reason, they thought Martial had done it in his owne quarrell: and so they all returned to their Tents: Macrinus having burnt the corps, sent his Ashes in an Vrne to his mother to bu­ry it. Shee was then at Antioch, and for griefe of her childrens disasters, slew her selfe; whether voluntarily or by compulsion, is uncertaine. This End had the Emperor Antonine, and his Mo­ther Iulia, having lived in that manner (as I have related) hee having raigned sixe yeares alone (without his Father or Brother.)

Antonine extinct, the Souldiers being all in a Maze, were two dayes without an Emperour, de­bating [Page 268] who was fittest to be ele­cted: For they had Intelligence, that Artabanus was marching with a mighty Army to be re­venged on them, and to Sacri­fice them to the Ghosts of them they had treacherously slaine in the time of Peace and Festivall Solemnitie. They proceed ther­fore to Election: and first they make choice of Audentius, a man bred up in the Warres, and a good commander. But he alled­ging Audentius refuses the Empire. he was super-annate, refu­ses the Empire; wherupon they elect Macrinus, by the perswasi­on especially of the Coronels or Serjeant-Majors. Tribunes, who (after his death) were sus­spected to have beene accessary to Antoni [...]s Murther, and of Ma­crinus Councel, (as in the Se­quele shall bee declared) Thus was Macrinus made Emperour, M [...]rinus Elected. not so much by the Souldiers Love and Fidel [...]ie, as by urgent [Page 269] Necessitie. Presently after, Ar­tabanus approached with his for­ces, leading a huge Army, con­sisting of great troopes of Hors­men and A [...]chers, as also Riders on Camels (in compleate Ar­mour) with extraordinary long Lances. Whereupon Macrinus assembling his Souldiers, made this Speech:

Having thus said, the souldiers seeing in what a The Ro­mans fear'd the Parthi­ans more than any o­ther nation: Rende the letter in the beginning of the next Booke. straight they were, put themselves in Battalia, and were [all night] in armes. At Sun rising, they descry Artabanus and his huge hoste advancing. When the Barbarians had done their devotions to the Sun (after their usuall guize) they ran upon The Battell betwixt the Romans & Parthians. the Romans w ^th a terrible shout, & riding close to them, dischar­ged their arrowes among them. The Romanes having arranged their battels in such exquisi [...]e or­der, that the Cornets of horse, & Moresco Darters, flanked each side, & the light armed souldiers had lanes made between the se­verall Maniples, to sally forth as occasion served, with great cou­rage [Page 272] received the charge of the Barbarians. Neverthelesse, they were extremely galled with con­tinuall shot of Arrowes, and go­red with the long Lances, of the armed horsmen, & camell-men. Yet when the Romanes fought hand to hand, they did easily put them to the worse. But finding themselves overpressed by mul­titudes of horses & Camels, ma­king semblant to retreit; they strewed the way w ^th calthropes, and other sharpe poynted Iron engines, which being covered with sand, and not discerned, did great hurt to the Lanciers, & ca­mel riders. For the Horses, and especially the camels (which are tender ho [...]t) as soone as they trode on them, halted downe­right, and ca [...]t their Riders. The Barbarians, while they are mounted on [...]orses or Camels, fight grimly. But dismounted, [Page 273] they are soon taken, for they dare not come to hand-strokes; and if they be driven to fly, or pursue the enemie, their long loose gar­ments are a maine let to them. Thus all the first and second day they fought from morning till evening. Night parting them, both sides retired to their camps as victors. The third day, they joyned battell in the selfe same plaine; where the Barbarians (be­ing the greater number) assayed to wheele about, and Or take in a Net. [...] inclose the Romans; who perceiving their purpose, extēded not their army in length, but dilated it in Front, and so prevented their circum­vention. Now there fell such an infinite number of men & beasts, that al the field was cover'd with them, insomuch, that huge heaps and piles of carkasses (but especi­ally of camels) lay one upon an­other, so high, that the Souldiers [Page 274] could not come together to fight, both the Armies being hindred from passing one to the other, by a mightie and almost impassable Barracado of carkas­ses; whereupon they retreated to their severall Campes.

Macrinus understanding that the onely cause why Artabanus fought so fiercely and obstinate­ly, was because he supposed hee warred against Antoninus; (for the Barbarians were wont, if they prevailed not at first, to droope and grow faint-hearted; but at that time they were more resolute, intending to fight a­gaine, as soone as they had ta­ken away and burnt the dead bo­dies, not knowing that the Au­thor of all those embroilements was slaine) sends Heralds with letters to the Parthian; certifijng him, That the Emperour was dead, and had received condigne punish­ment [Page 275] for the violation of his oath and league; that himself was now elected to the Empire, by the Romanes (to whom it belonged) and that what was formerly done, did much displease him; that he was therfore willing to restore all the captives that were re­maining, and all the spoiles that were caried away; & that he also much de­sired to make him his friend, & to cō ­firm the peace by oath and sacrifice.

Which letters Artabanus ha­ving read, and being fully infor­med (by the Heralds) of Antoni­nus Heralds. murther; conceiving also, that he was sufficiently plagued for his persidiousnesse; and satis­fying himselfe with the rendi­tion A sudden league. of the captives and spoiles, (without more effusion of bloud) he concludes a peace with Macri­nus, and returnes home. The Ro­man Emperor marched likewise with his Armie out of M [...]sopota­mia, and went to Antioch.

HERODIAN HIS IMPERIALL HISTORIE. The fourth Booke.

WEe have treated in the former Booke of the Raigne and End of An­tonine, & of the treason wrought against him, and of his Succes­sour. Macrinus remaining at An­tioch, sent Letters to the Senate & People of Rome, to this effect.

The Senate having read this Macrinus e­lection con­firmed by the Senate. Letter, gave him all their votes, and decreed to him all Imperial honors. Yet was not the Senate so joyfull at Macrinus succession, as all [...]he commons were glad at Antonines destruction. For there [Page 281] was not a man of any [...]a [...]ke or quality, but thought he had now escaped the sword which hung over his head. And now Sycophāts Pro­moters, and all servants that had appeacht their masters, were trussed on gallowses; all the city of Rome, & almost all the Romane world being well weeded of those wicked wretches, by their death or exile. And if any of Informere punisht. them sculked so close, that they were not apprehended, yet was their poison kept in, for that one yeare that Macrinus reigned. For it was his maine errour, that he did not presently dissolve the ar­my, (by commanding the soul­diers to their several homes) and repaire to Rome immediatly; the people still crying & calling for Macrinus. But he (unwisely) staid Macrinus his Error. at Antioch, trimming his Beard, and stalking in State with a so­lemne [...]low pace, and scarce [Page 282] vouchsafing to speak to any that came to him; or with so low a voice, as (oft) could not be heard. In which garb he imitated Mar­cus the Emperor; not resembling him otherwise in any sort. For he daily gave himselfe to a more delicate course of life, and was more addicted to Stage-playes, Masques, & Revels, than to the Administration of the Empire. When he went in publike, he was deckt with jewels, and a Or Bau­dricke. scarfe embroidered with gold and pre­cious stones of inestimable va­lue▪ which excesse, the Romane army much disliked, holding it fitter for Women & Barbarians, than Princes. Considering ther­fore his e [...]eminate & unmartiall conditions, they began to disva­lue him, & were still paralelling his riotous loosnesse, & Antonines military skill & prowesse. They also tooke it very hainously, that [Page 283] they were forced still to live in tents far from home, and many times without provision of ne­cessaries, and not permitted to returne into their severall coun­tries, a peace being now conclu­ded, while he fared plentifully, and lived deliciously. Wherfore abandoning all respect to him, they watched every opportunity to make an end of him. Thus did the Fates decree, that Macrinus having reigned but one yeare in such delicacy, should lose his life & Empire at once; Fortune mi­nistring to the souldiers a very small and sleight occasion to ef­fect their desires, in this manner: There was one Moesa, a woman of Moesa. See M. G. Sands De­scription of it in his Iournall, p. 207. Phenicia, borne in the City E­mesa, whose sister Iulia was wife to Severus, and mother to Anto­nine; who in her sisters life-time, had lived many yeares in Severus and Antonines Court. This Maesa, [Page 284] after her sisters decease, and An­tonines murther, was commanded by Macrinus, to take her goods, & remove into her native coun­trey. Now she had great store of coine, which she gathered all the while she lived in so flourishing an estate. And being now old, she returned to her old home. She had two daughters, the elder na­med Soaemis, the younger Mam­maea, that, had a son called Bassta­nus; this, another, called Alexia­nus▪ both bred up with their mo­thers & Grandmother. Bassianus was upon the point of fourteene yeares, and Alexianus of ten: both Priests of the Sun, which is wor­shipped (as a god by the Phoeni­cians, and t [...]armed (in their lan­guage) Heliogabalus: to whom they built a stately Temple, The Tem­ple of the Sunne. bravely adorned with gold, sil­ver and precious stones. Nor is the Sun onely adored by them, [Page 285] but also by the bordering Prin­ces and Kings of the Barbarians, which yeerely strive who shall send him the most costly Dona­ries. This god hath no Image to represent him, that is made with hands, after the Greeke and Ro­man fashion; but there is onely a V. IO Selden [...] de Dis Syris. Synt. C. 1. huge great* stone, all round from the bottome, and sharp towards the top, like a Or Spire. Cone. The stone is of a black colour, & they con­fidently affirme that it fell from heaven. Some shining spots there are in it, and divers figures. This (they say) is the Suns Image, not The Image of the Sun. made by human art. To this god was Bassianus sacred, as being the Bassianus elder Son; and therefore did he execute the Priests Office, being vested (after the Barbarian Rites) with gold-embroidered coats, with hanging sleeves reaching downe to the foot. His under­garments, which covered him [Page 286] all over frō his hands to his legs, were like wise cloath of gold tis­sued upon purple: his head was a­dorned with a rich crown of pre­cious stones. Hee was a delicate gracefull youth, and of so sweet an aspect, that hee was held the wonder of his time. So that his beauty, age, shape, and costly ha­bit corresponding, he might not unfitly be compared to the dain­ty Images of Bacchus. This brave young priestling as he sacrificed, and caperd about the Altars, to the musick of flutes, pipes and all kind of instruments, was curious­ly eyed of all, but especially of the Roman Souldiers, either be­cause they knew he was of impe­riall linage, or because his attra­tive beauty drew all their eyes upon him: for at that time a great army was quartered neere to that Emesa. City, for defence of Phenicia; being soone after lead [Page 287] thence, as we shal herafter shew. The souldiers therfore daily re­pairing to the citie and temple, under colour of devotion, were ravisht with the sight of so rare a creature. Now many of them being Romane fugitives, were fa­miliarly acquainted with oesa: who (when they extold his fa­vour) told them (whether tru [...]ly or no, is uncertaine) that he was son to Antonine, (though he were reputed anothers) who lay with her yong faire daughters in the time of her abode with her sister at the Emperors Court. Which when they heard, and had told their fellows, the bruit of it flew thorow all the arm [...]. It was also reported, that Moesa had great store of treasure, and would give it all to the Souldiers, if they would render the Empire to her nephewes. Wherupon they pro­mising to receive her & all hers, [Page 288] and proclaim Antonines son Em­peror, if she would come secret­ly in the night to the campe, the old woman resolved to undergo any hazard, rather than live a private obscure life. Wherfore, issuing privily out of the citie in the night with her children and nephewes, she was conducted by the troupe of fugitives to the ar­my; where all the souldiers wel­comed her, and proclaiming the Boy, Antonine, clothed him in a [...]assianus a yong Priest proclaimed Emperour. purple robe of State. Then fet­ching into the camp all her pro­vision, together with her daugh­ters & their husbands, & what­soever goods or cattell shee had in the fields and villages, they victualled & fortified the camp, that (if need were) they might hold out a siege. Whē this news was brought to Macrinus lying then at Antioch, the army there, understanding likewise (by re­port [Page 289] that Antonines sonne was found out, and that Iuliaes sister had given great store of siluer to the Souldiers, they beleeved all to be infallibly true, and began to waver, and take new resoluti­ons, being excited therto, both by the grudge they bore Macri­nus, & commiseration (as it were) of the memory of Antoninus but especially for the hope of cash: insomuch, that many presently fled to this new found Antonine.

Macrinus scorning all this, as [...] Boyes play, and being as jovi­all as ever, stirred not himselfe, but sends one of his Captaines with certaine companies, which he thought sufficient to [...]ame the rebels. As soone as Iulian (so the Captaine was called) approched the Cam [...]e walls, instantly the souldiers that were within, shew­ed the Boy to the adverse army, from the Turrets and Pinnacies, [Page 290] proclaming him to be Antonines son, and holding up their purses full of money (as a bait to betray Macrinus.) Whereupon the soul­diers without, beleeving he was Antonines son, and perswading themselves, he did exceedingly resemble him in face and linea­ments, struck off their Captaine Iulians head, and sent it to Macri­nus. Iulian be­headed. Which done, the camp gates were opened and all let in. Thus were their numbers increast to a competent Army, not onely to hold out a siege, but also to fight a battell, being augmented also by the accesse of others, that in great troopes revolted to them. Which Macrinus understanding, rouzes up his spirits, and leades forth all his Army to aslaile the Campe. But Antonines Souldiers, not intending to indure a siege, march into the field. Both the ar­mies met on the borders of Syria [Page 291] & Phoenicia; but Antonines fought The battell betwixt Macri [...]e & Bassian, or Antonine. [...] more fiercely, as knowing they should be soūdly punished if they were overcōe: on the other side, Macrines was more faint & remiss, & many of them fled to Antonine. Which when Macrinus saw, fea­ring lest all leaving him to the 4 winds, he should be taken priso­ner, and villanously intreated: whē it grew toward the evening, he stript himselfe of his Purple [...] surcoat, and other Imperiall or­naments (while his Army yet stood firme) and being attended with a few of his trustiest Cap­taines, betook him to flight: sha­ving his berd close (lest he should Macrinus fl [...]es. be knowne) and shrowding him­selfe in a Riding cloake & hood (poasting day and night to pre­vent the fame of his misfortune.) For his Captaines every where took up Coaches, as if Macrinus still being Emperour, they were [Page 292] sent from him about extraordi­nary affaires. Thus he escaped by flight. Meane while, both armies fought; Macrinus his guard (ter­med the Praetorian Band) [...] brave­ly maintaining fight against the whole Power of the enemie; for they were the tallest and choicest men that could be found. All the other multitude fought for Anto­nine. But when Macrinus his men, after a great while, neither saw him, nor any signe of soveraign­ty, not knowing whether he were slain, or fled, or what was become of him, they were in a great maze; for they determined to in­gage themselves no longer for him that was not to be seen; and yet they feared to come into their [...]mies hands by yielding [...]en prisoners. When An­ [...] [...]derstood by the Rene­ [...]hat Macrinus was fled, [...]eralds to certifie thē, [...] not to fight for an [Page 293] [...] unmanly fugitive; that he par­doned them all that was past, and would confirme the pardon by oath, & the better to assure them, would make them presently his Guard. Thus all giving credit to the Heralds, yielded. Instantly Antonine sends to pursue Macri­nus that was now gotten a great way on his journy: he was found at Chalcedon, Chalcedon, a Sea-City, situate in view of By­zantium Strabo l. 12. Macrinus beheaded. a City of Bithynia, grievously sicke and over-toiled with travel, being hid in the sub­urbs, where they strucke off his head. It was said that hee made such haste to Rome relying on the peoples love, but as hee was pas­sing into Europe over the Propon­ticke Gulfe (being come neere to Byzantium) hee was driven backe by contrary Gusts, as if the Winds themselves had con­spired to his punishment. Thus Macrinus not being able to e­scape his pursuers, came to a mi­serable [Page 294] end (through his impro­vidence) determining to goe to Rome at last, which he should have done first of all; having nei­ther good fore sight, nor good fortune: his son Diadumenianus Diadume­nianus Caesar (whom he had made Caesar) being slaine also with him. When all the army had saluted Antonine Emperour, and he was now esta­blished in the soveraignty, the o­rientall affaires being ordered (as was requisite) by his Grandmo­ther and friends (for he was very young and of no experience) he made no long stay there, but pre­pared for his journey to Rome. Maesa longing to returne to the Palace, where shee had so long flourished. When intimation hereof was given to the Roman Peeres and people, it was heavie newes to all. Antonine marching out of Syria, wintered at Nicome­dia, Antonine winters at Nicomedia. (the season so requiring.) [Page 295] There he fell to his hiddygiddy [...] veneration of his country Dei­ty (whose Priest he was) with an­tique dances; attired in rich Sacerdotall vestments of gold, tis­sued on Purple; adorned with jewels and armelets: and wearing coronets of gold and precious stones, made like a Persian dia­dem. The fashion of his habite was betwixt the long robe of the Phoenicians, and the apparrel of the Medes. For he scorned the Greek & Roman attire, as made of wooll, that is (as he termed it) of base stuffe; not daining any o­ther weare▪ but Syrian silks & go­ing [...] abroad usually wi [...] a noise of flutes & shalms, as at his sacri­ficing solemnities. Which Moesa much distasting, hūbly besought him to put himself into the Ro­man habit, left entring the City and Parlia­ment house Curia in that exoticke and barbarous garbe he should be an [Page 296] eye-sore to the beholders not u­sed to such gaudy & garish dresses [...], which they would judge fitter for women than men. But he rejecting her as an old doting foole, and refusing all good Counsell (for hee would have none about him, but such phan­tasticks as himselfe, which soo­thed him in his vicious humors) resolved to weare no other fa­shion, & therfore meant to try a conclusion, how the Roman Se­nate and people would like it. Whereupon he sent to Rome his He sends his Picture to Rome. owne picture (at large) in his su­perfine Pontificalibus, and with­all, the Image of his patriall god, whose Priest he was; comman­ding them that carried it, to place it on high, in the midst of the Curia, over the Image of victory; that when the Senate assembled, all the nobles might burne In­cense, & sacrifice wine before it. [Page 297] Also he made an Edict, that all the Roman Magistrates, and Sa­crificers, should, before all other Gods that they remembred at their devotions, pray to the new God Heliogabalus. Wherefore when (afterward) he entred Rome in the aforesayd Habit, hee was no Novelty to them, having bin used to his Picture. Giving ther­fore great Donatives to the peo­ple (as new Emperors are wont) His Acts at Rome. he exhibited all kinde of stately Shewes; and erected to his God a most gorgeous Temple, where­in were many altars, on which e­very morning he sacrificed hun­dreds of Beeves, and great num­bers of Sheep. Burning also huge heaps of all manner of redolent Odors on the Altars, he powred out [in Sacrifice] many Rund­lets of the daintiest old Wines, so that streams of wine & bloud intermixt, ran over all the Tem­ple [Page 298] Then fell hee to By these dances, the Gentiles intimated, that every part of their body was to be implo [...]ed in the ser­vice of their Gods. dance a­bout the Altars, to a Consort of all kinde of Instruments, divers of his Country-women capring and skipping with him, as they played on Cymballs and Tim­brels; while all the Nobility and order of Knighthood, stood ga­zing at these Gambolls (as Spe­ctators in a Theater.) Moreover, the entrails of the Sacrifices, and Aromatickes, layd on Golden Plates, were borne not by Ser­vants and meane Persons; but by Generails of Armies, and the chiefest Officers of State, vested in long Robes with Hanging sleeves (after the Phoenician fashi­on) and shod with Linnen shooes, like Syrian Prophets. Whom he admitted to these Mysteries, he accounted to have highly hono­red. And though hee seemed wholly devoted to Dances and Sacrifices, yet he kept more tra­gicall [Page 299] Revells; executing many Antonines crueltie. wealthy and noble persons, w ^ch (as he was informed) tooke small pleasure in those things; and now and then scoffed him. He tooke His mari­ages. to wife the most illustrious of all the Romane Ladies; whom hee called Augusta, yet soon after di­vorced her, & stripping her of all honors, sequestred her to a pri­vate life. After, pretending hee was in love, and intending now to shew his manhood, he violēt­ly tooke out of Vestaes sacred * Pomp. L [...] ­tus sayes, they might marry after 30 yeares of age. Lib. de. Sacer. Rom. nunry at Rome, a Vestall Virgin (who by the Divine Lawes was to continue in chastitie and vir­ginity to her end) and married her. And when he heard that the Senate was much aggrieved at that sacrilegious act, he sēt them a consolatory Letter; certifying them, That it was but a humane sin; Antonines Letter to the Sena [...]. That he was inchanted with the ma­gicke of her beauty, and that it was [Page 300] no incongruitie, for a Priest to mar­ry a [...] Priestesse: which was there­fore a most sacred match. But this wife he kept not long, but cashie­ring her, took a third, which was said to be of Commodus Linage. Nor did he thus play at fast and loose with human matrimonies, but now his God also (whose Priest he was) wanted a wife. He took therfore into his bedcham­ber the Image of Three cu­bits high, holding a Speare in the right hand, and a Sp [...]le in the left. Pallas, which He marries Gods toge­ther. the Romans kept in secret venera­tion, unseene of any; and till that day had never beene removed since it was brought from Troy, but only when the Temple was It [...]ost the H [...]g [...] priest Met [...]ll [...]s his Eyes, to rescue it out of the flames. fired: and so hee married that Go [...]desse and his God together in his Palace. Soon after, giving out, that his God liked not such a Martiall wife, that was ever in armes; he commāded the Image of Vrania to be brought: Which having bin exceedingly adored [Page 301] by the Carthaginians & Africans, was erected, as they say, by Queene Dido (the Phoenician) what time she reedified Carthage, by cutting an Dido bought of the Lybians so much Ground as an Oxehide might com­passe: then cutting it into small thongs, she inclosed 22 furlongs, and there built Car­thage. Oxehide. This goddesse the Africans cal Vrania, the Phoenicians, Queene of Starres. Vid. Selden de Dis Syris. Astroarch, or the Moone. Antonine said, it would a­gree bravely, to marry the Sun & Moone together. He sent therfore for the Image, & all the treasure and gold in the Temple; giving it to his God, for a Portion with her. When the Image was brought & set neer to Heliogaba­lus, he commanded al the people of Rome and Italy to use all pub­like & private feasts and exhila­rations for joy of the gods wedding. He marry­ed the Sun and Moon. He erected also in the Sub­urbs a mighty and magnificent Temple, into which every yeare (about mid summer) he brought his God; recreating the people (as he thought) with Chariot­races, [Page 302] stage-plaies, feasts & night­shewes Masques.. Hee brought his God out of the citie into the suburbs, placed in a Caroach adorned with gold and most precious stones, & drawn with sixe good­ly white steeds, decked with rare gold-worke and rich caparisons. There was no man in the charet, The in­thronizati­on of He­liogabalus. but al attended about it, as if the God had driven it. Antonine run­ning backward with his face to­wards the Image, went before the charet, leading the horses by the reines; going all the way back-ward (in that sort) still loo­king on the God. Lest he should fall o [...] stumble, the way was strewed with filings of gold; and h [...] guard supported him on each side for his more safety; the people running along with torche, & throwing flowers & garland▪ This pompous shew was honoured with the Images [Page 303] of all the Gods, and the most sumptuous Donaries that were in the Temples; as also with the Imperiall [...] jewels & ornaments: All the nobility, gentry, and soul­diery accompanying it. When hee had shrin'd his God in the Temple, hee solemnized the a­bove mentioned Sacrifices and Festivities. Then he ascended ex­ceeding high turrets purposely made for him: whence he threw A strange largesse. (as a largesse) among the people, gold and silver plate, and all kind of rich apparell and fine linnen: also all manner of tame beasts, This was done by throwing little balles or tickets, which were warrants for receit of the largesse. except swine; which he (as all the Phoenicians) abhorred. Ma­ny there perished, being either trod to death, or thrust thorow with the souldiers pikes: so that it proved a fatall festivall to ma­ny. He oft used his charret-sports and wild dances in publick, not caring who saw his unprincely [Page 304] pranks. He walked abroad with his eyes painted, and cheeks pur­pled, disfiguring his faire face with foule tinctures. Which His Grand mother. Moesa perceiving, mistrusted the souldiers dislike; and fearing if ought came to him, she should be remanded to a privat life, she per­swades the vain young fondling to adopt for his son, and declare The title of the heire apparant. Caesar, his couzen Germane and her Grand-childe by her other daughter Mammaea: speaking him fair, & finely instilling into him, That it was most meet, that he being dignified with the sacred Title of a Priest, should attend onely on matters of Religion, and the celebration of di­vine Orgies and Offices; and that some other should bee substituted to mannage humane affaires, and be as his Vice-roy, to free him from all cares and encumbrances of State: yet no stranger or alien, but rather his Cou­zen German to be so honoured by his [Page 305] princely favour. Alexianus was he, then named Alexander, his old name being changed into that of the Macedonian kings: for that famous king was much honored by Antonine (son to Severus) who was both their father, as the old beldam pretended: not sparing to vaunt of both her daughters dis­honesty, to make their sons more gracious with the souldiers. Alex­ander Alexander made Caesar therefore was proclaimed Caesar, and made Consull (or As­sociat) with Antonine: the Senate ridiculously decreeing what hee commanded; to wit, him to bee the father, that was 16 yeres old, and Alexander the son, that was 12 yeares old. After that Alexan­der was made Caesar, Antonine as­saied to train him to his courses, as dancing, revelling, sacrificing, & the like rites, & robes, & cere­monies. But his mother Māmaea weaned him from those vain and [Page 306] unseemely exercises, and trained him up in honorable fashion, se­cretly sending for professours of the Mathematicks, & all liberall sciences, & using him to Wrestling a princely exercise. Wrest­lings and such manly activities: instituting him also in Greek and Roman literature. Whereat An­tonine much repining, repented that he had adopted him, or made him his colleague in the Empire; and expelled all his tu­tors frō the Court, putting some of the chiefe of them to death, and banishing others: alleadging ridiculously, that the pedants spoiled his son, not suffering him to dance and revell, but teaching him to be modest, and use manly exercises. Yea, he was so besot­ted, that he preferred all sorts of Stage- play­ers prefer­red. theatricall Actors and Players to the highest honours and most eminent dignities; making Lord Generall of his Armies one that [Page 307] in his youth was a publick dan­cer on the theater He appointed one Stage-player, trainer and guardian Or master of the Wards. of the young Lords and Gentlemen; another, to be Lord President of his Councel; and a third, generall of the horse. He advanced to the chiefest pla­ces of trust in the Empire, char­ret-drivers, comoedians, and hi­strionicall Iesters; bestowing on his servants and Bondmen set free. libertines that were most extremly debauched, the Procuratorships of Provin­ces. At this mad and drunken di­stribution of so many honoura­ble offices, all men murmured, but especially the souldiers stor­med, and scorned him, as being more effeminate than an honest woman would be; and detested him for prostituting the Impe­riall Majesty to contempt, by his capricious dresses, golden gew­gawes, and publike Revels. They [Page 308] were therefore more inclinable to Alexander, conceiving faire hopes of him for his noble and vertuous education; and conser­ving him diligently from the in­sidious practices of Antonine. His mother Mammaea suffered him not to taste any meate or drinke that he sent. His Cookes and Cup-bearers were not those that waited on the Emperor, but such trusty servants as his mo­ther made choise of▪ Shee gave him also much mony in private, to bestow on the Souldiers se­cretly; to win them to him with that bait, which she knew would soonest catch them. Which An­tonine understanding, plotted to destroy him and his mother; but his plots were prevented by their common Grand-mother Moesa; a subtill woman, and a po­liticke A Politicke Lady. dame; as having lived ma­ny yeares in the Imperiall Pa­lace [Page 309] with her sister Iulia, wife to Severus, whereby shee was well read in State affaires. For shee knew all the designes of Anto­nine, who was naturally a blab, and would ordinarily lay him­selfe open, and divulge all his in­tentions. When hee could not surprize him by treachery, hee determined to strip him of his Caesarean dignity; not permitting him to be saluted, or go abroad. Then the souldiers enquired for him, and were much disconten­ted, that hee should be deposed. Whereupon Antonine disperses a fame, that Alexander was like to die, to try how the Souldiers would take it. They, when they could not see the young Prince, were cut to the heart with the report; and being infinitly enra­ged, sent not the usuall guards to Antonine, but lockt themselves the Campe; demanding to see [Page 310] Alexander in their Temple. Anto­nine startled at this, takes Alexan­der, and places him with him in his Imperiall Caroach, richly a­dorned with gold & gems; and hies to the Campe. The souldi­ers opening the Gates, received them, & conducted them to the Temple of the Campe; excee­dingly congratulating and wel­coming Alexander, but coldly sa­luting Antonine; which hee stor­ming at, after hee had lodged all night in the Campe-Temple; was so incensed at the souldi­ers for doing such speciall honor to Alexander, that he cōmanded the chiefe and most noted (for it) to be apprehended & executed as Authors of sedition and mutiny. Whereat all the Souldiers being exasperated, and having former­ly hated Antonine, they resolved to rescue their fellowes, and put away that abhominable Prince. [Page 311] Iudging this therefore to bee a just occasion, and faire oppor­tunity; Antonine slaine. they presently slew An­tonine, and his mother Soaemis, who was with him (as Empresse) with all their Privadoes, and In­struments of lewdnesse that came with them into the Camp. Then delivered they to the peo­ple, the Carkasses of Antonine & Soaemis, w ^ch being disgracefully dragged a long time over all the City, and lastly dismembred, were throwne into the publicke jakes, which are voided into the River [...] Tyber. The Soul­diers proclaiming Alexander Emperour, conducted him to the Royall Palace; being very young, and yet in the tuition of his mother and grand mother.

HERODIAN HIS IMPERIALL HISTORIE. The sixth Booke.

[Page 315] WEe have formerly decla­red Alexander Emperour. in what manner An­tonine (the elder brother) ended his dayes. After him A­lexander had the title and orna­ments of Emperour; but the management of affaires, and re­gencie of the Empire rested in Moesa and Mammaea Regents. Maesa and Mammaea; who labo­red to reduce all things to better order and moderation,

And first they selected out of the Senate 16. ancient, grave, and honourable Peeres, for assi­stants and counsellers to the Prince: without whose suffrage & consent, nothing was to passe as an act of State. Which man­ner of government was won­drous pleasing to the People, Souldiers and Senators; the Em­pire being thereby reduced from an injurious Tyrannie, to the forme of an [...]ment of the principall men. Optimacie.

Their prime care was to re­store [Page 316] the Images of the Gods Religion first refor­med. (removed and displaced By An­tonine) to their owne ancient Temples and Oratories. Next, Next, the State. all that hee had advanced to ho­nors and offices, either without N. B. desert, or for their lewd prankes, they discharged and degraded; commanding every of them to follow their former trades and professions. All civill and judici­ary offices they bestowed on fa­mous learned men and excellent Lawyers: and all places of mar­tiall command they gave to brave noble Captaines, & Soul­diers, expert in [...]. In w [...]ch words the excellent au­thour hath couched both the parts of war: viz Tactick and Strat [...]gema­tick. Marshalling of Moesa dies, & is de [...]f [...]d Armies, and Military Exploits.

The Empire being thus admi­nistred a long time, Maesa being now very old, deceased; and was buried like an empress; being af­ter the Roman fashion, At a Wo­mans deifi­cation, they used a Pea­cocke (into which they supposed her soul to s [...]t:) as an Eagie at a M [...]s See this su­preme solem­nit descri­bed in the beginning of the 4 book of this H [...]. deified.

Mammaea being now sole Re­gent and Guardian of her Son, [Page 317] followed still the same tracke of government. When he came to his age, to manage the state him­selfe, shee fearing lest his unstaid youth might in that height of li­berty & soveraignty, p [...]c [...]i [...]ate him into the vices and vanities incident thereto; set a strong Watch about the Court, prohi­biting allewd and loose persons from his presence, lest his good nature should be corrupted, and his minde provoked to lust by bewitching Syrens, and fawning Parasites. She perswaded him al­so to attend matters of Iudica­ture [...] the best part of the day; to keepe him from Idlenesse, the Mistris of all lewdnesse. Alexan­der (indeed) was naturally ador­ned with Affability, Clemencie, and other Princely graces (as was afterwards apparant in the course of his life.) For in 14 yeares, his Alexanders Elogie. Empire was not stayned with [Page 318] bloud: not one being put to death (by him) all the while. And though divers were convict of haynour crimes, yet hee spared their lives: which you shal hard­ly finde to have bin done by any Emperor since Marcus. None can remember that in all the time of his Raigne, there was any execu­ted without Iudiciall Processe. He much blamed his Mother, & was very angry with her, for her greedy covetousnesse of money, and accumulating of riches. For Mammaea pretending to hoord up Coin, to supply Alexanders boun­ty to the Souldiers, got a great Masse of Treasure to her selfe. Which, although it were much disliked in her, and condemned by the Emperour; yet did her [...]lent practices in spoyling [...]their good and estates, [...]him, to his obloquy & [...]. She gave him a wife [Page 319] of a noble Family; whom hee dearely loved: but she soon after banisht her the Court. For, arro­gating to her selfe alone the title of Empresse; and maligning her Daughter in-lawes honour, shee proceeded to that outrage, that the young Empresses Father, though in great esteeme with A­lexander (his son in law) not able to indure the many wrongs shee did him and his Daughter, fl [...]d into the Camp: prosessing he was much obliged to the Emperour for doing him that honour, but accusing Mammaea for her oppro­brious injuries. Whereat, she be­ing the more exasperated, com­manded him to be slain; and ha­ving expelled the young Lady from the Court, confined her to Africke. All W ^ch was done with­out Alexanders consent, & meere­ly against his will: for his Mo­ther caried a high and imperious [Page 320] hand over him, and he tenderly reuer'd and obeyed her in all things: so that his main error was too much softnesse, & over great obsequiousnes to his mother, in things w ^ch himself disapproved.

Having thus ruled the Empire thirteene yeares, without any grievance (in regard of his owne particular) suddenly in the four­teenth yeare, there came letters from the Presidents of Syria and Mesopotamia, cetifying; That Ar­taxerxes King of Persia having The Par­thian king [...]laine. conquered the parthians, and slaine Artabanus (who was the first that was called, The great King, and A double [...]m. wore a double Diadem) did likewise subdue and make Tributary the bor­dering Barbarians: and not contai­ning [...]e Persi­ [...] inv [...]de the Romans him [...]elfe within the River Ty­gris, had transpassed the banks and bounds of the Roman Empire, and made a rode into Mesopotamia, th [...] eatning to invade Syria, and [Page 321] challenging the The lesser [...] Asia. opposite continent to Europe (limited by the Aegean Sea, and Propontick Gulfe, and cal­led Asia) as the ancient Patrimony of the Persians: in that, from Cy­rus (who first trāslated the Empire of the Medes to the Persians) until Da­rius the last Persian King (deposed by Alexander) all those countries, as far as Ionia and Caria, [...]ere ru­led by Persian Vice-royes: and ther­fore, he held himselfe bound in honor to recover all that w ^ch was ancient­ly under the Persian Scepter W [...]en Alexander received this d [...]mall newes from the Easterne parts, he was not a little perplext and troubled, having beene ever trai­ned (from a child) in peace and tranquility, and nuzled in City­delights: advising therefore with his Councel, he first resolved to send Embassadours with letters to stop the Barbarians procee­dings. The letters were to this ef­fect: [Page 322] That he ought to containe him­selfe Alexanders Letters to the Persian. within his bounds: and not in vaine hope of new Conquests, raise wars and stirs. That every one ought to rest content with his owne estate, That he would find great difference in fight betwixt Romans and his fel­low Barbarians. Lastly, he put him in mind of the victories which Augu­stus, Trajan, Lucius & Severus had obtained against them. With these letters Alexander perswaded him­selfe he should over-rule the Bar­barian and make him quiet. But he scorning them, and holding it The [...]rsi­an scornes them. his best course to fight rather thā talk, was now more rampāt than ever: ranging over al Mesopotamia, taking great booties, and assailing the Romā camps that were pitcht on the river banks, to defend the limits of the Empire. Being also naturally of a high spirit and haughty minde, which by this sudden successe was much more [Page 323] elevated, hee thought he should conquer all afore him. Hee had great encouragements to enlarge his Dominions, being the first that attempted the Parthians, and recovered the kingdome to the Persians: for after Darius, whom Alexander the Macedon conque­red, the Macedonians and Alex­anders successors for many yeres divided among them the princi­pality of the orientall Provinces over all Asia. But when by their civill wars and discords, the Ma­cedonians & the rest were weak­ned, Arsaces the Parthian did (as they say) first perswade the bar­barous people of these countries to revolt from the Macedonians: and being crowned King by the Parthians and adjoyning Barba­rians, he held the kingdome: and left it to his posterity, which en­joyed it untill the raign of Art [...] ­banus (in our time) slaine by [Page 324] Artaxerxes, who reunited that king­dome to the Persian Monarchy, and having brought in subjectiō the adjacent Barbarians began to trench on the Roman territories. Which Alexander understanding, and knowing it concerned him in a high degree of justice & ho­nor, not to suffer the insolent Bar­barian any longer, (his comman­ders earnestly importuning him to come in person) with much a­doe, at last he prepares to set for­ward (against his owne inclinati­ons) and now there were Gene­rall musters through all Italy, and the Romane Provinces, of the A generall [...]ster. strongest and ablest persons for the wars; great hurliburlies be­ing in all parts of the Empire, about training the choicest that might bee found, to encounter the barbarous multitude. Alexan­der assembling into the field all the Souldiers which were quar­tered [Page 325] neere the City, spake thus to them from his Throne:

Alexander having thus said, the souldiers by their generall cry exprest their alacrity and readi­nesse to march: wherfore giving them large pay, hee commands them to prepare for the voyage, & having made another speech (of like effect) to the Senate, he appoints a day for his departure: which being come, and the usual sacrifices & ceremonies perfor­med, (all the Senate and City at­tending him) hee departs from Rome, oftē looking back towards the City, and weeping. Neither Alexander beloved o [...] all. was there any of the people w ^ch parted from him with drie eies: so dearely were they devoted to him, being bred amongst them, & having raigned so many years with such rare moderatiō. With speedy journeies hee visited [Page 328] the Illyrian Nations and armies, and taking great forces from thence with him, he marched to He marches to Antioch. Antioch, where he made diligent preparation for al warlike neces­saries, still attending the training of Souldiers and other Martiall exercises. Here again (hoping to end the war by Treatie) hee sent another Embassie to the Persian king, to conclude a peace, & con­tract An Embas­sie. a league with him. For be­ing come so far in person, he was in hope either to perswade him, or at least to terrifie him. But the Barbarian prince proudly rejects the Roman Embassadors, & sends 400 of his tallest Persians in brave & rich attire as Heralds or embassadors, mounted on good­ly coursers, w ^th their gay bowes and arrowes, thinking the Ro­mans would be danted with the sight and habit of the Persians. His embassage was this, The great [Page 329] King Artaxerxes commands the A braving Embassie. Romans and their Prince, to depart out of all Syria, and Asia Asia mi­nor. that is op­posite to Europe; to permit the Persi­ans to rule as far as Ionia & Caria, & over all those countries which are divided by the Aegean and Pontick sea, and by patrimoniall right belong to the Persians. These 400 Em­bassadors Alexander commanded Embassa­dors pu­nisht. to bee apprehended, & stripping them of their Persian gallantry, banisht them into Phrygia, assign­ing them certaine villages for dwelling, and fields for tillage: contenting himselfe to punish them by debarring their returne into their native countrie; it be­ing (as he thought) an [...] unholy deed, & unmanly act to put them to death that fought not, but on­ly executed their Soveraignes command. This done, Alexander being about to passe over the ri­vers, and lead his Army into the [Page 330] Barbarians countrey, many Ae­gyptian souldiers revolted from him; and others began to make a commotion in Syria: but they were soone supprest and punisht. Alexander also sent some Forces into other countries, to prevent the Barbarians incursions. All Alexanders policie. which things being set in order, and having now a great armie, not inferior to the enemy, he di­vided it (by his councels advice) into three Battalions, comman­ding one to march Northward through Armenia (which seem'd to be in friendly termes with the Romans) and that way to invade the Borders of Media; another likewise, to passe by the North through the Barbarian countries, where Tigris and Euphrates meer, & are drowned in great Marishes and lakes; whence it is unknown how they are dis-emboged; the third, being the best part of the [Page 331] army, himself undertook to lead against the Barbarians, & assaile them in the midst. By this means he thought to take thē unprovi­ded, invading thē several wayes, and that the Persian forces would be much distracted & weakned, and so lesse able to resist the Ro­manes by being dispersed to in­counter them in places so far dis­terminated. For the Barbarians have no mercenary bands (as the Romans use) nor any set Camps or veterane Armies that are still exercised in Martiall discipline: but all their men (and women too sometimes) are mustered to­gether at the Kings command: and after the war, return to their houses, taking (for their pay) all the booties they get. They use shooting and riding, not one­ly Archerie (as the Romans) in war, but (e­ven frō their childhood) in hun­ting for their food: using their [Page 332] bows perpetually on horsbacke, whether they follow the wars, or pursue wild beastes. This plot of Alexander, though it were plausi­ble proved not fortunat: for the army that marcht thorow Arme­nia, having with great difficulty climbed over the extreme steep and craggy Mountaines of that The Ar­menian mountains. Region (which they did the bet­ter, in regard it was Summer) en­tred Media, where they burnt ma­ny Villages, & got much pillage. Which the Persian King under­standing, hastened against them with al his power. But they could not impeach the Romans, by rea­son of the hillinesse and rough­nesse of the countrie, which was more firm and p [...]ssable for foot­men: but a maine hindrance to the Barbarian horse. Then came other news to the king that ano­ther Army of the Romans had entred the Parthian dominions [Page 333] Eastward, and wasted the Coun­try. Fearing therfore, lest having soone conquered the Parthians, they should invade Persia, he left as many troopes as (he thought) were sufficient to defend Media, and posts with a puissant host to the East parts. The Roman Ar­my when they saw none come a­gainst them, began to bee more negligent in their march; suppo­sing that Alexander had with the third part of the Army (which was the strongest) invaded the Barbarians in the middle. Re­sting therfore & reposing them­selves, they supposed there nee­ded no hast; as not doubting, but that all the Army did come on, according to the first determina­tion; to which purpose a place was assigned as a rend [...]zvous for themselves, the prey & prisoners which they should take. But A­lexander disappointed them: for [Page 334] he neither went himself, nor sent the Army: whether for feare of losing his life in defending the Empire; or whether his mother out of a feminine feare and fond­nes detained him, is uncertaine. Vndoubtedly shee did much a­bate his noble courage, perswa­ding him rather to expose others to danger, than himselfe to the fortune of war. By which means, the Roman army that had entred the Barbarians Countrey, was meerely betrayed. For the Persi­an king leading all his forces a­gainst The Ro­mans de­feated. them ere they were aware, and taking them as it were in a net, gave thē an absolute defeat: for being few, they could not withstand so many: but guar­ding as well as they could the o­pen parts of their bodies (with their Armes) against the shot of the arrowes, they supposed they acquitted themselves well, if ma­king [Page 335] no resistance, they escaped safe. But having for some space defended themselves by joyning their targets together, as with a wall, & being like a city assaulted on every side, & grievously woū ­ded, at last, after a long and brave resistance, they were every man slaine. The losse of which great Army (which might well bee compared to any of the Anci­ent, for valour or fidelity) was a mighty and unspeakable calami­ty to the Romans. But the Persi­an puft up with so good successe, bare his Crest aloft, and aspir'd to higher matters. Which when Alexander heard, being then very sick (either for griefe of mind, or unwholsomenesse of the aire) he tooke it exceeding heavilie: and all the Army was grievously offended with the Emperour: in that by disappointing his men, he had so foully betrayed thē. But [Page 336] Alexander not able to endure hi [...] sicknesse, nor that hot clime which afflicted all the army and especially the Illyrians (who ha­ving beene used to a cold and moist ay [...]e, fed more plentifully than re [...]) purposed to dis­ma [...]ch to Antioch▪ and send for th [...]se few Souldiers that remai­ned of thē that perish (amongst th [...] Mountain [...] by extremity of the Winte [...] season. The compa­nies that [...]lexander had wi [...]h him, he brought back to Antioch: ha­ving lost many of them also: to his infinit dishonour, & his soul­diers discontentment: Fortune failing him every where. For the most part of his threefold army (for so he divided it) perish di­versly, either by sicknes, sword, or cold.

Alexander being come to An­tioch, Alexander retires to Antioch. and having soon recovered his health by the change of aire [Page 237] ( Mesopotamia being extreme hot, but Antioch much cooler, & well watred with dainty fountains) he refresh [...] his army & reviv'd their drooping spirits with great store of Coine (for that he held to be Pilula [...] ­ [...]eae, the best physicke for Souldiers. the onely preservative to assure the souldiers love.) Here he rai­sed new Forces, as if he meant to leade another Army against the Persians, if they were further troublesom, & desisted not from their enterprises. But he received intelligence, that the Persian king had dismist all his Souldiers to their owne homes. And though the Barbarians seemed to have got the upper hād, yet were they excedingly wasted w ^th those fre­quēt skirmishes & battels in Me­dia & Persia▪ & they w ^ch surviv'd were (forthe most part) grievous­ly wounded and much weakned. For the Romans which fel, sold their lives full dearely, and [...]lew [Page 338] not a few of their Enemies, tho they were but a handful in com­parison of them: insomuch that there were almost as many slain of the Barbarians as of the Ro­mans, who were not inferior to them in valour, but number. And this was a certaine signe of the Barbarians great losse, that they took not armes, nor offered to stir for 3 or 4 yeares after.

Alexander thus advertised, du­ring his abode at Antioch, and be­ing disburdened of the irksome care of War; he was much more free and frolicke, and gave him­selfe to the City-pastimes and plesures. And now while he was confident that the Persians would bee quiet, or at least, that they would not (in hast) re-assemble their Forces, which are rather a confused multitude, then a wel­ordered Army (for they have no other provision, thē what every [Page 339] man brings from home for pre­sent use; and are also very loath to leave their wives, children & possessiōs) there came posts with letters from the Procurators of Illyria, w ^ch troubled Alexander & perplext him more thē ever: for they certified him, That the Ger­manes The Ger­manes re­bell. having past the Rhine, and I­sther, had invaded the Roman Fron­tiers, assaulted the Armies upon the Banks, & made great havock in the Cities and Villages: to the great ha­zard of the Illyrian Regions adjacēt, and abutting on Italy: that his Pre­sence therefore was mainly necessa­ry, together with the whole Army.

This newes amazed Alexander, and grieved the Illyrians, being twice miserable; by their late dis­comfiture in the Persian expedi­tion, and the slaughter of their countreymen by the German in­cursions. They were therefore exceedingly enraged at th [...] Em­perour [Page 340] for betraying the affaires of the East by his feare or negli­gence, & for delaying to succour the North, being so earnestly called upon. And now Alexander and his Counsell began to mis­doubt Italy: which was in grea­ter danger of the Germanes then the Persians. For the remote Na­tions of the Levant, so far dis­joyned by Sea and Land, scarse heare of the name of Italy: but the Illyrian Dominions being of small extent, and consisting but of a few Provinces, are the only bar betwixt Italy and Germany. Being compelled therefore by necessity, hee much against his will proclaimes his Expedition: and leaving as many Companies as he thought sufficient to guard the Roman frontiers (having wel manned & fortified the Camps, Sconces, & other praesidiary pla­ces) hee hastens with the rest of [Page 341] the Army against the Germans. Having ended his Iourney with Alexander come to the Rhine. great speed, he incamped on the bankes of the Rhine, and there made provision for the German War. He made a bridge of ships and barges for the more easie passage of his Army over the ri­ver: Rhenus and Isther being the greatest rivers of the North: the one rūning through Germany, the other through Pannonie. In sum­mer they are navigable, by rea­son of their deep & broad chan­nells: but in winter they are so frozen, that they are ridden o­ver, as if they were Plaines: the Ice being so firm and thick, that it bears not only horse and man, but they also which want water, bring not with them Pitchers or other vessels, but axes and hat­chets, wherewith they hew out water, and carry it thence like stones. Alexander had in his Ar­my [Page 342] divers Regiments of Moors, and a goodly band of Archers, which hee brought out of the East; some from the O [...]roenes Country; others, that were Par­thian Fugitives, or Stripendaries, which he sent against the Get­mans, who were much infested Moores ge­ne [...]lly n [...]le­footed. by them: for the Moors cast their darts at a great distance, and are very deft and nimble in running Archers. to and fro: and the archers stan­ding afarre off, easily hit the na­ked heads and vast bodies of the Germanes; being faire ma ks to shoot at. Sometimes also they came to hand-stroks; wherin the Germans were (oft) not inferior to the Romans. While these things were on foot, Alexander sent em­bassadours Embassa­dors. to them to treat of peace, and to assure them that they should want nothing that they needed, & that they should be well furnisht with mony. For [Page 343] the Germans are soonest perswa­ded with that, being very greedy of Ghelt, and ever ready to chaf­fer peace with the Romanes for gold. Alexander therfore assayed rather to buy a league, than to ha­zard himself in the war. But his Souldiers were much disconten­ted, that they spent their time vainly and were not led to some brave Service or gallant Enter­prise. Alexander (as they said) ca­ring more to follow his Charret­ting and Revelling, than to pur­sue or punish the presumptuous Germanes (as concerned him.) Now there was in the army one Maximine, borne in an obscure Maximine [...] described Village of the innermost part of Thrace, a Semi barbarian; and which in his younger age had beene bred a Shepherd; after, being at mans estate, hee was for his bulk and strength appointed to serve in the warres among a [Page 344] troope of horse; soone after, Fortune leading him by the hand, he passed through all Mi­litary preferments, to the com­mand of Armies and Provinces. Thus Maximine, was for his sin­gular skil in the exercise of arms, made Captain by Alexander, over all the yong souldiers; to the end to traine and make them fit for Service. Who performing his taske with care and diligence was very gracious with all the army. For he did not only teach them what they should doe, but himselfe did by his owne exam­ple, daily instruct them: where­by they became not onely his Schollers, but also [...] zealous imi­tators of his valour, being obli­ged to him by Donatures, and all manner of honors. These young Souldiers (whereof many were Pannonians) applauded Maxi­mine for his prowesse; but scor­ned [Page 345] Alexander, as being still Ward to his mother, & wholly subject to the authoritie and will of a woman, which made him so slowly and unmanly to pro­secute the warres: whereby the orientall expedition miscarried: and nothing (in effect) was done against the Germans. And now being naturally prone to Inno­vation, and wearied with the long raigne of the Prince, which was but little beneficiall to them (there being no competitors for the Empire) hoping also that if some other were made Empe­rour (beyond his expectation) it would be more for their profit and preferment, they resolved to kill Alexander and elect Maxi­mine Emperour, who was their comrado and fellow in Armes, and for his Martiall skill and va­lour fittest for the present warre. Assembling therefore into the [Page 346] field in Armes, when Maximine came (as his manner was) to train them, they invest him with Pur­ple, and salute him Emperour, Maximine elected Emperour. which whether it were so com­plotted, or hee were ignorant of their intentions, it is uncertaine. At first he refused and threw a­way the Purple. But when the Souldiers brandisht their Cymi­ters, threatning to kill him if he yielded not, he chose rather to a­void the present then future pe­rill; and accepted the Honour; which (hee said) had beene oft foretold him by Oracles and dreames: protesting withal to the Souldiers, that it was much a­gainst his will, yet he would sub­mit to their importunity: & see­ing they would needs have it so, he wisht them instantly to take armes, & before the rumor were blazed▪ to surprize Alexander that knew nothing of it, that his soul­diers [Page 347] and guard being astonisht with the newes, might either be drawne to their party, or being taken unprovided, compelled to yield. Then cheering all the Ar­my, with promising them a dou­ble portion of Corne, extraordi­nary Donatives, and remission of all punishments and penalties, he leads thē straight towards Alex­anders Pavillion, not far thence; who, when hee heard of it, was mightily amazed, & leapt forth of his royal tent like a mad man; weeping and trembling, and ac­cusing Maximine as perfidious and ungratefull for all the ho­nours he had done him; and the young souldiers as perjur'd & dis­loyall for conspiring with him. Lastly, he promised to give what they would have, and amend whatsoever was amisse.

The Souldiers that were with him, comforting him for the pre­sent [Page 348] said they would stand for him to the uttermost. When the night was past, and it was now day, newes comming that Maxi­mine was at hand, that a great dust was seene, and a huge multi­tude heard not far off, Alexander went again into the Plaine, & as­sembling the souldiers, besought them to protect and defend him that was bred up by them, & had raigned 14 yeares without har­ming any: whereat, all commise­rating him, he commanded them to take armes & charge the ene­my. But the Souldiers, though they gave him good words, yet slipt away one after another, and would not fight. Some wisht the Praetorian Praefect and Alexan­ders Courtiers might bee execu­ted, imputing the mutiny to thē. Others laid all the blame on his mother, which by her insatiable avarice and base niggardice (in [Page 349] scanting the souldiers) had made Alexander odious. Thus for some while they parlied and argued, but marched not. When Maxi­mines army came in sight, & be­gan to perswade them to leave that wretched woman, and puny Prince, that was still under his mothers wing; and adhere to a valiant Souldier and brave com­mander, that was their own com­panion in armes, and an excellent Master in the Art Military; they all presently revolted from Alex­ander, and with one voice pro­clamed Maximine Emperour. A­lexander Extreme calamitires confound the spirit. in great feare and distra­ction returnes to his Pavillion, where hanging on his mother & (as they say) bemoning his infor­tunity, which happened by her meanes; he expected his deaths­man. Maximine being saluted Au­gustus by all the army, comman­ded the Knight Marshalls and O▪ Tri [...]n [...] [Page 350] some Centurions, to put Alexan­der and his mother to death, and all that resisted. Wherupon they Alexander slaine. rusht into his Tent and slew him with his Mother, friends, and counsellors: except them that a little before escaped by flight or concealment: which yet soon after were all apprehended and slaughtered by Maximine. This end had Alexander and his Mo­ther, having raigned 14 yeares without [...] blame or bloud. For he abhorred murther and cruel­ty, and was so mild and tempe­rate, that he suffered none to dy, but those that were condemned by Law: and had not his misera­ble Mother blasted his Honour by her [...]ordid demeanour, there had beene nothing wanting to have rendred him a most excel­lent Prince.

HERODIAN HIS IMPERIALL HISTORIE. The seventh Booke.

WE have shewed in the for­mer Book, how Alexan­der demeaned himselfe in his 14 yeares raigne, and how he died. Maximine having attai­ned the Soveraingty, there fol­lowed a strange alteration. For he carried himself in such rough & terrible sort, that the Empire was now fallen frō a faire calme rule, to a stormy blustring Ty­ranny. Knowing now he should be generally prejudged, because he was the first that was raised frō the lowest step, to the high­est State; and being also a Barba­rous caitife and villaine of birth, [Page 353] and by education, custome, and condition, given to bloud; his chiefe care was to settle himself in the Empire by crueltie: suppo­sing hee should bee (otherwise) contemptible to the Roman Se­nat and subjects, who would not so much consider his present fortune, as the basenes of his pa­rentage: for all men knew that (first) he was a Shepherd in the Mountaines of Thrace: and that after, being (for his vastnesse & activity) prest for a soldier amōg his poore countreimen, he was led by the hand (as it were) of Fortune, to the Roman Empire: wherefore he instantly [...] discom­posed all Alexanders councellors & assistants that were chosen by the Senat; sending some of them to Rome; and depriving others of their offices, upon pretence of misgovernment. Which he pur­posely did, that being rid of all [Page 354] which were his betters (in birth) he might the more freely & un­controlably practise (in his Ar­my, as in a strōg Arcenal) al kind of Tyranny, without regard to any. Hee banisht also from the court, al Alexanders servants, that had so many yeares waited, and put many of them to death upon misprision of Treason, because they mourned for their old ma­ster. But that which set a keene edge upon his Tyranny, was an information, that many Cap­taines and all the Roman Senate conspired against him.

There was one Magnus, a very Magnus. noble Gentleman, that had been Consul; who was accused to the Emperor that he raised a faction against him, and dealt with the Souldiers to make himselfe Em­peror. The Plot was said to be this: Maximin had built a bridge over the River to go against the [Page 355] Germans; for as soon as he came to the Soveraignty, he presently applyed himselfe to the warres. For being elected to the Empire for his huge bulke, approved va­lour, & skill in military affaires, he intended by deeds of Armes to confirme the Soldiers in their good opinion, and to make the world know, that Alexanders feare, & [...] retardation of the war, was justly to bee condemned. Wherfore he spared no pains to muster and traine the Souldiers, and being still in armes himselfe, he mightily incouraged the Ar­my Having made the bridge, he purposed to passe into Germany. But Magnus was reported to have perswaded many of the best sol­diers (who had the charge of guarding the bridge) that as soon as Maximine were passed over, they should cut it down; and so (preventing his returne) betray [Page 356] him to the Barbarians. For so deep & broad was the river, that it was impossible hee should re­treat (there being no ships on the other side.)

This was the rumor, but whe­ther true, or feigned by Maxi­min, is uncertain; for it is hard to determine any thing therein; all that were suspected, being sud­denly apprehended, and cruelly slain, without Iudiciall Processe or Pleading. But now the Osro­ene Archers began to revolt. For being much griev'd at Alexanders murther, & meeting (by chance) Quartinus with Quartinus one of Alexanders friends (dismist but a little before by Maximine) they layd hold on him, and utterly against his will made him their Chiefe, and ho­nouring him with the fatall Or­naments of Purple, and Fire car­ried before him, they proclamed him Emperor, that neither knew [Page 357] of it before, nor thought of it: howbeit, soone after sleeping in his Tent, he was suddenly slain by one that had beene his com­panion, and (as some say) his af­fied friend: whose name was Ma­cedon, Macedon. the Captain of the Osro­ens, and the first mover of their revolt frō Maximin. And though hee had no cause nor quarrell at all against him; yet he slew him, whom himself had compelled to take upō him the Empire. Then, thinking he should be wondrous welcom to Maximine, he brought him Quartinus head for a Pre­sent. Maximine being glad to see it, and rejoycing that his enemy was so easily made away; wher­as the Actour expected great thanks and preferment; hee put him to a most cruell death; as a Ringleader of Rebellion, a mur­therer of him that hee had per­swaded (against his will) to that [Page 358] enterprize; and a Traitour to his dearest friend. These & the like occasions whetted Maximine to all immanity, that (of himselfe) was exceeding bloudy. He had a horrible ugly countenance, and such a Cyclopicall Bulk, that no Greek nor Barbarian Champi­on was comparable to him. Ha­ving thus ordered his affaires, he leads all his army with great cou­rage over the Bridge, and makes war upon the Germans. A won­drous multitude of people fol­lowed him; almost all the Ro­man forces, the Moresco darters, and many Bands of Archers of the Osroens and Armenians: (whereof, the first are Vassalls to the Romans; the latter their Al­lies and Confederates) as also the mercenary and fugitive Parthi­ans, and the Captives of that na­tion that served the Romanes in the war. Which confused Masse, [Page 359] having been first raked together by Alexander, was after augmen­ted & well trained by Maximine. These Darters and Archers are very serviceable against the Ger­mans, because they nimbly sally forth upon the enemy (ere they are aware) and easily retreat into the Grosse of the army. Maximin be­ing entred the enemies country, & finding none to resist him (for all the Barbarians were fled) spoi­led all the country, (the corn be­ing now ready to reape) leaving all the villages to be burnt & pil­laged by the souldiers. Their ci­ties & buildings are very apt to take fire, for the Germans rarely use to build with stone or brick, their houses being like sheds made of bords & timber fastned together. Maximin progressing in this sort, burning all the fields, & giving al the cattell to the Soul­diers, could yet find no enemies. [Page 360] For they had left all the Cham­paigne and plaine Country, and betaken thēselves to the woods Woods & Bogs. and bogs, where they skulked & watched their advantage to make an irruption upon the enemy: as knowing that the trees w ^ch grew so thicke would hinder the ene­mies Darts & Arrowes; and the depth of the bogs would be dan­gerous for the Romans that knew thē not: but easie & accessible to them that wel knew where they were passable, running daily tho­row them, up to the knees. The Germanes also are very skilfull The Ger­mans good swimmers. swimmers, using to wash only in Rivers. In these difficult places beganne the battell, the Roman Emperor himselfe most bravely giving the onset. For being come to a mighty great Meare or Ma­rish, whither the Germanes had fled, the Romans fearing to fol­low them; Maximin was the first [Page 361] that entred with his horse: where A terible battell in a Poole. plunging above the horse-belly, he made a great slaughter of the Barbarians that very stoutly re­sisted. Whereat the Soldiers be­ing abasht lest they should seeme [...]o betray their Emperour, leapt boldly into the Mear, where ma­ny on both sides were slain (but the Barbariās were almost cut of) the Romane prince most valiantly fighting in person: insomuch that the poole being fild up with car­casses, and the fennes all purpled with bloud, it represented a gast­ly & hideous sight of a sea-fight (as it were) on land. This battel and his other Martiall acts, the Emperour did not onely certify by Letters to the Roman Senate and People, but cōmanded also the Portrait of them (at large) to be publikly set before the Coun­cel-house, that the Romans might not onely heare, but behold also [Page 362] his brave Exployts. Which Ta­ble (with his other honours) was afterward taken downe by the Senat. Other skirmishes there were, in all which, hee fought in the head of his troopes, and with his own hands hewed out his ho­nour. Winter approaching, he re­treated (with many prisoners, and mighty booties) into Pannonia Where, in Sirmium (the greatest City of that Countrey) he lay in Garrison, preparing for a Spring▪ War; and often saying (which he seemed to intend) that he would exterminate and subdue all the Barbarous nations of Germany to the very Ocean. Such a famous Warriour hee was! And surely great Glory he had got, had he [...] not beene more bloody and cru­ell to his owne subjects than to the enemies. For what thanks to kill Barbarians, if far more were murthered in Rome it selfe.