THe noble and victorious Prince, king Edward the third, had his fortunate gift of a long & prospe­rous raigne ouer this realme of Eng­land; much strengthned and ador­ned, by natures supply of seuen good­lye sonnes. Edward his eldest sonne, prince of Wales, commonly called the Blacke Prince: William of Hatfield: Lyonel, Duke of Clarence: Iohn of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster: Edmund of Langley, Duke of Yorke: Thomas of Woodstocke, Duke of Gloucester: and William of Windsore. These sonnes, du­ring the life of their renowmed Father, were such ornaments and such stayes to his estate, as it seemed no greater could be annexed thereunto. For neither armies, nor strong holdes are so great defences to a prince, as the multitude of children: [Page 2] Fortes may decay, and forces decrease, and both decline and fall away, eyther by varietie of fortune, or inconstancie of mens desires: but a mans owne bloud cleaueth close vnto him; not so much in the blisses of prosperitie, which are e­qually imparted to others, as in the crosses of calamity, which touch none so neere, as those that are neerest by nature. But in succeeding times they became in their ofspring▪ the se­minarie of diuision and discord, to the vtter ruine of their fa­milies, and great wast and weakning of the whole Realme: for they that haue equall dignitie of birth and bloud, can hardly stoope to termes of soueraigntie, but vpon euery of­fer of occasion wil aspire to indure, rather no equall then any superiour, and for the most part, the hatred of those that are neerest in kinde, is most dispitefull & deadly if it once breake forth. The feare of this humor caused Remulus, to embrewe the foundations of the Cittie and Empire of Rome, with the bloud of his brother Remus. According to which example, the tyrants of Turkie, those butchers of Sathan, doe com­monly at this day beginne their raigne, with the death and slaughter of all their brethren.

Prince Edward, the thunderbolt of warre in his time, dy­ed during the life of his father. And although, he was cut off in the middle course, and principall strength of his age, yet in respect of honour and fame he liued with the longest, hauing in all parts fulfilled the measure of true Nobili [...]e He left be­hinde him a young some called Richard, who after the death of King Edward, was Crowned King in his steade, and after­ward died childe-lesse.

William of Hatfield king Edwards second sonne, dyed also without issue, leauing no other memorie of his name, but the mention onely.

Li [...]ll Duke of Clarence, the third sonne of King Ed­ward, was a man of comely personage, of speach and pace stately, in other qualities of a middle temperature, neither to bee admired nor contemned, as rather voide of ill partes, [Page 3] then furnished with good. He had issue Philip his only daugh­ter, who was ioyned in marriage to Edmunde Mortimer, Earle of March: Who in the Parliament holden in the eight yeare of the Reigne of King Richard, was in the right of his wife, declared heire apparant to the Crowne, in case the King should die without children but not many yeares after hee dyed, leauing issue by the said Philip, Roger Mortimer Earle of March. This Roger was slaine in the rude and tumul­tuous warres of Ireland, and had issue Edmund Anne, and Elienor. Edmund and Elienor dyed without issue. Anne was married to Richard Earle of Cambridge, sonne to Edmund of L [...]ngley Duke of Yorke, the fift sonne of King Edward. Of these two, came Richard [...] Duke of Yorke who by the right [...]uolued to him from his mother, made open claime to the Crowne of England, (which was then posses­sed by the family of Lancaster) first by law, in the Parliament holden the thirtieth yeare of the Raigne of King Henrie the sixt: where either by right or by fauour, his cause had such furtherance, that after King Henrie should die, the Crowne was entayled to him, and to the heires of his bloud for euer. But the Duke impatient to linger in hope, chose rather to en­dure any daunger then such delay: Whereupon he entred into armes soone after, against King Henrie in the fielde. But being carried further by courage, then by force hee coulde beare through, hee was slaine at the battaile of Wakefield, and left his title to Edward his eldest sonne: who with inuin­cible persistance did prosecute the enterprise, and after great varietie of fortune at the last atchieued it.

Iohn of Gaun [...] Duke of Lancaster, the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third, was a man of high and hardie spirite, but his fortune was many times not answerable, either to his force or to his forecast. He had two sonnes, Henrie Earle of Derby (of whome I purpose chiefly to treate) and Iohn Earle of Somerset. This Iohn was Father to Iohn Duke of Somerset, [Page 4] who had issue Margaret, Countesse of Richmond, mother to the noble Prince, Henrie the seuenth.

Henrie Plantagenet Earle of Derby, was likwise by his mo­ther Bla [...]ch extracted from the bloud of Kngs, being discen­ded from Edmund the second sonne of King Henrie the third: by which line: the D [...]chie of Lancaster did [...]cre [...]e vnto his house. Hee was a man of meane stature, well proportioned, and formally compact: of good strength and agilitie of bo­dy, skilfull in armes, and of a ready dispatch: ioyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and aduised in all his actions. Hee was quicke and present in conceite, forward in attempt, coura­gious in execution, and most times fortunate in euent. There was no great place of imployment and charge, which hee would not rather affect for glorie, then refuse either for peril, or for paines; and in seruice hee often prooued himselfe not onely a skilfull commaunder by giuing directions: but also a good Souldier in vsing his weapon, aduenturing further in person sometimes, then policie would permit: his expences were liberall and honourable, yet not exceeding the mea­sure of his receiptes, he was verie courteous and familiar re­spectiuely towards all men, whereby hee procured great re­putation and regarde, especially with those of the meaner sort: for high humilities take such deepe roote in the mindes of the multitude, that they are more strongly drawne by vn­profitable curtesies▪ then by [...] benefits. In all the chan­ges of his estate, he was almost one and the same man: in ad­uersitie neuer daunted, in prosperitie neuer secure: reteining still his maiestie in the one, and his mildnes in the other: nei­ther did the continuance of his Raigne bring him to a proude port and stately esteeming of himselfe, but in his latter yeares he remained so gentle & faire in cariage, that therby chiefe­ly hee did weare out the hatred that was borne him, for the death of King Richard. He could not lightly be drawne into any cause, & was stiffe & constant in a good: Yet more easie [Page 5] to be either corrupted or abused by flattering speeches, then to be terrified by threats. To some men he seemed too gree­die of glorie, making small difference of the meanes where­by he attained it: and indeede this humour in noble minds is most hardly ouer-ruled, and oftentimes it draweth euen the [...]. But before I proceede any further in describing either the qualities, or actes of this Earle, I must write some­thing of the Raigne of King Richard the second, his cosin ger­maine: so farre forth as the follies of the one, were either ca [...] ­fer or furtherances of the fortunes of the other.

Richard sonne to Edward Prince of Wales, a little before deceased, was, after the death of King Edward the thirde; Crowned King ouer this Realme of England, in the eleuenth yeare of his age▪ at which yeares the minde of man is like to the po [...]teis earth, apt to bee wrought into any fashion, and which way so euer it hardneth by custome, it will sooner breake then bend from the same. Now the gouernaunce of the King at the first was comitted to certaine Bishops, Earles, [...], and Iustices. But either vppon [...] the King, or negligence to discharge their dutie▪ [...] was more ready with pleasant [...] to delight [...] then with profitable counsaile to doe him good▪ for smooth and pleasing speaches neede small endeauour, and alwaies fin­deth fauour: whereas to aduise that which is meete, is a point of some paines, and many times [...] thanklesse office. Herr [...] vpon two daungerous euils did [...] In, and priuate respects did passe vnder publike [...].

In the thirde yeare of his Raigne; it was thought meete that this charge should be committed to one man, to auoide thereby the vnnecessarie wast of the treasure of the Realme, by allowing yearely stipend vnto many. So by the whole consent of the nobilitie and commons assembled together in Parliament, this office was deputed to Lord Thomas Beauchampe, Earle of Warwicke, and a competent pension was assigned him, out of the Kings Eschequer for his paines. [Page 6] But the King being now plunged in pleasure, did i [...]de­ratly bend himselfe to the fauouring and aduansing of cer­taine persons, which were both reproueable in life, and ge­nerally abhorred in all the Realme, and this was the cause of two great inconueniences: for many yong noble-men and braue Courtiers, hauing a nimble eye to the [...] and dislikes of the King, gave ouer themselues, to a dissolute and dishonestlise, which findeth some followers when it fin­deth deth no furtherancers, much more when it doth flourish and thriue: the King also by fauouring these, was himselfe little fauoured and loued of many: for it is oftentimes a daunge­rous to a Prince, to haue euil and odious adherents, as to bee euill and odious himselfe. The names of these men were Alexander Ne [...]ill, Archbishop of Yorke▪ Robert Ve [...], Earle of Oxford: Michael [...], afterwards Earle of Suffolke: Robert Tri [...]iliane, Lord chiefe Iustice, Nicholas Brambre Al­derman of London; and certaine others, of no eminencie either by birth or desert, but obsequious and pliable to the Kings youthfull humour. These were highly in credit with the King: these were alwaies next vnto him, both in companie and counsell: by these he ordered his priuate acti­ons: by these he managed his affaires of state: he spared nei­ther the dignitie nor death of any man; whose auctho [...]ie and life withstoode their preferment. In so much as in the fifth yeare of his Raigne, he remooued Sir Richard Seroop [...], from being Lord Chauncellor of England (to which office he was by aucthoritie of Parliament appointed) because hee refused to set the great Seale, to the graunt of certaine lands, which had wantonly passed from the King: alleaging for his denial, the great debts of the King, and small demerites of the par­ties, vpon whome the King might cast away and confirme, but spend in good order he could not: aduertising him also to haue respect, that ryote did not deceiue him vnder the tearme and shewe of liberalitie: and that gifts well ordered procure not so much loue, as placed without descretion, they [Page 7] stirre [...]. This Chancellor was a man of notable integrit [...] and diligence in his office, not scornfully turning away from the ragged coat of a poore suppliant, or pale face of a fickely & feeble [...], holding vp their simple soiled billes of complaint, not yet smothering [...] with parti­all [...] of [...] mighty▪ but being alike to all, he was [...] disliked of [...].

In the eight yeere of this [...], the destruction of the duke of Lancaster was extended likewise vpon the like dislike: the plot was layed by Iustice [...], offences were deuised, appello [...]s appointed, and pe [...]res named; [...]e should haue bene put vnder [...], and foorthwith [...]ig­ned, condemned, and executed▪ But the duke vpon [...] in­telligence of these continuances, fled to his castle at Pom­fret, and there made preparation for his defence against the king. So this matter began to grow to a head of diuision, which the common people at that time very busily desired and sought: but the kings mother trauelling [...] be­tweene the king and the duke (notwithstanding shee was both [...]) [...] them both to are con­ [...]lement: the king, with regard of the dangerous and dis­contend times: the duke with respect of his duty and faith: and so partly by her entreaty and aduise, partly by their in­clination bending to the [...] course, all apparancy of dis­pleasure on the one part▪ and a [...] on the other, was for that time layed aside.

The same yere Michael D [...]lapoole was made Clancellour of England, and created earle of Suffolke: and Robert Veer [...] earle of Oxford was created Marquesse of Dubline, being the first man within this realme that was e [...]obled with that [...]. But [...] they grew in honour, sordid they [...] hate: for many noble men did infinitely stomacke their vndeserued aduancements, and with these the fauour of the people ge­nerally went: but the kings intemperate affection was per­emptory, [Page 8] [...] not regarding [...] could not resist it.

The yeere next following, Robert Veere the new Marques was created duke of Ireland. This yere the Knights and bur­gesses of [...] put vp many: complaints against the Earle of suffolke, vpon which they [...] his [...] triall: namely [...] he [...] the [...] in taking of him to farme all the profits [...] crowne thow wan­tonly he wasted the treasure of the land in [...] liberalitie, and vnnecessary charges: how deepe he had diued into the kings debt: how carelesse and [...] in his office: how greatly he had [...] deceived and [...] the king in [...] dealing and [...] particularly [...]: with diuers other [...] dishonor and disho­nesty, both in priuate actions and in office. This [...] was a merchants sonne in London, and growing mighty on the sudden, he could not gouerne himselfe in the change: but [...] lay [...] of his minde, which were suppressed and [...] rulle [...]ng [...], with [...] he made [...] of his [...]. Yet the king was willing, either secretly to dissemble, or openly to [...] these [...]: and so pas­sed them ouer with a short audience (as his maner was in matters of [...] weight) [...] with the complaint. Afterwards, a [...] but answere was made that this needed not; since the kings wants might be furnished with the debts which were owing him from his Chancellour: neither was it to any purpose, so long as the [...] ordered by such [...] as be­fore it had beene▪ [...] was like: [...] the matter against the [...], and the king perswaded [...] honourable not safe to beare him out, that to priuate men it was sufficient if them­selues [Page 9] abstaine from wrong, but a prince must prouide that none do wrong vnder him: for by mainteining, or wincking at the vices of his officers, he maketh them his owne, and shal surely be charged therewith when first occasion doth serue against him. At the last, vpon instant importunity of both houses, the king did consent, that a commission should goe forth to certaine noble men, giuing them authority to heare and determine all matters which were obiected against the L. Chancellour: and then was a Subsidie graunted, with ex­cepti [...]n, that the money should be expended by the Lords, to the benefit and behalfe of the realme. The king did fur­ther demaund, that the heires of Charles Bl [...]ys, who made claime to the duchy of Britaine, should be sold to the French men for thirty thousand marks, and the money granted to the duke of Ireland, for recouery of those possessions which the king had giuen him in Ireland: this was likewise assented vn­to, vpon condition, that before Easter then next ensuing, the duke should depart into Ireland, and there remaine: at so high a price did they value the riddance of him out of the realme.

The charge of the Subsidie money was committed to Ri­chard earle of Arundell, Commissioners for the earle of Suf­folke, were appointed, Thomas duke of Glocester the kings vncle, and the sayd earle of Arundell: but during the time of their proceeding, the king kept all off, in places farre distant: either to manifest thereby the dissent of his minde, or to a­uoid the griefe which his neerenesse would increase. And now was the Chancellour left vnto himselfe, to answere to those demeanures, wherein he made the kings blinde fauour his priuiledge and protection, supposing neuer to see the same either altered or ouer-ruled. In the end, being conuict of many crimes and abuses, he was deposed from his office, his goods were confiscated to the kings Exchequer, & him­selfe was adiudged woorthy of death: Yet was execution submitted to the kings pleasure, and vnder sureties he was [Page 10] permitted to goe at large. At the same time Iohn F [...]rd [...] Bishop of Duresme, another of the Kings dainties, was re­moued also from being Lord Treasorer of England, he was a man of little depth, either in learning or wisedome, but one that had the Arte of seeming, in making the best shewe of whatsoeuer he spake or did: and rising from meane estate to so high a pitch of honour, hee exercised the more exces­siuely his ryote, auarice and ambition, not able to moderate the lustes and desires which former want had kindled.

When this businesse was blowne ouer, the King [...]tur­ned againe to London, and did presently receiue the Earle of Suffolke, with the Duke of Ireland, and the Archbishop of Yorke, to greater grace and familiaritie then at any time before. These Triumuirs did not cease to stirre vp the Kings stomake against those Noble men, whose speciall excellen­cie had made matter of fame and regarde: partly for the dis­graces which they had receiued, partly vpon malicious e­mulation, to see the other so fauoured, and themselues so o­dious, and that their priuate choller and ambition might beare some shewe of publike respect, they suggested vnto the King, that he was but halfe, yea not halfe a King in his owne Realme, but rather the shadow and picture of a King: for if we respect (sayd they) matters of state, you beare the sword, but they sway it, you haue the shewe, but they the authority of a Prince, vsing your name as a colour and coun­tenance to their proceedings, and your person as a cypher, to make them great, and be your selfe nothing. Looke to the dutie of your subiectes, and it is at their deuotion: so that you can neither commaunde nor demaunde any thing, but with such exceptions and limitations as they please to im­pose, come now to your priuate actions: your liberalitie (the greatest vertue in a prince) is restrained, your expences mea­sured, and your affections confined, to frowne and fauour as they doe prescribe. What Ward is so much vnder gouern­ment of his Gardian? Wherein will they next, or can they [Page 11] more abridge you? Except they should take from you the place, as they haue done the power of a Prince: and in this we thinke, they may iusty be feared, hauing so great might ioyned with so great aspiring mindes. For power is neuer safe when it doth exceede: & ambition is like the Crocodile, which groweth so long as he liueth; or like the Iuie, which fastning on the foote of the tallest Tower, by small, yet con­tinuall rising, at length will climbe aboue the toppe, it is al­ready growne from a sparke to a flame, from a twigge to a tree, and high time it is that the encrease were stayed: often­times such ouer-ruling of Princes haue proceeded to their ouerthrowing, and such cutting them short hath turned to cutting them off, their mindes are suspicious, their power daungerous, and therefore the opportunitie must bee pre­uented.

The Kings owne weaknesse made him apprehensiue, and framed his mind to a vaine, and needlesse feare: but chiefe­ly he was moued at the remoouing of his Chauncellour and Treasorer out of their offices, and of the Duke of Ireland out of the Realme, supposing it a restraint to his princely power, that he might not absolutly and in things giue or forgiue as his pleasure serued. When these pr [...]ie incensers perceiued the Kings humour once sharpned, they so played him with plau [...]ible perswasions, that (although he was naturally of no cruell disposition, as wanting courage) yet they drew him to many violent and [...]direct courses, partly vpon negligence to search out the truth, partly vpon delight to bee flattered and smothly vsed, neither did they long deferre their deui­ses: and first it was appointed, that the Duke of Gloucester and certaine others of that part, should be inuited to a sup­per within London, & there suddainely surprised and made away. Sir Nicholas Brambre, who the yere before had beene Mayor of London, and in whome abundance of wealth sup­plyed the want of honest qualities, was a busie agent in this butcherly businesse: but Richard Extone the Mayor of the [Page 12] Cittie that yeare, discouered the practise by whome the Duke was warned both to auoide the present perill, and af­terwards to be warie of the like.

The yeare next following, Richared Earle of Arundel, and Thomas Mowbraye Earle of Notingham, had the conduct of a Nauie committed to their charge: in this viage they tooke aboue a hundred sayle of the enemies ships, fraughted with Wines, and well appointed for fight: they also relieued and fortified Brest, and tooke two fortes which the French­men had raised against it. The Earles so behaued themselues in this seruice, that they grew to a verie great estimation, both for curtesie among their Souldiers, and for courage a­gainst their enemies; & their actions were the more famous, by reason of the infortunate insufficiencie of other Cōman­ders, by whose either rashnesse or cowardise many good Souldiers were dayly defeated, and euery yeare made noto­rious by one losse or other. Yet notwithstanding all their good labour and lucke, they were at there turne, entertai­ned by the King, with great straungnes, both of counte­nance and speech. Who was so vnable to dissemble his dis­pight, that he could hardly deferre it, vntill the heate of the honour and loue which they had wonne, were somewhat abated. So much are men more inclinable to reuenge dis­pleasure then rewarde desert: for it is troublesome to bee gratefull, and many times chargeable: but reuenge is plea­sant, and preferred before gaine.

About the same time, Robert Duke of Ireland forsooke the companie of his lawfull wife, whose mother Lady Isabel was daughter to King Edward the third, and in steede of her he tooke vnto him a base Bohemian, a Tauerners daughter. The King little regarded this indignitie done vnto his cosin, and in so great confusion of the state, let it passe vnreproo­ued, as ouershadowed with greater vices, but the Duke of Gloucester her vncle, tooke it in high disdaine, as iniurious to the royall bloud, and did attend vpon occasion to worke [Page 13] reuenge, this was not secrete from the Duke of Irelande, who likewise bent al his deuises to bring the Duke of Glou­cester to his ouerthrow. The Duke of Gloucester did prose­cute this enmitie, openly and manlike: the Duke of Ireland closely, and therefore the more daungerously. The Duke of Gloucester was greater in bloud, the Duke of Ireland in fa­uour: he being Vncle to the King, this bearing himselfe as the Kings fellow. The Duke of Gloucester pretended for the state, the Duke of Ireland for the King: and much priuate mallice did passe vnder these publike shewes: but in oppo­sition of such equall powers, there is many times final diffe­rence in harme.

And now was Easter past, the tearme affigned to Duke Robert Veere for his departure into Ireland: and least his stay might breede some stirre within the Realme, hee still busied himselfe in preparation for his iournie, and at last (al­though it were long) made a solemne shew ofsetting forth. The King went in great state to accompanie him to his ship­ping; and the Earle of Suffolke, with Iustice Trisiliane, and the residue of that faction, either for fauour followed, or for feare durst not stay hehinde. So they passed together into Wales, and (whether vpon leuitie the Kings mind changed, or whether it was so contriued at the first to drawe them­selues more seperate from the Lords) there the Dukes ior­nie was at an ende. Then they entred into counsell, which way the Lords might best be suppressed: many deuises were deepely debated, all pleased without respect either of dan­ger of disgrace: but few stoode with likelyhoode of euent to their desires, and therefore none was finally concluded. After long time thus friuolously spent, they left Wales, and came to the Castle of Notingham, where the King caused the high Shirifes of all the Shires in the Realme to be called before him, and demaunded of them, what strength they could make on his part against the Lordes, if neede shoulde require: their answere was, that the common people did so [Page 14] fauour the Lords, and were so well resolued of their loue & loyaltie towards the King, that it was not in their power to rayse any great power against them. Then they were com­maunded, that no Knights nor burgesses should afterwards bee chosen to any Parliament, but those whome it pleased the King to appoint; whereto they said, that it was a harde matter in those times of Iealousie and suspition▪ to bereaue the people of their auncient libertie in choosing Knightes and Burgesses for the Parliament, some few other matters being either vnreasonably required, or obtained to small end, the Sherifs were licensed to depart. Then were assemb­led Robert Trisilian, chiefe Iustice of the Kings Bench, Rob [...]rt Belk [...]pe, chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas, Iohn Holte, Roger Stilthorpe, William Burgh, Knights and Iustices also of the Common Pleas▪, men learned in one rule chiefely, without difference of truth of falshoode, to please those in highest place, entituling that wisedome, which indeed was but basenesse and feeblenes of minde; these were charged by the King vpon their faith and legrance, to make true & full answere to those questions following.

1 First, whether the Statute ordinance and commission, made and set forth the last Parliament (whereby was ment the commis­sion aganst Michael Delapoole Duke of Suffolke) did derogate from the royall prerogatiue of the King.

2 Item, they who procured the said Statute &c. to bee made▪ and set forth, [...]ow are they to be punished?

3 Item, how are they to be punished, who prouoked the King to consent to the premises?

4 Item, what punishment haue they deserued who compelled the King to consent to the said statute &c.

5 Item, how are they to be punished, who resisted or letted the King in exercising his royall power, by remitting any penalties or debts whatsoeu [...]r▪

6 Item, when a Parliament is assembled, and the affaires of [Page 15] the Realme, and the cause of assembling the Parliament, by the Kings commaundement declared, and common [...] Articles limited by the King, vpon which, the Lordes and commons in the said Par­liament should proceed: if the Lords & commons will proceed vpon other Articles, and not vpon the Articles limitted by the King, vntill the King hath first giuen answere to the Articles propoun­ded by them, notwithstanding that the contrarie were enioyned by the King▪ whether in this case the King ought to ha [...]e the rule of the Parliament, and so to order the fact▪ that the Lordes and commons should first proceede vpon the Articles limitted by the King, or that they should first haue answere of the King, vpon the Articles propounded by them, [...]efore they proceede any further?

7 Item, whether may the King when he pleaseth dissolue the Parliament, and commaunde the Lordes and commons to depart▪ or no?

8 Item, since the King may a [...] his pleasure remoue any of his Officers and Iustices, and punish them for their offences: Whether may the Lordes and commons without the Kings will, accuse his Officers and Iustices in Parliament for their offences, yea▪ or no?

9 Item, what punishment haue they deserued, who [...] in Parliament, that the Statute whereby King Edward Carnar­uane was deposed, should be brought forth, by view whereof, the new Statute ordinance and commission aforesaid were framed?

10 Item, whether the iudgement giuen in the last Parliament holden at Westminster, against Michael Delapoole Duke of Suffolke, was erronious and reuocable, yea, or no?

These questions or rather quarrelles were drawne by Iohn Blake, a Counceller at the Law, by direction of Iustice Trisilian, whilest the King made his stay in Wales: to the which the Iustices afore-named, some in discharge of their owne malice, and some to satisfie the mindes of other, made answere as followeth.

To the first, that they did derogate from the prerogatiue of the King, because they were against his will.

[Page 16] To the second and third: that they are to be punished by death, except it pleaseth the king to pardon them.

To the fourth and fifth: that they are worthy to be puni­shed as traitours.

To the sixth: that whosoeuer resisteth the kings rule in that point, deserueth to be punished as a traitour.

To the seuenth: that the king may at his pleasure dissolue the Parliament, and whosoeuer shall afterwards proceed, a­gainst the kings minde, as in a Parliament, he is worthy to be punished as a traitour.

To the eighth: that they can not, and whosoeuer doeth the contrary, he deserueth to be punished as a traitour.

To the ninth: that aswell the motioner as also the bringer of the sayd statute to the Parliament, are worthy to be puni­shed as traitours.

To the tenth, they answered: that the said iudgement see­med to them erronious and reuocable in euery part. In wit­nesse whereof, the iustices aforesayd, with Iohn Locktone, the kings sergeant at law, haue subscribed and set their seales to these present, &c.

When these bloody sentences of death and treason, were vnder generall & large termes thus fastened vpon the lords, the king supposed his attempts against them, whether by vi­olence, or by couler of law sufficiently warranted: but his power both wayes, as it was terrible against weake resi­stance, so against such mighty defendants it was of small force to effect that which he so much affected. Yet he did not omit his best indeuour: and first, accounting the lordes as condemned persons, he made diuision of their lands and goods among those that he fauououred. Then he waged souldiers to be in a treadinesse for his assistance, and sent the earle of Northumberland to arrest the earle of Arundell, at his castle in Reygate, where he then lay. But the earle of A­rundell, either vpon aduertisement, or suspition of the kings minde, band [...]d himselfe so strong, that when the earle of [Page 17] Northumberland came vnto him, he dissembled his intent, and left his purpose vnperformed. Thus were these procee­dings of the king, as now in counsell, so afterwards in euent, not much vnlike that which the Fable telleth of a certaine hunter, who first solde the skinne of the beare, and then went about to take her: but when he came within the forrest, ei­ther by vnskilfulnesse or misaduenture, he not onely missed his pray, but fell himselfe into danger of the beast.

The duke of Gloucester hauing secret intelligence of the kings displeasure and of his drift, sent the bishop of London to perswade the king to entertaine a more fauourable opi­nion of him: making faith to the bishop with a solemne oath, that he neuer entended any thing to the preiudice of the king, either in person or state. The Bishop not vnskilfull to ioyne profitable perswasion with honest, declared to the king that his displeasure against the Lords was not groūded vpon iust desert, but either vpon false suggestions of their e­nemies, or erronious mistaking a [...] some of their actions: how desirous they were of his grace and fauour: how faithfull and forward they promised to persist in all dutifull seruice: how honourable this agreement would be to the king: how pro­fitable to the realme: and how daungerous to both, these troubles might encrease. The king seemed to giue good eare & credit to the bishops speech: but Michael Delapoole, a turbulent man, and against quiet counsell obstinately con­tentious, standing then by the king, soone stiffened his minde against all impression of friendship. Heereupon contention did arise betweene the Bishop and the Earle, and brake forth violently into heat of words. The Earle applied to the Lordes those obiections wherewith great men are vsually charged: sparing no spight of speech, and vsing all arte to aggrauate matters against them. The bishop replied that the Earle was thus fiercely bent, not vpon his owne necessi­ty, nor loue to the king: but onely to satisfie his bloody and ambitious humour, wherein he was so immoderate, that ra­ther [Page 18] then the lords should not be destroyed, he would ouer­whelme them with the ruines of the state, for tumults might in deed be raised by men of little courage, but must be main­tained with the hazzard, and ended with the losse of the most valiant: that neither his counsell in this matter was to be fol­lowed, being the principall firebrand of the disturbance, not his complaints against any man to be any thing regar­ded, being himselfe a condemned person, and one that held both his life and honour at the pleasure of the king. At these words the king was exceedingly wroth, and charged the bi­shop with menacing & threats to auoid his presence. When the duke of Glocester had knowledge heereof, he signified the daunger to the earles of Arundell, Warwicke, and Der­bie, aduising them to take armes, and vnite themselues for their common defence: for in so doubtfull and suspected peace, open warre was the onely hope of safety. These three Earles were the chiefest strength to the side, but the Duke bare the most stroke, because he was most bolde, and his greatnesse almost obscured the names of the rest. On the o­ther side, the king thinking separate dealing the onely way to weaken a confederacy, endeuoured to preuent the lordes in ioyning of their forces: and to that end he sent a strength of men with charge, either to set vpon the earle of Arundell where he did lie, or to intercept him in his passage towardes the Duke. But the Earle had traueiled all the night before their comming, and so happily escaped to Haringey parke, where he found the Duke and the other Earles with a suffi­cient company, as well to make attempt, as to stand vpon resistance.

When the king heard hereof, he was disturbed and di­stracted in minde, being now in choise either to relent or to resist, whereof he much disdained the one, and distrusted the other. His followers also were diuided in counsell: some fretting at the disgrace, and some fainting at the daunger. The Archbishop of York perswaded the king, that occasion [Page 19] was now offered to shew himselfe a King indeed, if he would muster a royall armie, and by maine might beat downe the boldnesse of this presumption. NIHIL DICTV FA­CILIVS, sayd another: This is more readily deuised, thē done: the army against vs is mighty, and the commanders are great men, both for courage and skill, and greatly fauoured of the common people: whereby that which is accompted so rea­dy pay, may chaunce to prooue a desperate debt. Therefore it were better with some yeelding to enter into conditions of quiet, then by standing vpon high points of honour to ha­zard the issue of a battaile, wherein the King cannot winne without his weakning, not loose without daunger of his vn­doing. There was then in presence, a certaine olde Knight, called Sir Hugh Linne, a good Souldier, but a very mad-cap, & one that liued chiefely vpon the liberalitie of noble men; by vaine iestes affecting the grace of a pleasant conceite: of him the King demaunded in mirth, what he thought best to be done? Sir Hugh swore, swownes, and snayles, let vs set vp­on them, and kill euery man and mothers childe; and so we shall make riddaunce of the best friendes you haue in the Realme, this giddie answere more weighed with the King, then if it had beene spoken in graue and sober sport: and thus it often happeneth, that wisedome is the more sweetly swal­lowed, when it is tempored with folly, and earnest is the lesse offensiue, if it bee deliuered in iest. In the end, the deuise of raysing armes was laide aside, not as displeasing (being so agreable to former proceedings) but as despayring to pre­uaile thereby; and the Archbishop of Canterburie, with the Bishop of Ely being Lord Chaunceller, were sent vnto the Lordes, to vnderstand the cause of their assemblie: answere was made, that it was for the safetie of themselues; the ho­nour of the King; and the ouerthrow of them which sought the ouerthrow of both. At the last it was concluded by me­diation of the Bishops, that the Lordes should come before the King at Westminster, vpon promise of his protection, and [Page 20] there haue audience concerning their griefes: the Bishop of Ely also making priuat faith, that he would discouer any dan­ger that he could discrie, a little before the time they should come, the Bishoppe of Ely sent word, of an awaite that was purposed to be layed for them, at a place called the Mewes, neere London; aduising thē either to make stay, or to come prepared: but rather to make stay, least further prouocation might make reconcilement more hard, hereupon they came not at the time appointed, and the King maruailing at their failance, enquired the cause of the Bishop of Ely: who aun­swered, that the Lords found want of true meaning, & that they neither did, nor durst repose assuraunce in the Kings word, which they saw to bee vsed as a meanes to entrape them, the King made the matter verie strange vnto him, af­firming with an oath that hee was free from deceite, both in consent and knowledge: and in a great rage, he commaun­ded the Sherifes of London to goe to the place, and slay all those whome they found there in a waite. Whether this was but a countenance of his, or whether he was not priuie to the practise, it is not assuredly knowne, and in deede, the matter was not false, but the place mistaken: for Sir Thomas Triuet, and Sir Nicholas Brambre had assembled many armed men at Westminster, with direction to assault the Lordes at their best aduantage: but perceiuing their deceite to be discoue­red, they dissolued the companie, and sent them secretely a­way to London.

Then the Lordes, vpon new faith for their securitie, came to the King at Westminster, and yet in faith they brought se­curitie with them, such troupes of men, as in a place where they were so entirely fauoured, was able to defend them, in any suddaine tumult or daunger: the King vpon their com­ming entred into Westminster Hall, apparelled in his royall robes: and when he was placed in his seate, and had com­posed himselfe to maiestie and state, the Bishop of Ely Lord Chaunceller, made a long Oration to the Lordes in the [Page 21] Kings name. Wherein he declared, the heinousnesse of their offence, the greatnesse of their perill, how easie a matter it had beene for the King to haue leuied a power sufficient to distroy them; and yet for the generall spare of his subiectes bloud, and in particular fauour to the Duke and other Lords, he made choyse to encounter and ouercome them, rather by friendship then by force: and therefore was willing, not on­ly to pardon their ryote, but also to heare their griefes, and in a peaceable and quiet manner to redresse them. The Lordes alleaged for causes of their taking armes, first the necessitie of their owne defence! secondly, the loue both of the King and of the Realme, whose fame and fortune did dayly de­cline, by meanes of certaine traytors, who liued onely by the dishonours of the one, and decayes of the other, those whom they challenged for traytors, were Robert Veere Duke of Ireland, Alexander Neuill Archbishop of Yorke, Michaell Delapoole Earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisiliane Lord chiefe Iu­stice, Sir Nichol [...]s Brambre, and certaine others, somewhat secreter, but nothing better: and to iustifie this appeale, they threw downe their gloues, and offered themselues to the tri­all by combate. The king replied, that often times the causes of actions being good, yet, if the meanes want moderation and iudgement, the euents proue pernicious: and therefore, though these complaints were true, yet were these courses not tollerable, which did beare an open face of rebellion, and by licentiousnesse of the multitude, might soone haue sorted to such an end: for it is more easie to raise the people, then to rule them: whose furie once stirred, will commonly be dis­charged some wayes. But (sayd he) since we haue broken this broile, we will not by combatting giue occasion of a new: but at the next parliament (which he appointed should begin the third day of February then next ensuing) as well you, Crastino puri­ficationis. as they, shall be present, and iustice indifferently done vnto all. In the meane time, he tooke all parties into his pro­tection, that none should endanger or endammage another: [Page 22] desiring the Lordes to beare in minde, that as princes must not rule without limitation, so subiectes must vse a meane in their libertie. Then he caused the duke and the Earles, which all this time kneeled before him, to arise, and went with them into his priuate Chamber, where they talked a while, and drunke familiarly together, & afterwards, with a most friend­ly farwell he licenced them to depart. They of the contrarie faction were not present at this meeting, and if they had, it was thought, that the presence of the King should little haue protected them.

This act of the King was diuers waies taken: some iudged him fearefull: others moderate, rather in sparing the bloud of his subiectes. The Lordes were verie ioyfull of his good­will and fauour, which as by base or bad meanes they would not seeke, so being well gotten, they did highly esteeme. Yet they thought it the safest course, not to seperate themselues, suspecting the mutabilitie of the King, and the malice of their enemies, of whome they knewe neither where they were, nor what they did entend: and being men of great wealth, and great power, and greatly bent to hurtfull practi­ses, they were feared not without a cause: for the Duke of Ireland, either by setting on, or sufferance of the King, was all this time mustering of Souldiours out of Cheshire and Wales, where hee gathered an armie both for number, and goodnesse of men sufficient, if another had beene generall, to haue maintained the side.

When the Lordes were aduertised hereof, they deuided themselues, & beset all the waies by which the Duke should passe to London; determining to encounter him, before he did increase his power, and countenance his actions with the puissance or name of the King. At the last he was met by the Earle of Derby, at a place called Babbelake neere to Burforde: and there the Earle put his men in array, resoluing with great boldnesse to hazard the battaile, his Souldiers al­so were ful of courage and hart, disliking nothing more then [Page 23] delay, as a loosing of time, and a hinderance to the victorie: but the Duke, being a man not fit for action, yet mutinous, and more apt to stirre strife, then able to stint it: vpon newes of an enemie would presently haue fled. There was then in the armie as a principall Commaunder, one Sir Thomas Mo­lineux, Constable of Cheshire, a man of great wealth, and of good proofe in seruice, vpon whose leading all that coun­trie did depend: he perswaded the Duke, that this was but a part of the forces that were against them, and led onely by the Earle of Derby, a man of no speciall name (at that time) among the Lordes, and if they could not beare through that resistance, it was but in vaine to attempt any great atchiue­ment by armes. Hereupon the Duke stayed his steps, but his faint spirits were mooued by this speech, rather to desire vi­ctory then to hope it: his souldiers also were dul, silent, & sad, and such as were readier to interpret, then execute the cap­taines commandement. So they ioyned battell, but scarse ten ounces of bloud was lost on both sides, before the duke of Ireland set spurres to his horse, and forsooke the field. His souldiers seeing this, threw away their vnfortunate wea­pons, more for indignation then for feare, ruffling their rancks, and yeelding to the Earle the honour of the field. Sir Thomas Molineux in flying away, was forced to take a Riuer which was neere, and as he was comming foorth a­gaine, a certaine Knight whose name was Sir Thomas Mor­timer, pulled off his helmet, and stabbed him into the braines with his dagger. The rest submitted themselues to the dis­cretion of the victorours, making them lords ouer their life, and death: but their yeelding was no sooner offered, then it was accepted, the Earle presently commaunding that none should be harmed, but those that did make resistance, or beare armour: the Souldiours also being willing to shew fauour towardes their countreymen, as ledde into this action, partly vpon simplicitie, partly to accompany these which came vpon feare. Then the Gentlemen were [Page 24] still reteined in the Earles company, the common soul­diers were dispoiled of their armour onely, and so returned againe to their peaceable businesse at home. And this was the first acte whereby reputation did rise to the side, and the greatnes began, whereunto the Earle afterwards attained.

The Duke of Ireland, at the beginning of his flight, was desirous to haue passed the riuer which ranne by: and com­ming to a bridge, he found the same broken: from thence he posted to another bridge, which he found guarded with Archers. At the last, his fearefulnesse being feared away (as nothing maketh men more desperate vpon a doubtfull dan­ger, then feare of that which is certaine) he aduentured to take the streame; in the midst wherof, he forsooke his horse, and swam to the other side, and so by benefit of the night e­scaped, and fled into Scotland: and shortly afterpassed the seas into Flanders, and from thence traueiled into France: where the continuall gall of his griefe soone brought his loa­thed life to an end. His horse was taken with his brest-plate, his helmet and his gauntlets, whereupon it was generally supposed that he was drowned; and (as in great vncerteine­ties it often happeneth) some affirmed that they sawe his death, which men either glad to heare, or not curious to search, did easily beleeue: whether this were thus contriued of purpose, or fell so out by chance, it was a great meanes of his escape, by staying the pursute after him, which other­wise had bene made. His coach also was taken, and certaine of the Kings letters found, wherein he desired the Duke to come to London with all the power and speede hee could make, and he would be ready to die in his defence; so vn­skilfull was he in matters of gouernment, that to pleasure a few, he regarded not the discontentment of all the rest.

The Earle of Suffolke, vpon this accident, shaued his beard, and in base and disguised attire fled to Calice, and ei­ther for feare, or for shame, neuer after returned into Eng­land: he was a cruell spoiler, and a carelesse spender, in war [Page 25] contemptible, in peace in supportable, an enemie to all cou­saile of others and in his owne conceite obstinatly conten­tious; of a good wit, and ready speach, both which hee abu­sed, to the cunning commending of himselfe, and crafty deprauing of others: he was lesse loued but better heard of the King then the Duke of Ireland: the more hurtful man & the more hateful: the Duke beeing charged with no great fault: but onely the Kings excessiue fauour; in their course of good and bad fortune, both of them were famous alike. Also the Archbishop of Yorke, Iustice Trisiliane, and others of that faction, ran euery man, like connies to their couerte: Yea the king betooke himselfe to the Tower of London, and there made prouision for his winter aboade; hauing all his courses now crossed, first rashnesse in taking armes, and af­terwards by cowardise in maintaining them.

The Earle of Darby signified this successe to his associ­ates by letters, yet without any vaūting or enlarging tearms: his speaches also were moderate, rather exstenuating his fact then extolling it: but by stopping his fame, it much increa­sed when men esteemed his high thoughtes by his lowely wordes, and his conceite in great exploites, by his contempt of this. Then the Lords met, and marched together towards London, whether they came vpon S. Stephens day, hauing almost forty thousand men in their armie, & first they shew­ed themselues in battaile array, in the fieldes neare vnto the Tower, within the viewe of the King: afterwardes, they tooke vp their lodging in the suburbes, the Maior and al­dermen of the citty came forth, and gaue liberall allowance, of victuall to the souldiers, offering vnto the Lordes enter­tainment within the Citty, but they did not accept it.

Now this discord seemed to draw to a dangerous distrac­tion of the common-wealth; the vanquished parte being ful of malice, and the conquerors of presumption: the one wan­ting power, the other right to command and rule. The Arch­bishop of Canterbury, and certaine others of the neutrality, [Page 26] fearing the sequele, perswaded the king to come to a treaty with the lordes: but he made shewe of very light regarde of all these dealings; let them stay (saide hee) vntill they haue wearied themselues with maintaining this multitude, and then I will talke further with them. When the lordes vnder­stood the drift of his deuise they beset the thames, & all other passages, and protested that they woulde not departe vntill they had talked with him to his face. The king hauing ney­ther strength to resist, nor scope to scape, consēted to a trea­ty, and to that end desired the lordes to come to him into the Tower: but they refused that place of meeting, vpon feare of false measure, vntill the king permitted them to search as di­ligently, and come as strongly as they thought it meete. So they came vnto the King well guarded, and after a fewe colde kindnesses, and strange salutations, they laide before him, his proceedings against them at Nottingham; his letters which he sent to the duke of Ireland contrary to his worde, for the raysing of armes against them: his agreement with the French King, for the yeelding vp of Callice and other strong holdes which he possessed in those parts: with diuers other pointes of dishonourable dealing and negligent go­uernment. What should the King then haue said or done? all these matters were so euident and so euill, that there was no place left either for deniall or defence. Therefore inge­nuously, first with silence and patience, afterwardes with teares he confessed his errors. And certainely the stiffe sto­mack of the lordes relented more to these luke warme drops then they would haue done to his cannon shot.

Then it was agreed, that the next day the King shoulde meet with them at westminster, and there treat further, both of these, and other necessarie affaires of the realme. So the Duke, and the rest of the lords departed except the earle of Darby, who stayed supper with the king, and all that time stayed him in his promised purpose: but when hee was also gone, some of the secrete counsailers, or corrupters rather, [Page 27] and abusers of the King, whistled him in the eare, that his go­ing to Westminster was neither seemely nor safe, and would cause not onely to his person present danger and contempt, but also both abasement and abridgement to his authority afterwards. The Kings minde was soone changed; but the Lords being now stirred, and feeling the Kings hand weake to gouerne the bridle, became the more vehement, and sent him worde, that if hee did ieofaile with them, and not come according to appointment, they would chuse another King, who shoulde haue his nobility in better regard. This peremptorie message so terrified the King, that he not one­ly went to Westminster, but suffered the Lords to doe there euen what they woulde. So they caused him much against his liking, to remooue out of the courte, Alexander Neuill, Archbishop of Yorke, Iohn Foorde, Bishop of Durisme, Frier Thomas Rushoke, Bishop of Chichester, the kings Confessor: Likewise they remoued the Lord Souch, the Lord Haring­worth, Lord Burnell, Lord Beaumonte, Sir Albred Vecre, Sir Baldewine Bereford, Sir Richard Alderburie, Sir Iohn Worth, Sir Thomas Clifford, & Sir Iohn Louell, taking suerties for their appearāce at the next Parliament. Also certaine Ladies were expelled the Court, and put vnder suerties: to wit, the Lady Mowen, the Lady Moling, and the Lady Ponings, which was the wife of Sir Iohn Woorth. Furthermore, they arested Simon Burlye, William Elinghame, Iohn Salisburie, Tho­mas Triuet, Iames Berneis, Nicholas Dagworth, and Nicho­las Brambre Knights, Richard Clifforde, Iohn Lincolne, and Richard Motford, Clearkes, Iohn Beauchampe the Kings Steward, Nicholas Lake, Deane of the Kings Chappell: and Iohn Blake counceller at the Law, all these were committed to diuers Prisons, where they were forth-comming, but not comming foorth, vntill the Parliament next following.

After the feast of the Purification, 1388▪ the Parliament began at London, and yet the King vsed many meanes, either to dash or deferre the same) to which the Lordes came, atten­ded [Page 28] with the number and strength of a full armie: vpon co­lour, to represse any ryote that might happen to arise: but in truth, that by this terrour, they might draw the whole ma­nage of affaires vnto themselues. This assembly continued vntill Whitsontide next following, with verie great feare of some men, and hope of others, and expectation of all. Here­in was Iustice Trisiliane, by counsaile of the Lordes, against the Kings minde, condemned to bee drawne and hanged: which iudgement was presently executed vpon him: the like sentence and execution passed vpon Sir Nicholas Bram­bre, Sir Iohn Salisburie, Sir Iames Barneis, Iohn Beauchampe, the Kings steward, and Iohn Blake Esquire, who had framed the Articles which were exhibited against the Lordes at Nottingham. Also the Iustices who gaue their iudgement concerning those Articles, Robert Belk [...]ape, Iohn Holte, Ro­ger Fulthorpe, and William Burghe, were condemned to per­petuall exile: and yet they did not interpose themselues, but intermeddle by constraint. Sir Simon Burlye was also behea­ded, who was keeper of Douer Castle, and had conspired to deliuer the same vnto the Frenchmen: hee was infinitely haughtie and proude, equall to the meanest in virtue and wisedome, but in brauerie and traine inferiour to no Duke Diuers other were either put to death, or banished, and, some (as it happeneth when the reyne of furie is at large) without any great cause. The Earle of Derby furthered no mans death; but laboured verie instantly for the life and li­bertie of many, in so much as hoat speeches did arise be­tweene the Duke of Gloucester and him: whereby he pur­chased a fauourable opinion among those of the contrarie part, hauing caused the death of no man, but onely in the fielde. Then was an oath exacted of the King, to stand to the gouernment of the Lordes: and also an oath was taken of all the Subiects within the Realme, to be true and faithfull vn­to the King. The king in taking this oath of the Lordes, be­wrayed his inward conceite by his open countenance, loo­king [Page 29] pleasantly on those he fauoured, and angerly on those whome hee hated; by which vntimely discouery, hee made them more heedefull, and himselfe more hatefull: which were occasions afterwarde, both to preuente the reuenge, which he much desired, and to procure the mischiefs which hee little feared. Lastly, a subsidie was graunted: and to the King comming as it were to a capitulation with the lordes, hee to haue the name of a King, and they the authority and maiesty, the contention for that time ceased.

All this was done in the xj. yeere of the kings reigne, he being yet vnder age, 1389 and in gouernement of others. But the yeere following, he beganne to take vpon him more liberty and rule: and vpon extreame disdaine, that both his plea­sure and his power were by the Lords thus restrained, he did euer after beare a hard minde against them. And first he as­sembled them in the Councell chamber, and there deman­ded, of what yeeres they tooke him to be: they answered, that he was somewhat aboue one and twenty: then (sayd he) I am of lawfull age to haue the regiment in mine owne hand, and therefore you doe me wrong to holde me still vn­der gouernement, as though the condition of a king were harder then of a subiect. This the Lords were neither willing to grant, nor able to denie, and therefore they either kept si­lence, or spake little to the purpose. Well (sayd the king) since I am no longer an Infant, I heere renounce your rule, and take vpon me such free administration of the Realme, as the Kings thereof, my predecessours heeretofore haue lawfully vsed. Then presently he began his Phaetons flou­rish, and commaunded the Bishop of Elie being L. Chan­cellour to resigne his seale; which the king receiued, and put vp, and therewith departed out of the chamber: but soone after he returned againe, and deliuered the same to William Wickham bishop of Winchester, constituting him L. Chan­cellour thereby. Many other officers he likewise deposed, and placed new in their roome; partly to manifest his autho­rity, [Page 30] and partly to satisfie his displeasure. Also he remooued the Duke of Gloucester, the Earle of Warwicke, and many others from his Priuy councell, and tooke those in their pla­ces, which more regarded the humour of the King, but lesse his honour.

Soone after, it was suggested to the King, that the Duke of Gloucester was gathering of forces against him; but vp­on examination there was found not onely no trueth, but no shew or colour of any such matter. The Duke would not quietly haue disgested the raysing of these reportes: but the King, whether vpon a generall delight, to be tickled in the eares with such tales, or vpon particular desire to haue some quarell against the Duke, charged him to silence.

In the 13. yeare of the Raigne of King Richard, the Citi­zens of Genua desired his ayde, 1390. against the Barbarians of A­frike, who with dayly incursions, infested and spoyled all the Sea coasts & Ilands of Italy, and Fraunce, which fronted vp­pon thē. The King sent a choyse companie of Souldiers, yn­der the cōduct of Henrie Earle of Derby; who behaued him­selfe in this charge with great integritie & courage, inciting his men, the good by prayse, the bad by example rather then reproofe, as more ready to commend the vertues of the one, then to vpbraide the vices of the other. And first hee passed into Fraunce, and there ioyned himselfe to certaine French forces, appointed likewise for this seruice: then with might and minds vnited, they sayled together into Afrike. At their arriuall, the Barbarians were ready in armes, to keepe them from landing: but the Earle commaunded his Archers to breake through and make passage, dispising the enemie, whome he knew to be weake, and vnskilfull in seruice, and not to haue that aduantage in place, which hee had in men: the Frenchmen also sharply set in & seconded the English: and so whilest both companies contended, the one to be ac­compted a helpe, & the other to seeme to neede no help, the enemies were forced to flie, and leaue the shoare vnto the [Page 31] Christians. In this conflict, three Dukes of the Barbarians and aboue three hundred Souldiers were slaine, and in the flight, fower Dukes were taken, and a great, yet vncertaine number of common people. Then the Christians marched directly towards Tunis, the head Cittie of that Countrie▪ this they besieged, & in short time tooke, chiefely by the prowes of the English souldiers, who first scaled the Wals, and rea­red thereon the Earles banner. When they were entred the Towne, the Englishmen bent their endeuour, to the hou­sing of their enemies, and beating downe of such as made resistance, but the Frenchmen straight waies turned to their lasciuious pleasures: so that there was presented a spectacle, both pitiful and shamelesse: in one place butchering of men, in another ryoting with women: here streames of bloud, & heapes of slaughtered bodies, hard by dissolute and licenti­ous wantonnesses in some, all the miseries of a cruell warre, and the loosenesse of a secure peace. Here were slaine and taken aboue fower thousand Barbarians: the Kings brother also was slaine: but the King himselfe fled into the Castle, which was strongly scited, and well fortified and furnished with men. The Christians laide siege to this Castle the space of fiue weekes, during which time, they lost many of their men, yet not by sword, but by sickenesse: the Barbarians al­so were distressed with want of victuall, hauing but litle pro­uision, and many vnprofitable mouthes to consume it: here­vpon they sent vnto the Christians, to desire peace, offering them a great summe of money, to depart out of their coun­trie: this the Christians accepted, vpon condition, that they might also freely carry with them, all their pray and priso­ners; and that the Barbarians should from thenceforth sur­cease from making spoyle, vpon any of the coastes of Italy, or Fraunce. Thus had this voyage a prosperous and speedie end: the onely seruice (as I suppose) which the English and Frenchmen performed together, without iotte of iarre. And yet the Earle abused not the fortune of this successe, to vaine [Page 32] vaunting, or brauing in words, but moderately im [...]arted to the rest, the honour of the exployt: so by valyan [...]y perfor­ming his charge, and sparingly speaking thereof, his glorie encreased, without bit of enuie.

In the fifteenth and sixteenth yeres of the reigne of King Richard, 1392 certaine causes of discontentment did grow, be­tweene the King and the Londoners, 1393 which set the fauour of the one, and the faith of the other, at great separation and distance: One was, for that the King would haue borrowed of them a thousand poundes: which they feeling much; and fearing more the Kings daily exactions, did not onely deny, but euill intreated a certaine Lumbard, who offered to lay out the money.

Another griefe was thus occasioned: One of the Bishop of Salisburies seruants, named Romane, meeting in Fleet­street with a Bakers man, bearing horse-bread, tooke a loafe out of his basket: and by rude demaund of the one, and rough denial of the other, chollar so kindled betwixt thē, that Romane brake the Bakers head. Heereupon the neighbors came forth, and would haue arrested this Bishops lusty yeo­man: but he escaped, and fled to the Bishops house. The Constable followed peaceably, and demaunded a quiet de­liuery of the offendour: but the Bishops men shut the gates against him, that no man could come neere. Then much people flocked together, threatening to breake open the gates, and fire the house, vnlesse Romane were brought forth vnto them: What (sayd they) are the Bishops men priui­ledged? or is his house a sanctuary? or will he protect those whom he ought to punish? if we may be shuffled off in this sort, not onely our streets, but our shoppes and our houses shall neuer be free from violence and wrong. This we will not endure: we can not: it standeth not vs in hand. Heere­with they approched the gates, and began to vse violence: but the Maior and Shiriffes of the Citty, vpon aduerti [...]ement of this tumult, came amongst them, crying out, that it was [Page 33] not courage, but out-rage which they shewed: wherby they would procure, both daunger to themselues and dis­pleasure against the whole Citty; that although wrong had beene receiued, yet they were not the men, nor this the meanes to redresse the same: So partly by their perswasions, partly by their presence and authoritie, they repressed the riote, and sent euery man away, with streight charge to keep the peace. Here was yet no great harme done, and the quarrell might haue bene quieted without more adoe, had not the Bishop stirred therein, and kindled the coales of vn­kindnesse a fresh. For the Londoners at that time, were not onely suspected secretly, but openly noted to bee fauourers and followers of wickliffes opinions: for which cause, they were much maliced of the Bishoppes; and many of their ac­tions interpreted, to proceed from another minde, and tend to a worse ende, then was outwardly borne in countenance and shew: and some matters of chaunce, were taken as done of purpose. Therefore the Bishop of Salisburie called Iohn Waltham, who was also treasurour of England, made a grie­uous complaint of this attempt, to Thomas Arundle Archbi­shop of Yorke, and Lord Chauncellour; affirming, that if v­pon euery light pretence, the citezens might be suffered in this sorte to insult vpon the bishoppes, without punishment, without reproofe and blame, they woulde bring into haz­zard, not onely the dignity and state: but the libertie also of the whole Church: did they not lately take vppon them the punishment of adulteries, and other crimes appertaining to ecle [...]iasticall iurisdiction? maliciously alleaging, that the bi­shops and their officers, either beeing infamous for those vi­ces themselues, did wincke at the same in others: or else by couetous comm [...]tation, did rather set them to sale, then care fully represse them. Did they not rudely and [...]n [...]euerently breake open the doores vpon the Archbishop of Canterbu­rie, and interrupte his proceedings against Iohn Astone, an open follower of wickliffe? and doe we think that this is the [Page 34] last indignity that they will offer? no surely, nor yet the least: and if this boldnesse be not beaten downe, our authority will fall into open contempt and scorne, and bee made a com­mon foote-ball, for euery base citizen to spurne at. Here­vpon they went together to the King, and so incensed his dis­pleasure against the Londoners, (beeing prepared thereto by former prouocations) that hee was in the minde to make spoyle of the citty, and vtterly to destroy it. But beeing per­swaded to some more moderation in reuenge, first hee cau­sed the [...] and Shiriffes, and many of the chiefe citizens to be apprehended, and committed to diuers seuerall pri­sons: then hee c [...]zed all the liberties of the citty into his handes, and ordained, that no Mayor shoulde any more bee elected, but that the King shoulde at his pleasure appointe a Warden and gouernon [...] ouer the citty. This office was first committed to Sir Edward Darlington, who for his gen­tlenesse towardes the citizens, was shortly after remouoed, and Sir Baldwine Radington placed in his roome. Also the King was induced, or rather seduced by the Archbishop of Yorke Lord Chauncellour, to remooue the Tearmes and Courtes: to witte, the Chauncery, the Exchequer, the kings bench, the hamper, and the common pleas, from London, to bee kept at Yorke, where the same continued from mid­sommer, in the yeare 1393. vntill Christmasse next follow­ing, to the great hinderance and decay of the citty of Lon­don. At the last, the King vpon earnest intreaty of the Duke of Lancaster, and the Duke of Gloucester, called the Lon­doners before him at Windsore: where (hauing first terri­fied them with the presence and shewe of a greate number of armed men) hee caused all the priuiledges of the citty, both olde and newe, to be brought forth, whereof he resto­red some, and restrained the rest: yet the Londoners were not fully receiued to fauour; neither recouered they at that time, either the person or dignity of their Mayor. Shortly after, the King went to London: at whose comming, the ci­tizens [Page 35] changed all their griefe into gladnesse (as the com­mon forte is without measure in both) entertayning him with such ioyfull triumphes and rich presentes, as if it had beene the day of his coronation. They supposed with these great curtesies and costs to haue satissied his displeasure; but they sound themselues farre deceiued: for they were not ful­ly restoa [...]ed to their liberties againe, vntill they had made fine, to pay vnto the King ten thousand poundes. Thus did the Londoners manifest in themselues, a strange diuersity of disposition, both licenciously to committe offe [...]ee, and paciently to endure punnishment: hauing rashnesse and rage so tempered with obedience, that they were easily punnished, who coulde not possibly bee ruled. Yet fot this cause, so soone as first occasion did serue against the King, they shewed themselues, either his earnest enimies, or faint friends.

King Richard in the nineteene yeare of his reigne, pas­sed the seas to Calice: the French king also came downe to Arde: betweene which two Townes, a place was ap­pointed, and tentes erected for both the kings to meete. After large expenses on both fides, and great honour done by the one king to the other: a surcease of armes was con­cluded betweene them for thirtie yeares: and king Richard tooke to wife Lady Isabell, the French Kings daughter, be­ing not aboue seuen or eight yeeres olde. The Duke of Gloucester was so offended; both with this friendship, and assinitie, that he lost all manner of patience: exclaiming, that it was more meete to be in armes, then in amitie with the French-men, who beeing inferiour to the English in courage, did alwayes ouer-reach them in craft, and being too weake for warre, did many times preuaile by peace: that now they had got into their handes many Townes and Holdes, appertaining to the crowne of England, they were willing to conclude a peace, to exclude the King thereby from his possessions: but whensoeuer occasion shoulde [Page 36] change for their aduantage, they would be then as ready to start from the friendshippe, as at that present they were to strike it: that the French Kings daughter, being but a child, was very vnmeet for the marriage of King Richard, as well for disparitie of age, as for that the King had no issue by his first wife, and was not like to haue any by this, except (perhappes) in his olde and withered yeeres. When the Duke saw, that with these motiues he did nothing preuaile, he suborned the Londoners, to make petition to the King, that se [...]g there was peace with France, he would release them of the Subsidie which they had graunted to him in regard of those war [...]es. This suite was instantly followed, and much perplexed the King, vntill the Duke of Lanca­ster declare to the people, that the King had beene at the charge and dispense of three hundred thousand poundes in his voyage into France, for the procuring of this peace: whereupon they were pacified, and desisted from their demaund.

The yeere following, Guido Earle of S. Pauls, was sent into England by Charles King of Fraunce, 1397 to visit and sa­lute in his name, King Richard, and Queene Isabell his wife, the French Kings daughter. To this Earle, the King did relate, with what feruencie the Duke of Gloucester con­tended, to make disturbance of the peace betweene Eng­land and France: how, because his minde was not therein followed, hee mooued the people to seditious attempts, bending himselfe wholly to maintaine discord and disqui­ [...]t, rather in his owne countrey, then not at all. He further reported, what stiffe strifes in formert [...]es, the Duke had stirred: which, howsoeuer they were done, yet as they were declared, they sounded very odious and hard. When the Earle heard this, he presently answered, that the Duke was too daungerous a subiect to be permitted to liue: that greatnesse was neuer safe, if it grow excess [...]ue and bolde: that the King must not affect the vaine commendation of [Page 37] clemency, with his owne perill: and that it touched him, both in honour to reuenge the disgraces which he had re­ceiued, and in policy to preuent the daungers which he had cause to feare. These words of sharpened the Kings dis­pleasure, that from thencefoorth he busied his braines in no one thing more, then how to bring the Duke to his end. Now he began to pry more narrowly into his demeanour: to watch his words: to obserue actions: adn alwayes to in­terpret them to the woorst▪ framing himselfe to many vaine and weedlesse feare [...] Often times he would complaine of him to the Duke of La [...]ster, and the Duke of Yorke, how fierce and violent he was in his speeches, and crosse to him in all matters. The Dukes would make answere, that the Duke of Gloucester their brother, was in deed, more hoat and vehement then they did commend: yet his fiercenesse was ioyned with faithfulnesse, and his crosnesse proceeded from a care, least the Common-wealth should decrease ei­ther in honour or in possessions: and therefore the King had neither need to feare, nor cause to disslike.

About that time, the Dukes of Lancaster and of Yorke withdrewe themselues from the court, to their priuate hou­ses: the duke of Gloucester also went to ly at Plashey, neere Chelmessorde in Essex: vpon aduantage of which seperati­on, the King stoode distracted in minde, betweene feare to differ, and shame to auow the destruction of the Duke, least he might happily bee disapointed by the one, or dishonou­red by the other. Hereupon he entred into counsaile with Iohn Holland, Earle of Huntington, his halfe brother: and Thomas Mowbray, Earle of Notingham, howe the Duke of Gloucester might be suppressed or oppressed rather, the cru­clty which was but wauering in the King, yea wanting by nature, was soone confirmed by euill aduise: and being once inclined to bloud, he did not faile, either of example of [...]ewd action to followe, or direction of cruell counsaile what to doe: so the plotte was contriued, and according thereto, the [Page 38] King and the Earle of No [...]tingham rod [...] together into Essex, as though it were to disporte themselues in hunting: when they were in the middest of the Forrest, the Earle made stay, and the King passed forth with a smal and vnsuspicious com­pany to the Duke, lying at Plashey: there he stayed dinner: and then pretending occasion of present returne, he desired the Duke to accompany him to London, the faire entrea­tie of a Prince, is a most forceable commaunde: therefore the Duke supposing that onely to bee intended in deede, which was pretended in shewe, [...] to horse-backe with the King, taking such small attendance, as vpon the sudden could be in a readinesse, and appointing the rest to come af­ter him to London. So they rode together, vsing much fa­miliar talke by the way, vntill they came neere the place of await: then the King put his horse forwarde, and the Duke comming behinde, was suddenly intercepted and stayed, crying aloud, and calling to the King for his helpe: the King continued his iourney, as though he had not heard, and the Duke was violently carried to the Thames, and there ship­ped in a vessell layed for the purpose, and from thence con­ueyed ouer to Calice.

When the King came to London, he caused the Earle of Warwicke also to be arrested and sent to prison, the same day that hee had inuited him to dinner, and shewed good countenance, and promised to be gracious Lord vnto him. Vpon the like dissembled shewe, the Earle of Arundell, and his sonne, and certaine others were arrested also, and com­mitted to prison in the Ile of Wight.

The common people, vpon the apprehending of these three noble men, whome they chiefely, and almost onely fauoured, were in a great confusion and tumult; and there wanted but a head to drawe them to sedition: euery man sorrowed, murmured, and threatned, and daring no fur­ther, stood waiting for one to leade them the way: all being readie to followe that, which any one was loath to beginne. [Page 39] The Duke of Lancaster and of Yorke gathered a strong ar­mie, and came therewith to London, where they were rea­dily receiued by the citizens, although the King had com­maunded the contrarie: but this seemed to be done, rather for garde to themselues, then regarde to any others.

The king all this time, kept at a village called Helhame, within foure miles of London, hauing aboute him a great power of armed men, which he had gathered out of Che­shire and Wales: and to paci [...] the common people, hee caused to be proclaimed, that the Lordes were not appre­hended vpon olde displeasures, but for offences lately com­mitted, for which they should be appealed by order of law, and receiue open triall, in the Parliament next following: the like message was sent to the Duke of Lancaster, and the Duke of Yorke, lying at London: to whome the King made faith, for the safetie of their persons, and indemnitie of their goods, and that nothing should be attempted without their priuitie and aduise: all this was as rashly belieued, as it was craftely giuen out: whereupon the Dukes dissembled their feares, and dissolued their forces, and remained in expectan­cie what would ensue.

A little before the feast of Saint Michael, the Parliament began at London, wherein Sir Iohn Bushie, Sir William Ba­got, and Sir He [...]rie Greene, were principall agents for the Kings purpose. These were then in all the credite and au­thoritie with the King, and his chiefest Schoole-masters both of crueltie and deceite: they were proude, arrogant, and ambitious, and vppon confidence of the Kings fauour, pro­fessed enemies to men of auncient Nobilitie; to the ende▪ that being lately start vp, they might become more famous by maintaining contention with great persons. And first, by their importunate trauaile, all the Charters of pardon, graunted by the King, were in this Perliament annulled and reuoked. Then the prelates did constitute Sir Henrie Percie their procurator, and departed the house, because [Page 40] they might not be present in iudgement of bloud. Lastly, the Earle of Arundell, and the Earle of Warwicke were ar­raigned; and for the same offences, for which they had bene pardoned (namely for encroaching to themselues royall power in iudging to death Simon Burlye, Iohn Berneis and others, without the Kings consent) were condemned to be hanged, drawne, and quarter [...]d: but the King so modera­ted the seueritie of this sentence, that the Earle of Arundell was onely he headed, and the Earle of Warwicke com­mitted to perpetuall imprisonment in the Ile of Man.

The Duke of Gloucester, was so greatly fauoured, that it was thought a point both of policie and peace, notto bring him to his open answere, but to put him to death secreately: so he was strangled vnder a fether bedde at Calice by the Earle of Notingham, being then Earle Marshall: which death, howsoeuer he deserued; yet dying as he did, not cal­led, not heard, he died as guiltlesse.

In this same Parliament, Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Caunterburie was also accused, for executing the com­mision against Michaell Delapoole, Earle of Suffolke: for which cause, his temporalties were seazed; his lands and goods forfeited, as well in vse, as in possession: and him­selfe was adiudged to exile, & charged to depart the realme, within sixe weekes then next ensuing. So hee went into Fraunce, where afterwardes, he became a principall meane of the reuolt which followed. Also the Lord Cobham was exiled into the Ile of Gernsey: and Sir Reinolde Cobham was condemned to death, not for entring into any attempt a­gainst the King, but because he was appointed by the Lords to be one of his gouernours, and of his counsaile, in the 11. yeare of his raigne:

Now the King falsely supposing, that he was free from all daungers, and that the humour against him, was cleane purged and spent, conceiued more secreate contentment, then he would openly bewraye; as more able to dissemble [Page 41] his ioy, then conceale his feare: being so blinded and bewit­ched, with continuall custome of flatteries, that hee percei­ued not, that the state of a Prince is neuer stablished by cruelty and crafce. On the other side, the common people were much dismayed, hauing nowe lost those whome they accompted their onely helpes, and their onely hopes, both for their priuate affaires, and for supporting the state: and be­cause these mishapes hapned vnto them, for maintaining a cause of common dislike, the peoples stomacke was stirred thereby to much hate and hearte-burning against the King. And to make their deathes the more odious, the Earle of A­rundell was reputed a martyr, and pilgrimages were dayly made to the place of his buriall: the rumour also was current, but without either authour or grounde, that this his head was mi­raculously fastened againe to his body: this whilest all men affirmed, and no man knewe, the King caused the corpes to bee taken vp, and viewed, ten daies after it was interred: and finding the cause to be fabulous, hee caused the ground to be paued where the Earle was layde, and all mention of his buriall to be taken away, forbidding publickly and such speaches of him afterwardes to bee vsed: but this restrainte raysed the more: and they, who if it had beene lawefull, woulde haue saide nothing, beeing once forbidden coulde not forbeare to talke. It was also constantly reported, that the King was much disquieted in his dreames with the Earle, who did often seeme to appeare vnto him, in so terri­ble and truculent manner, that breaking his fearefull, sleepe he would curse the time that euer he knew him.

In the one and twenty yeare of the raigne of K. Richard, 1398 Henry Earle of Darby, was created Duke of Herforde: at which time the King created foure other Dukes: to wit, Duke of Aumerle, who was before Earle of Rutland: Duke of Southrey, who was before Earle of Kent: Duke of Exce­ster, who was before Earle of Huntington: and Duke of Norfolke, who was before Earle of Notingham. This [Page 42] degree of honour long time after, the conquest of the No [...] ­mans (whose chiefest rulers had no higher title) was ac­compted too great for a subiect to beare: the fourme of the common-wealth, beeing framed by the victors, farre from equallity of all, and yet the King excepted without eminen­cie of any. At the length King Edward the third created his eldest Sonne Edward Duke of Cornewale, and made this honour hereditary, conferring it vnto many: since which time, diuerse princes of this lande, haue bene either put, or kept, or hazarded from their estate, by men of that quallity and degree. The King likewise created the Countesse of Norfolke, Duchesse of Norfolke: the Earle of Sommerset, Marquesse of Sommerset: the Lorde Spencer Earle of Gloucester, the Lorde Neuill, Earle of Westmerland: the Lorde Scroupe, Earle of Wiltshire: and the Lord Thomas Darcy his steward, Earle of Worcester. Among these; hee made diuision of a great parte of the landes of the Duke of Gloucester, and of the Earles of Arundell and warwicke: supposing by this double liberality, of honour and possessi­ons: to haue purchased to himselfe most firme friendships, but bought friendes for the most parte, are seldome, either satisfied, or sure: and like certaine Rauens in Arabia, so long as they are ful, doe yeeld a pleasant voyce: but being empty, doe make a horrible crie.

Now the Duke of Hereford, raysed his desires, together with his dignities, and either vpon disdaine, at the vndeser­ued fauour and aduancement of some persons about the King [...] or vpon dislike, that the King was so dishonourably, both abused, and abased by them: or else (perhaps) vppon desire, to manifest his owne sufficiencie in matters of con­trowlement and direction: being in familiar discourse with Thomas Mowbraye Duke of Norfolke, he brake into com­plaint, how the King regarded not the noble princes of his bloud, and Peeres of the Realme, and by extreamities vsed to some, discouraged the rest from entermedling in any [Page 43] publique affaires: how in steade of these, hee was wholy go­uerned by certaine new-found and new-fangled fauorites, vulgare in birth, corrupt in qualities, hauing no sufficiencie either of conncell for peace, or of courage for warre; who being of all men the most vnhonest, and the most vnable, with hatefulnesse of the one, and contempt of the other, were generally dispised in all the Realme: that hereby: Frst the honour of the Kings person was much blemished, for vn­grate and vngracious adherentes, are alway the way to ha­tred and contempt: Secondly, the safetie of his state might bee endaungered; for extraordinarie fauour to men appa­rently of weake or bad desert, doeth breede insolencie in them, and discontentment in others, too daungerous hu­mours in a common-wealth: Thirdly, the dignitie of the Realme was much empaired: whose fortune and valour, be­ing guided by the ill chaunce of such vnluckie leaders: stood neuer in the like termes of doubt and distresse; so that mat­ters of peace, were tumultuous and vncertaine, and archiue­ments of warre, were neuer brought to honourable conclu­fion: that Alexander Se [...]s would haue smoaked such sellers of smoake; that Xerxes would haue pulled their skin ouer their eares; and high time it was, that the King should looke vnto them: for the nobilitie grew out of hart, the com­mons out of hope, and all the people fell to a discontented murmuring. And this he said, (as he said) not for any grudge, but for griefe and goodwill: and therefore desired the Duke who was one of the priuie councell, and well heard with the King, to discouer vnto him these deformities and daun­gers, that by repayring the one, hee might happily repell the other.

These wordes procured to the Duke of Hereforde, both great offence, and great glorye: at the deliuerie whereof, the Duke of Northfolke made shewe of good liking, and promise of sincere dealing. And in deede, if they had bin as faithfully reported by him, and by the King as friendlie [Page 44] taken, as they were faithfully and friendlie meant, many mischiefes might haue bene auoyded: but both of these did faile: for the Duke of Norffolke, although in former times he had taken parte with the Lordes, yet afterwardes, being desirous be accompted, rather among the great men, then the good, he made sale of his honour, to maintaine his plea­sure, and continue himselfe in grace with the King; to which he was altogether enthralled; insomuch, that the murthe­ring of the Duke of Gloucester, and the execution of the Earle of Arundell, was to his charge especially committed, and supposing vpon this occ [...]aon to make a free-hold of his princes fauour, he grieuously aggrauated these speeches in in reporting them, and yet cunningly to: with many lyes intermixing some truethes, or making the trueth much more then it was. Againe, the King not enduring the search of his soares, did bend his minde, rather to punish the bold­nes, then examine the trueth of these reproofes: his eares being so distemspered with continuance of flatterie, that he accompted all sharpe that was sounde, and liked onely that, which was presently pleasant, and afterwards hurtfull. Thus we may dayly obserue, that no strange accident doth at any time happen, but it is by some meanes foreshewed, or fore­tould: but because these warnings are often-times eyther not marked, or misconstrued, or els contemned, the euents are accompted ineuitable, and the admonitions vaine.

The King being in this sort touched by the one Duke, and tickled by the other, was not resolued vpon the sud­daine, what to doe: therefore he assembled his councell, and called the two Dukes before him, and demaunded of the Duke of Norfolke, if hee would openly auouch that which he had suggested in secreate. The Duke seeing it was now no time for him, either to shrinke or shuftle in his tale, with a bolde and confident courage, repeated all that before hee had reported. But the Duke of Hereforde could not bee borne downe by countenance, where his cause was good: [Page 45] and therefore after a short silence, whereby hee seemed, ra­ther amazed at the strangenesse of this matter, then abashed at the guilt, he made low obeisance to the King, and great­ly both thanked and commended him, that hee had not gi­uen hastie creadite, to matters of such tender touch, as his griefe might haue borne out the blame of rashnesse in re­uenge; desiring him to continue yet a while, the respite of his displeasure, and to reserue his iudgment free for indiffe­rent audience. Then he declared in order, what speech had passed from him, vpon what occasion, and to what end: all the rest he stoutely denyed, affirming that it was falsely surmised by his aduersary, eyther vpon malice to picke a quarrell, or vpon sycophancie to picke a thanke, and that thereupon he was vntrue, vniuste, a forger of slaunderous and seditious lies, whereby he treacherously indeuoured to seduce the King to destroy the Nobility, and to raise distur­bance within the realme: and this he offered to proue vpon him (if the King would permit) by the stroake of a speare, and by dint of sword. The Duke of Norfolks stomacke not vsed to beare scorne, could not disgest these tearmes of dis­grace: whereupon hee stifly stood to his first imputation: and for maintenance thereof, he accepted, and also desited the combat. The King would some other wayes haue quie­ted this contention, but the Dukes would agree to no other kinde of agreement: and thereupon threw downe their gloues one against the other, for gages. The King seeing their obstinacy, graunted them the battell, and assigned the place at the City of Couentry, in the moneth of August then next insuing: where in the meane time, he caused a sumptu­ous Theater, and lists royall to be prepared.

At the day of combat, the two Dukes came, well banded with Noblemen and Gentlemen of their linage. The Duke of Aumerle, for that day hie constable, and the Duke of Sur­rey for the same time and action, high Marshall of England, entred into the lists, with a great troope of men apparelled in [Page 46] silke sendale, embroidred with siluer, euery man hauing a tipped staffe to keepe the field in order. About the time of prime, the Duke of Hereford came to the barriers of the lists, mounted vpon a white courser, barbed with blew & greene veluet, embroidred gorgiously with Swans and Anti [...]ops of Gold-smiths worke, anned at all points, & his sword drawen in his hand. The Constable and Marshall came to the barri­ers, and demaunded of him, who hee was. He answered: I am Henry duke of Hereford, and am come to do my deuoire against Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke, as a traitour to God, the King, the Realme, and me. Then he sware vpon the Euangelists, that his quarrell was right, & vpon that point desired to enter the lists, then he put vp his sword, pulled downe his beauier, made a crosse on his forehead, and with speare in hand, entred into the lists, and there lighted from his horse, & sate downe in a charge of greene veluet, which was set in a trauerse of greene & blew veluet at the one end of the listes: and so expected the comming of his enemic. Soone after, King Richard entred the field with great pomp, both in brauery and traine: he had in his company, the Earle of S. Paule, who came purposely out of Fraunce to see this combat tried: he was attended with all the noble Peeres of the Realme, and guarded with tenne thousand men in armes, for feare of any sudden or intended tumult.

When hee was placed on his stage, which was verie curi­ously and richly set forth, a King at armes made proclamati­on in the name of the King, and of the high Constable, and of the Marshall, that no man except such as were appointed to order and Marshall the fielde, shoulde touch any parte of the listes, vpon paine of death. This proclamation beeing e [...]ded, another herrald cryed. Behold her?, Henry of Lan­caster, Duke of Hereford, appellant, who is entred into the listes royall, to doe this deuoire, against Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolke defendant, vpon paine to be accompted false and recreant. The Duke of Norfolke was houering on [Page 47] horsebacke at the entry of the listes, his horse being barbed with crimson veluet, embroadered [...]itchly with lions of sil­uer, and mulberie trees, and when he had made his oath, be­fore the Constable and Marshall, that his quarrell was iust and true, he entred the fielde boldly, crying aloud God aide him that hath the right, then hee lighted from his horse, and satte downe in a chaire of Crimson veluet, curtained aboute with red and white damaske, and placed at the other ende of the listes. The Lord Marshall viewed both their speares, to see that they were of equall length: the one speare he ca­ried himselfe to the Duke of Hereford, and sent the other to the Duke of Norfolke by a Knight, This done, a Herrald proclaimed, that the trauerses and chaires of the comba­tants should be remoued, commaunding them in the Kings name, to mount on horsebacke, and adresse themselues to the encounter, the Dukes were quickly horsed, and closed their beauiers, and cast their speares into the restes. Then the trumpetes sounded, and the Duke of Hereforde set forth to­wards his enimy, about fixe or seauen paces: but before the Duke of Norfolke began to put forewarde, the King cast downe his warder, and the Herralds cried, ho: then the King caused the Dukes speares to be taken from them, and com­maunded them to forsake their horses, and returne againe to their chaires: where they remained; aboue two long houres, whilst the King deliberated with his counsaile what was fit­test to be done. At last, the Herralds cryed silence: and Sir Iohn Borcy a secretary of state with a loude voice, read the sentence and determination of the King and his counsaile out of a long roule: wherein was contained, that Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford, appellant, and Thomas Mow­bray Duke of Norfolke, defendant, had honourably appea­red that day within the lists royall, and declared themselues valiant and hardy champions; being not onely ready, but forward and desirous to darrein the battel: but because this was a matter of great consequence & import, the King with [Page 48] the aduise of his Councell, thought it meet to take the same into his owne hands: and thereupon had decreed, that H [...]n­rie Duke of Hereford, because he had displeased the King, and for diuers other considerations, should within 15. dayes next following, depart out of the Realme, and not to returne during the terme often yeeres, without the Kings especiall licence, vpon paine of death,

When this iudgement was heard, a confused noyse was raysed among the people, some lamenting eyther the de­serte, or the iniurie of the Duke of Hereforde, whom they exceedingly fauoured: others laughing at the conceite of the King: first in causing, and afterwardes in frustrating so great an expectation: wherein he seemed to doe not much vnlike Caligula; who lying in Fraunce with a great armie nere the sea shoare, gaue the signe of battell, set his men in a­ray, marched foorth as if it had bene to some great piece of seruice, & suddenly commanded them all together cockles.

Then the Herralds cryed againe, ô yes: and the secre­tarie did reade on, how the King had likewise otdayned, that Thomas Moubraie Duke of Northfolke, because he had sowen sedition, by words whereof he could make no proofe, should auoide the realme of England, and neuer returne a­gaine, vpon paine of death: and that the King would take the profites and reuenues of his landes, vntill he had recei­ued such summes of money as the Duke had taken vp, for wages of the garison of Calice, which was still vnpaide: and that the King prohibited, vpon paine of his grieuous displea­sure, that any man should make suite or entreatie to him, on the behalfe of eyther of these two Dukes.

These sentences being in this sort pronounced, the King called the two exiles before him, and tooke of them an oth, that they should not conuerse together in foraine regions, nor one willingly come in place where the other was: fea­ring (as it was like) least their common discontentment should draw them, first to reconcilement, and afterward to [Page 49] reuenge. But this policie was ouer weake for this purpose: for oathes are commonly spurned aside, when they lye in the way, either to honour or [...]euenge: and if their vnited forces was much to be regarded, the [...] seperate are powers was not altogether to bee con [...]ed. Therefore the later plin­ [...] of this Realme, haue with more [...], wholy abolished the vse of abiuration and [...]: and doe either by death extinguish the power, or by pardon alter the will of great of­fenders, from entring into desperite and daungerous at­tempts: which men in [...] and disgrace, haue more ve­hemencie to begin, and more [...] to continue. When the [...] had once so enclosed the Romaine legions within certaine streig [...], that they left them neither space to fight, nor way to flie: but without force enforced them to yeelde: they sent to Hre [...]us Pontius, an aged ruler of their state, for his aduise, what were best for them to doe: his answere was, that the Romaines should be permitted to depart, without any [...] losse, orscorne. This pleased not such as [...], [...]her couetous for spoy [...]e, [...] for blood [...] and therefore they sent vnto him the second time: who then returned answere, that the Romanes should bee put to the sworde, and not one man suffered to escape. The contrarie­tie of these two counsailes, brought the olde man into sus­pition of dotage: but he comming in person to the campe, maintained both to be good: the first whereof (which hee thought best) would by vnexspected fauour, prouoke the Romanes to a perpetuall friendship: the second would de­ferre the warres for many yeares, wherein the enemies should hardly recouer strength: third counsaile, there was none that safely might be followes Yes (said the Samnites) to graunt them their liues, yet with such conditions of spoyle and shame, as the lawes of victorie doe lay vpon them. This is the way (answered Heren [...]ius) which neither winneth friends, nor weakeneth enemies: but will much encrease the fury against vs, & nothing diminish the force. And euen [Page 50] so, in matters of more particularity, than course of punish­ment is out of course, which doth neither reclaime the mind of men, nor restraine the might from mischieuous endeuors. But againe to our purpose.

The Duke of Norfolke, hauing now got a fall, where he thought to take his rest, repented his enterprise, and vtterly condemned his light conceite of the Kings lightnesse, and so with extreame griefe and anguish of minde, he departed out of the Realme into Almaine, and from thence trauelled to Venice; where through violence of thought and discontent­ment, in short time he ended his dayes. This sentence of ba­nishment was giuen against him the same day of the yeere wherein the Duke of Gloucester by his wicked meanes was strangled to death at Calice.

The Duke of Hereford tooke his leaue of the King at El­tham, who there stroke away foure yeres of his banishment & euen offred himselfe to be sawned vpon & thanked, for so odious a benefit. And this info [...]inate aduenture he neither bate put [...]aingloriusly, not yet tooke impatiētly: but in the midst of his misery, retained still his reputation and honour; shewing no signe of sorow or submines in his countenance, nor letting fall any intemperate and vnseemely word. The people as he departed, by heap [...] flocked about him, some to see, and some to salute him: lamenting his departure in such sort, as though their onely light and delight did then forsake them: not sparing to exclaime, that it was against the law of armes, against the custome of the Realme, and against all right whatsoeuer, that he should exiled, who had done his honourable endeuour for the maintenance of his appeale. This affection was the more exce [...]e, for that the duke was driuen into exile by occasion of his liberall speeches against the most hateful persons in all Realme: & being the one­ly noble man then aliue, of the popular faction, the loue was wholly accumulated vpon him▪ which was before deuided among the rest. And thus the Duke leauing England, tooke [Page 51] shipping, and passed the Seat to Galice, & from thence went into Fraunce: where hee was honourably entertained by Charles the French King, and found such fauour, that hee should haue taken to wife, the onely daughter of Iohn Duke Berrie, vnckle to the King of Fraunce, but King Richard [...] fearing the sequel, if the fauor which was borne to the Duke of Hereford within the Realme, should be strengthned with so great affinitie in Fraunce, cast such stops in the way, that the marriage did not proceede.

This yeare the Lawrell trees withered, almost through­out the Realme, and afterwardes against all expectation, re­couered life & flourished againe. The same yeare, in Christ­masse holy-daies, a deepe ryuer which rumneth betweene Snedlistorie and Hareswood, neere to Bedford, suddainely stayed the streame: so that for three miles in length, the chan­nell was left drie, and no course of water did hinder passage on foot. This was afterwards interpreted too presage, the re­uolt of the people, & the deuision which happened the yeare following: to these wee may adde certaine other prodegies, either forged in that fabulous age, or happening commonly and of course, are then onely noted, when any notable ac­cident doth ensue. When K. Richard brought his first wife out of Beame, she had no sooner set foote within this land, but such a tempest did forthwith arise as had not bene seene many yeares before: whereby diuers ships within the hauen were quashed to peeces, but especially, and first of all, the ship wherin the Queene was casried, this was the rather ob­serued, because such stiffe [...]ormes were likewise stirring: when the King brought his second wife out of France: wher­in many ships perished, and a great part of the Kings fardage was lost. At New castle vpon Tine, as two shipwrites were squaring a piece of Timber, whersoeuer they hewed, bloud issued forth in great aboundance. At one of the Kings p [...]lla­ces, flies swarmed so thicke, that they obscured the ayre: these fought together most fiercely, so that sackfuls lay [...]eau [Page 52] vpon the ground; and this continued so long, that scarce the third part of them (as it was thought) remained aliue, many like accidents are recorded of that time; but I wil maintaine neither the truth of them, nor what they did portend: being a matter wherein most men are rather superstitious, then not credulous, and doe oftentimes repute common occurrences to be ominous, when any strange euent doth ensue. Yet as I am loath to auouch any vaine and trifling matter, so dare I not detract all truth frō things anciently reported; although done in an age wherein was some delight in lying; many do suppose, that those things which are fatally allotted, though they neuer be auoided, yet sometimes are foreshewen: not so much that we may preuent them, as that wee shuold pre­pare ourselues against them.

In the two and twenty yeare of the raigne of K. Richard, Iothn of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster died, and was buried, on the north-side of the high alter, of the Cathedrall Church of S. Paule in London, hee was a man aduised and warie in his passages of life, liking better safe courses with reason, then happy by chaunce: of his owne glory, he was neither negli­gent, nor ambitiously careful: towards the King hee caried himselfe in tearms honourable inough for a moderat prince, and yet not so plausible as a vaine man would desire; where­by there neuer happened to him any extraordinary matter, either in preiudice, or preferment. After his death, the Du­chy of Lancaster did in right deuolue to the Duke of Here­forde, his eldest son: but the King (as the nature of man is in­clinable, to hate those whome hee hath harmed) seazed all the landes and goodes which appertained to the Duke of Lancaster, into his owne handes; and determined to perpe­tuate the banishment of Duke Henry his sonne: reuoking the letters pattēts, which were graunted to him at his departure: whereby his generall atturneis were enabled to prosecute his causes and sue liuerie of any inheritance; which during his exile, might fall vnto him, his homage being respited for [Page 53] a reasonable fine. The king supposed his estate more safe, by the weaknesse and want of the Duke, whome he had nowe in some iealousie and doubte? but these violent dealinges were meanes rather to prouoake his mischiefes, then to pre­uent them; for by iniurious suppressing of the Dukes great­nesse, he greatly augmented the same.

Edmund Duke of Yorke, the Kings onely vncle which remained aliue, had hetherto moued his patience, to endure many things against his liking: but nowe either in disdaine of this indignity, or in distrust both of his owne safety, and of the common tranquillity of the realme, hee retired himselfe with the Duke of Aumerle his son, to his house at Langley: supposing priuatnes to bee the best defence, both from dan­ger and blame, where neither the King had iudgement to discerne, nor any about him had, either hearte or honesty to admonish what was done amisse; where an honourable fame was held suspected, and a good life more in hazard thē a bad: protesting that none of these practises, were either deuised by his counsaile, or done by his consent.

At this time, the whole frame of the state was much sha­ken, and matters of great weight and moment, did hang by a very slender thred. The King was plunged in pleasure and sloath: after whose example, others also (as men doe com­monly conforme their mindes according to the princes dis­position) gaue ouer themselues to dilicacie and ease: where­by cowardise crepte in, and shipwracke was made, both of manhood and glorie. The chiefest affaires of state, had bene ordered for a long time, according to priuate respects, wher­by the common-wealth lost both the fatte, and the fauour, and seemed not at seasons and by degrees, but with a maine course, and at once to ruinate and fall. The north parts were many times canuased, and by small, yet often losses, almost consumed by the Scots: who had there taken many townes and castles, and defaced all the countrey with slaughter and spoile. Likewise the south partes were often-times wasted [Page 54] by the Frenchmen: and in Fraunce many strong holds were lost. It was also constantly affirmed, that the King made a­greement to deliuer vnto the King of Fraunce, the possossi­on of Callice, and of other townes which hee helde in those parts; but the performance there of was resisted by the lords whether this were true or surmised probably, as agreeable to the Kings loose gouernment, I cannot certainely affirme. As for Ireland, which in the time of K. Edward the third was kept in order and awe, by acquainting the people with reli­gion and ciuility, and drawing them to delight in the plenty and pleasures of well reclaymed countries; whereby it yeel­ded to the kings coffers, thirty thousand pounds euery yeare: it was then suffered to runne into waste, and the people by rudenesse became intractible: so that the houlding thereof charged the King, with the yearely dispence of thirty thou­sand markes. Many succours had bene sent into these seue­rall countries; but scatteringly, and dropping, and neuer so many at once, as to furnish the warres fully. The King made some expeditions in his owne person, with greate prepa­ration and charge: but beeing once out of credite, whatso­euer fell out well, was attributed to others; misfortunes were inputed onely to him. If any thing were happily atchieued by some of the nobility, it was by the Kings base hearted pa­rasites, to whom millitary vertue was altogether vnpleasant so extinuated, or depraued, or enuied, that it was seldome rewarded, so much as with countenance and thankes: yea sometimes it procured suspicion and danger; the King being informed by a cunning kinde of enemies, commenders, that to be a discreet and valiant commander in the fielde, was a vertue peculiar to a Prince: and that it was a perillous point, to haue the name of a man of priuate estate, famous for the same in euery mans mouth. Hereupon, fewe sought to rise by vertue and val [...]e, the readier way was, to please the plea­sant humour of the Prince. Likewise matters of peace, were managed by [...]men of weakest sufficiency, by whose counsell [Page 55] either ignorant or corrupt, the destruction of the best harted nobility, was many times attempted, & at the last wrought. The profits and reuenues of the crowne were said to bee let to farme, the King making himselfe landlord of this realme, and challenged no great priuiledge by his reigne, but onely a dissolute and vncontrouled life. Great summes of mony were yearly, rather exacted from the subiects, then by them voluntarily graunted: whereof no good did ensue, but the maintenance of the Kings priuate delightes, & the aduance­ment of his hatefull fauorites. To these he was somewhat a­boue his power liberall: for which cause, he was faine to bor­row, begge, and extort in other places: but he purchased not so much loue by the one, as hate by the other. Besides the ordinary tearmes of tenthes and fiftenthes, which were m [...]ny times paid double in one yeare, diuers newe imposition [...] were by him deuised & put in vse: sometimes exacting xii. d. of euery person throughout the realme: sometimes of eue­ry religious man and woman vi. s. viii. d. and of euery se­cular priest asmuch, and of euerie lay person maried or sole, xii. d. Vnder the fauourable tearme of beneuolence; hee wi­ped away from the people such heapes of money, as were li­tle answerable to that free and friendly name. He borrowed in all places of the realme great summes of money vpon his priuy seales, so that no man of worth could escape his loane: but he seldome, and to few, returned payment againe.

This present yeare, he sent certaine Bishops, and other personages of honour, to all the shires & corporations with­in the realme, to declare vnto the people the Kings heauie displeasure against them, for that they had bin abetters and complices of the Duke of Gloucester, and of the Earles of Arundell and Warwicke: and that the King was minded to make a roade vppon them, as common enemies, excepte they would acknowledge their offence, and submit them­selues to his mercie and grace. Hereupon, all the men of worth in euery shire and Towne corporate, made their ac­knowledgment [Page 56] & submission in writing vnder their scales; & afterwardes were faine to graunt vnto the King, such im­portable summes of money, to purchase againe his fauour, as the land being already greatly impouerished, they were hardly able to endure. Then were exacted of thē strange & vnaccustomed oathes, which were put likewise in writing, vnder their seales. They were also cōpelled to set their hands and scales to blancke chartes; wherein the King might after­wardes cause to be written what he would; so that all the wealth of the realme was in a manner at his deuotion and pleasure. These and such like violences, were far wide from the moderate gouernement of K. Henrie the second: whoe maintaining great warres, and obteyning a larger dominion, then perteyned at any other time to this realme of England, neuer demaunded subsidie of his subiectes: and yet his trea­sure after his death, was founde to be nine hundred thousand poundes, besides his Iewels, and his plate.

In this sort the King bearing a heauie hand vpon his sub­iects, and they againe a heauie hart against him, and being withall a Prince weake in action, and not of valure suffici­ent to beare out his vices by might, the people at length re­solued to reuolt, and rather to runne into the hazard of a ru­inous rebellion, then to endure safetie ioyned with slauerie: so they attended occasion, which shortly after was thus offe­red. The King receiued letters of aduertisement out of Ire­land (which being priueledged from other venimous beasts hath alwaies beene pestered with traytors) how the Barba­rous Irish had cut in pieces his garrison, and slaine Roger Mortimer Earle of Marsh, (who had beene declared heire apparent to the Crowne) exercising all the crueltie in wa­sting of the country, which wrath and rage of victorie could incite a Barbarous people to practise. This losse being great in it selfe, the hard affection of the people did much augmēt by report: wherupon the King deliberated, whether it were requisite that hee should vnder-take the warre in person, or [Page 57] commit it to cōmanders of lower degree? Some perswaded him, that wholly to subdue Ireland, stoode neither with pol­licie, nor yet almost with possibilitie: for if it were fully and quietly possessed, some gouernour might hap to growe to that greatnesse, as to make himselfe absolute Lord thereof, and therfore it was better to hold it certaine by weake ene­mies, then suspected by mightie friendes, and yet by what meanes should those bogges & those woods bee ouercome, which are more impregnable, then the walled Townes of other countries? Then if the purpose were, onely to represse the sauage people, the war was of no such weight, as should draw the King to stand in the fielde: and therefore he might stay in the west partes of England, and from thence make shew of the princely puissance and state; neither venturing his person without cause, and ready at hand if neede should require. Others were of opinion, that to subdue and reple­nish Ireland, was a matter neither of difficultie nor daunger: but both profitable and honourable to the King, and to God very acceptable. For if credite might bee giuen to auncient histories, this realme of England was once as insuperable with bogs and woods, as Ireland was then: but the Romane conquerors kept not their presidiarie Souldiers in idle gar­rison, whereby many times the minde grew mutinous, and the body diseased, and both vnable for the labour and hard­nesse of the field: but they held as well them, as the subdued. Britaines continually exercised, either in building of townes in places of best aduantage; or in making of high waies: else in drayning and pauing of bogs: by which meanes the coun­trie was made fruitfull and habitable, and the people learned the good maners, not rudely to repulse the flattering assaults of pleasure; preferring subiection with plentie, before beg­gerly and miserable libertie. That the same Romaines also kept many larger countries in quiet obedience, (so long as they were quiet among themselues) without either feare or danger of any gouernours: first by deuiding them into smal [Page 58] prouinces: Secondly by constituting in euery prouince di­uers officers, as Lieutenants and procurators, whereof one was able to restraine the other; the first hauing power ouer the bodies of the subiects, the second ouer their goods: third­ly, by changing these officers euery yeare; which was too short a time to establish a soueraigntie: Lastly, by retaining at Rome, their wiues and children, and whole priuate estate, as pledges for their true demeanure. That the daunger was rather to bee feared, least a weake enemie whilest hee was cuntemned, should gather strength and be able to stand vp­pon termes of withstandi [...]g: example hereof, happened whē the Romaines ouercame this Iland; for many Britanes who vpon no cōditious would abide bōdage, withdrew thēselues into the Northparts of the land, & by maintaining their aun­cient custome of painting their bodies, were called of the Romanes, Picti: these were neglected along time, and held in scorne, as neither of force, nor of number to bee thought worthy the name of enimies: but afterwardes they confede­rated themselues with other people, and so sharply assaulted the subdued Britaines, that being vnable to resist, & the Ro­manes shrincking from thē, they were constrained to desire helpe of the Saxons: and so betweene their enimies & their, aides (being set as it were betwixt the beetle and the block) they lost the possession of the best part of their land. That it was a pittifull pollicy for assurance of peace, to lay all waste as a wildernes, and to haue dominion ouer trees and beasts, and not ouer men. That hereby the King did loose the reue­nue of a fruitfull countrie, & the benefit of wealthy subiects, which are the surest treasure that a Prince can haue. That hereby also the maiesty of his estate was much impaired: for (as Salomō saith) The honour of a king cōsisteth in the multitude of subiectes. That the country being vnfurnished of people, was open to al opportunity of forraine enimies. That if none of these respectes would moue: yet the King was bounde in duty, to reduce those sauages to the true worshippe of God, [Page 59] who did then either prophanely contemne him, or supersti­ti [...]usly serue him.

These reasons so weighed with the King, that he gathered a mighty armie, determining to goe in person into Ireland, & to pacifie the country before his returne: but al his proui­sion was at the charge of the subi [...]cts: and wheras in time of sedition, a wise Prince will least grieue his people. As see­ming to stand in some sort at their curtesie, & hauing to im­ploy their bodies beside; the King in peace no stoarer for war, was forced to offend, when hee should haue bene most carefull to win fauour. So about Whitsontide, he set forth on his voyage with many men, and fewe soldiours; being a dissolute and vntrained company, and out of all compasse of obedience, hee caried with him his whole treasure, and all the goods and auncient Iewels appertaining to the crowne. In his company went the Duke of Aumerle, and the Duke of Exceter, and diuers other noble men, and many Bishops, and the Abbot of Westminster. He also tooke with him the sonnes of the Duke of Gloucester, and of the Duke of Here­ford; whose fauourours he chiefly feared.

When hee came to Bristowe, hee was put into suspicion, (whether vpon some liklyhood, or meere mallice) that Hen­ry Percy Earle of Northumberland and certaine others, en­tended some disloyall enterprise against him: and for that cause did not folow him into Ireland, but had fastned friend­ship with the king of Scots, vpon purpose to retire thēselues into his country, if their attempts should faile. Hereupon the king sent message that the earle should forthwith come vnto him with all the power that he could conueniently make. The earle returned answere, that it was vnnecessary in re­spect of that seruice, to draw men from such distant places; for the Irish rebels were neither so many nor so mighty, but the King had strength at hand sufficient to suppresse them: that it was also daungerous to disfurnish the North-parts of their forces, and to offer opportunity to the Scottish borde­rers, [Page 60] who were alwayes vncertaine friends in their extremi­ties, and assured enemies vpon aduantage. The King seeing his commaundement in these termes both contemned and controulled, would not stand to reason the matter with the Earle, neither had he the reason to defer reuenge vntill hee had full power to worke it: but presently in the violence of his fury, caused the Earle and his confederates to be proclai­med traitors, and all their lands and goods to be seized to his vse. The Earle tooke grieuously this disgrace, and determi­ned to cure & close vp his harme with the disturbance of the common state. And thus the King hauing feathered these arrowes against his owne brest, passed foorth in his iourney into Ireland.

This expedition at the first proceeded and succeeded ex­ceedingly well, and the king obtained many victories, euen without battell, as leading his men to a slaughter rather then to a fight: for the sauage Irish were not vnder one gouerne­ment, but were deuided into many partialities and factions, and seldome did two or three parts ioyne their common strenth and study together: so whilest one by one did fight, all of them were either subdued or slaine. But these newes little reioyced the common people, they lusted not to listen thereto: their common talke was to recount their common grieuances, to lay them together, & aggrauate them by con­struction: euery man more abounding in complaints then he did in miseries. Also the noblemen (the principall obiect of cruelty) began to discourse both their priuate dangers, & the deformities of the state: and vpon opportunity of the Kings absence, some of them did conspire to cut off that au­thority which would not be confined, & to cast it vpon some other, who was most like to repaire that which K. Richard had ruined: or if (sayde they) our power shall come short of so good a purpose, yet will we sell him both our liues & lands with glory in the field, which with certainty in peace we can not enioy. The onely man vpon whom all men resolued, was [Page 61] Henry duke of Hereford (whom since the death of his father they called duke of Lancaster) not at his own motion or de­sire, but because he was generally esteemed meet: as being of the royall bloud, and next by discent frō males to the suc­cession of the crowne: one that had made honorable proofe of his vertues and valure: the onely man of note that remai­ned aliue, of those that before had stood in armes against the King, for the behoofe of the Common-wealth: for which cause he was deeply touched at that time both in honor and in state. This attempt pleased as possible to proue, and of ne­cessity to be followed: whereupon they secretly dispatched their letters to the Duke, solliciting his speedy returne into England, & declaring that aswel for the benefit of the realm, as for their owne particular safety, they were forced to vse force against King Richard: that if it would please him to make the head, they would furnish him the body of an able army, to expell the King from his vnfortunate gouernment, and to settle the possession of the Crowne in him, who was more apt and able to sustaine the same: that they would not prouide him a base multitude only, & they themselues helpe in bare wishes & aduise, but would also adioyne their hands and thei [...] liues; so that the peril should be common to all, the glory only his, if fortune fauored the enterprise. These letters were conueyed by men crafty and bolde, yet of sure credit, and inward in trust with the Duke: who passing into France, first associated vnto thē Thomas Arundell late Archbishop of Canterburie, & at that time (whether deseruedly or with­out cause) an exile in France: then they trauailed by seuerall waies, and in counterfeit attire to Parris, where all met at the house of one Clugney, where the Duke thē soiourned, After some courtesies of course, with welcome on the one side, & thankes on the other, and ioy of both: the Archbishop of Canterburie hauing obtained of the Duke priuacie and si­lence, made vnto him a solemne oration in these words, or to this sence following.

[Page 62] We are sent vnto you (right high and noble Prince) from the chiefe Lords and states of our land, not to seeke reuenge against our King vpon priuate iniury and displeasure: nor v­pon a desperate discontentment to set the state on fire: nor to procure the ambitious aduancement of any perticular person: but to open vnto you the deformities and decaies of our broken estate, and to desire your aide, in staying the ruinous downfall of the same. The remembrance of the honourable reputation that our countrie hath borne, and the noble actes which it hath atchiued, doth nothing els, but make the base­nes more bitter vnto vs, wherinto it is new fallen. Our victo­rious armes haue heretofore bene famous and memorable, not onely within the bownds of our Ocean sea, and in the Ilands adioyning vnto vs; but also in France, in Spaine, and in other parts of Europe, yea in Asia and in Affricke, against the infidels and Barbarians: so that all Christian Princes haue bene either glad to imbrace our friendship, or loath to pro­uoke vs to hostility. But nowe the rude Scots, whose spirits we haue so many times broken, and brought on their knees, doe scornfully insult vppon vs: the naked and fugitiue Irish, haue shaken of our shackles, and glutted themselues vppon vs, with massachres & spoiles: with these we dayly fight, not for glory, but to liue: insomuch as we are become a pitty to our friends, and a verie ieast to our most base and contemp­tible enemies. In deed the King hath both sent and led great armies into these countries, but in such sort, that they haue much wasted the realme with their maintenance; but nei­ther reuenged nor relieued it with their armes: and no mer­uaile, for all our diligent and discreete leaders (the verie si­newes of the field) are either put to death, or banished, or els lie buried in obscurity and disgrace: and the marshalling of all affaires is committed (without any respect of sufficiency or desert) to the counsaile & conduct of those, who can best apply themselues to the Kings youthfull delightes. Among these, auncient nobility is accompted a vaine ieast, wealth, [Page 63] and vertue are the ready meanes to bring to destruction.

It grieues me to speake, but it helpeth not, to hide that which euery man seeth: our auncestors liued in the highest pitch and perfection of libertie; but we of seruilitie, being in the nature, not of subiectes, but of abiectes, and flat slaues; not to one intractable Prince onely, but to many proude & disdainefull fauorites; not alwaies the same, but euer new; & no sooner haue we satisfied some, but fresh hungrie masters are straight waies set vpon vs, who haue more endamaged vs by extortion and bribes, then the enemy hath done by the sword. What vnusuall kindes of exactio [...]are dayly put in practise? without either measure or end, and oftentimes with out neede: or if any be, it proceedeth rather vpon ryotus ex­penses, then any necessary or honourable charge: and great summes of money are pulled and pilled from good subiects, to be throwne away amongst vnprofitable vnthriftes. And if any man openeth his mouth against these extorted taxati­ons, then either by feined imputation of capital crimes, or by smal matters aggrauated, or else by open crueltie and force, his life or libertie is forthwith hazarded. I were too tedious, too odious, too friuolus to put you in mind of particular ex­amples, as though your owne estate, & the lamentable losse of your vncle, & other noble friends, could be forgotten: yea, I suppose that there is no man of qualitie within the Realme, who either in his owne person, or in his neere friends, doeth not plainly perceiue, that no man enioyeth the safegard of his goods, and suerty of his body; but rich men in the one, & great men in the other are continually endaungered. This then is our case; but what is our remedy? we haue endured, & we haue entreated: but our pacience hath drawne on more heauie burthens, and our complaints procured more bitter blowes: by the one our liuings, and our liues by the other are dayly deuoured. And therfore we are now cōpelled to shake off our shoulders this importable yoke, and submit our selues to the soueraigntie of some more moderate and worthy per­son: [Page 64] not so much for the griefe of our miseries which are past nor for the paine of our present distresses, as for feare of such daungers as are most like to ensue, for the King hath cut a­way the chiefe of the nobilitie, and the commons hee hath pared to the quicke, and still hee harrieth vs as a conquered countrie: whereby we are layd bare to the hauocke of al our enemies, & vtterly disabled, not onely to recouer that which is lost, but also to retaine euen that which is left. But to whom should we complaine? what succour, whose ayde should we desire? you are the onely man, who in right should, and in wisedome can, and in goodnesse will (we hope) relieue vs. For you are neerest to the King in bloud, and therfore ought to haue the rule of that which his weakenesse cannot wielde. Your yeares are wel stayed from the light conceits of youth, and so spent, that all your actions haue made proofe of abili­tie in gouernment of greatest charge: nothing past, needeth excuse, and feare is vaine for any thing to come. The paines and perils which heretofore you haue vndertaken for the be­nefite of your countrie, putteth vs also in good hope, that in these extremities you will not forsake vs: wee are all as in a ship that is ready to sinke, as in a house that is ready to fall, & doe most humbly craue and call for your helpe; now or else neuer shew your selfe in fauour of your countrymen, to free vs, to free your selfe, to free the whole state from these daun­gers and decayes, by taking into your hands the scepter and diademe of the Realme, and reducing againe the gouerne­ment thereof to a princely freedome; in combining the so­ueraigntie of one, with the libertie of all. Omit not this occa­sion: to set forth to the view of the world, as in a large field, & at free scope your vertue and courage, by relieuing misera­ble wretches from their oppressors: which action hath beene so highly honoured, that many heathen men for the same, haue beene accompted as Gods. This we are constrained to offer and entreate: this is both honorable for you to accept, and easie to be performed: and so much the more, in that no [Page 65] Prince, by any people haue bene desired with greater affec­tion, nor shall be with more dutie obeyed.

The Duke entertained this speach, with great moderati­on of mind, shewing himselfe neither disturbed thereat, nor excessiue in ioy. His aunswere concerning the King, was re­spectiue and wel tempered; rather lamenting his weakenes then blaming his malice. Concerning himselfe hee spake so modestly, that he seemed rather worthy of a kingdome, then desirous. The life (quoth he) which hitherto I haue led, hath alwaies bene free from ambitious attempts: and the stayed­nesse of my yeares, hath now setled my mind from aspiring thoughts: and experience of former dangers hath bred in me a warie regard in such weightie proceedings, for to cast a King out of state, is an enterprise not hastely to bee resolued vpon, nor easily effected: but suppose that matter not impos­sible, and perhaps not hard, yet the rarenesse of the like pre­cedents, will make the action seeme iniurious to most men: and he that shal attaine a kingdome vpon opinion of desert, doth charge himselfe with great expectation, and how ho­nourably soeuer hee carried himselfe, shall neuer want his deadly enuiers: besides this, in ciuill dissentions the faith of the whole people is fleeting, and daunger is to bee doubted from euery particular person: so that it is possible that al may fall away, and impossible to beware of euery one. Therefore I could rather wish, to spend the course of my yeares which yet remaine, in this obscure, yet safe and certaine state, then to thrust my selfe vpon the pikes of those perils, which being once entred into, are daungerous to follow, & deadly to for­sake: for in priuate attempts, a man may step and stope when he please: but he that aymeth at a kingdome, hath no middle course betwene the life of a Prince, & the death of a traytor.

The Archbishop hearing this, did as vainly persist in im­portuning the duke, as he vainly seemed vnwilling & strāge. The state (sayd he) wherein now you stand, is not so safe and certaine as you doe conceiue. In deed, by reiecting our re­quest [Page 66] you shal auoid certaine dignity, and therewith vncer­taine & contingent dangers; but you shal procure most cer­taine destruction both to your selfe and vs. For this secret can not be kept long secret from the king: and euen good prin­ces are nice in points of soueraignty, & beare a nimble eare to the touch of that string: and it more hurteth a subiect to be esteemed worthy of the kingdome, then it will profit him to haue refused the offer. What then will he do, who putteth the chiefest surety of his reigne in the basenesse & barenesse of his subiects? whose head being possessed with eternall ie­lousy, maketh euery presumption a proofe, and euery light surmise a strong suspition against them. Surely since the ge­nerall fauour & loue which the people beareth you, hath be­reaued you of your liberty, this their generall desire will not leaue your life vntouched. As for vs, if we either faint in our intent, or faile in the enterprise, actum est: we shalbe as lambs among lions: and no conquest can be so cruell as the Kings reigne will be ouer vs. Certainely we haue gone too far, for to go backe; and the time is past, when you for ambition, & we for enuy might seeme to attempt against the King: the attainment of the kingdome must now be a sanctuary & re­fuge for vs both. The like examples are not rare (as you af­firme) nor long since put in practise, nor far hence to be fet­ched. The kings of Denmarke and of Sweueland, are often­times banished by their subiects; oftentimes imprisoned & put to their fine: The princes of Germany, about an hundred yeres past, deposed Adulphus the Emperour: and are now in hand to depose their emperor Wences [...]aus. The earle of Flan­ders was a while since driuen out of his Dominion by his owne people, for vsurping greater power then appertai­ned to his estate. The auncient Britaines chased away their owne King Carecious, for the lewdnesse of his life, and cruel­ty of his rule. In the time of the Saxon H [...]ptarchic, Bernredus King of Mercia, for his pride and stoutnes towardes his peo­ple, was by them deposed. Likewise Aldredus & Ethelber­tus [Page 67] Kinges of Northumberland, were for their disorders ex­pelled by their subiects. Since the victorie of the Normaines, the Lords endeauoured to expell King Henry the third, but they were not able: yet were they able to depose King Ed­ward the second, and to constitute his young sonne Edward King in his steade: these are not all, and yet enough to cleare this action of rarenesse in other countries; & noueltie in our. The difficulty indeede is somewhat, because the excellencie is great: but they that are affraide of euery bush, shall neuer take the bird: & your selfe had once some triall hereof, when without battaile, without bloud or blowes, you had the King at such a lift, as he held his Crowne at your courtesie, euen at that time when his grieuances were, neither for greatnes nor continuance, so intollerable as now they are growne: and by reason of his tender yeres, not out of al compasse, both of ex­cuse for the fault, and of hope for an amendement. And as concerning the lawfulnesse.

Nay (said the Duke) where necessity doth enforce, it is su­perfluous to vse speach, either of easinesse, or of lawfulnesse: necessitie will beate thorow brasen Walles: and can be limi­ted by no lawes. I haue felt verie deeply my part in these ca­lamities, and I would you knew with what griefe I haue be­held your: for what other reward haue I receiued, of all my trauailes and seruices, but the death of my vncle and dearest friends, my owne banishment, the imprisonmeut of my chil­dren, and losse of my inheritance? and what haue beene re­turned to you, for your bloud so often shed in his vnfortunate warres, but continuall tributes, scourges, gallowes, and sla­uerie? I haue made sufficient proofe, both of pacience in my owne miseries, and of pittie in your: remedy them hither to I could not: If now I can, I will not refuse to sustain that part, which yonr importunitie doth impose vpon me, if we pre­uaile, we shall recouer againe our libertie: if wee loose, our state shall be no worse thē now it is: and since we must needs perish, either deseruingly or without cause, it is more hono­rable [Page 68] to put our selues vpon [...]he aduenture eyther to winne our liues, or to dye for deserte: and although our liues were safe, which in deede are not, yet to abandon the state, ane sleepe still in this slauerie; were a poynt of negligence and sloath. It remaineth then, that we vse both secrecie and ce­leritie, laying hold vpon the oportunitie which the Kings ab­sence hath now presented vnto vs: for in al enterprises which neuer are commended before they bee atchieued, delayes are daungerous; and more safe it is to be founde in action, then in counsaile: for they that deliberate onely to rebell, haue rebelled already.

So the messengers departed into England, to declare the Dukes acceptance, and to make preparation against his ar­riuall, both of armour, and of subiection, and desire to obey. Presently after their departure, the Duke signified to Charles king of Fraunce, that he had a desire to goe into Brittaine, [...]o visite Iohn Duke of Brittaine, his friend and kinsman. The King suspecting no further fetch, sent letters of commen­dation in his fauour, to the Duke of Brittaine: but if he had surmised any dangerous drift against King Richard, who not long before, had taken his daughter to wife; in stead of let­ters of safe-conducte, he would haue founde lettes to haue kept him safe from disturbing his sonne in lawes estate.

Assoone as the Duke was come into Brittaine, he waged certaine souldiours, and presently departed to Calice, and so committed to sea for England; giuing forth, that the onely cause of his voyage, was to recouer the Duchie of Lancha­ster, and the rest of his lawfull inheritance, which the King wrongfully deteyned from him. In his companie was Tho­mas Arundell the Archbishop of Canterburie, and Thomas the sonne & heire of Richard late earle of Arundell, who was very yong, and had a little before escaped out of prison, and fled into France to the Duke. The residue of his attendants were very few, not exceeding the number of fifteen lances: so that it is hard to esteeme whether it was greater maruaile, [Page 69] either that he durst attempt, or that he did preuaile with so smal a company: but his chiefest cōfidence was in the fauour & assistance of the people within the realme. So he did beare with England, yet not in a streight course, but floated along the shoare, making head sometimes to one coast, and some­times to another, to discouer what forces were in a readines, either to resist or to receiue him.

As he was in this sort houering on the seas, L. Edmund duke of Yorke, the kings vncle, to whom the king had com­mitted the custody of the Realme during the time of his ab­sence, called vnto him Edmūd Stafford bishop of Chichester, L. Ghancellour, & W. Scroupe earle of Wiltshire, L. Treasu­rour of the Realme, also, Sir Iohn Bushie, Sir Henry Greene, Sir William Bagot, Sir Iohn Russell, and certain others of the kings Priuy councell; and entred into deliberation what was best to be done. At the last it was concluded, deceitfully by some, vnskilfully by others, and by all perniciously for the king; to leaue the sea coasts, and to leaue London, the very walles & castle of the Realme, and to goe to S. Albons, there to gather strength sufficient to encounter with the duke. It is most cer­taine that the dukes side was not any wayes more furthered, then by this dissembling and deceiuable dealing: for open hostility and armes, may openly and by armes be resisted: but priuy practises, as they are hardly espied, so are they sel­dome auoided. And thus by this meanes the duke landed a­bout the feast of Saiud Martin, without let or resistance, at Rauenspur in Houldernesse, as most writers affirme.

Presently after his ariual, there resorted to him Lord Hen­rie Pearcie Earle of Northumberland, and Lord Henry his son Earle of Westmerland, Lorde Radulph Neuill, Lorde Rose, Lord Willoughby, & many other personages of honor, whose company encreased reputation to the cause, and was a great couutenance and strength to the Dukes further purposes. And first they tooke of him an oath, that hee should neither procure nor permit any bodily harme to be done vnto King [Page 70] Richard; whereupon they bound themselues vpon their ho­nours to prosecute all extremities against his mischieuous counsailers. And this was one step further then that which the Duke pretended at the first, when hee tooke shipping at Callice, which was only the recouery of his inheritance: but that was as yet not determined, nor treated, and of some perhaps not thought vpon; which afterwardes it did ensue: and so was that place easily insinuated into by degrees, which with maine and direct violence would hardlier haue bin ob­tained. Then the common people desperate vpon newe de­sires, and without head, head-long to matters of innouation, flocked very fast to these noble men, the better sort for loue to the common-wealth, some vpon a wanton lenetie, and vaine desire of change, others in regard of their own [...] distressed and decayed estate, who setting their chiefe hopes and deuises vppon a generall disturbance, were then most safe when the common state was most vnsure. So betweene the one and the other, the multitude did in short time increase to the number of threescore thousand able soldiours.

The Duke finding this fauour not onely to exceed his ex­pectation, but euen aboue his wish, he thought it best to fol­lowe the current whilst the streame was most strong, know­ing right well, that if fortune be followed, as the first doe fall out, the rest will commonly succeede. Therefore cutting of vnnecessary delaies, with al possible celerity hee hastned to­wardes London: to the end that possessing himselfe thereof as the chiefe place within the realme, both for strength and store, he might there make the seat of the warre. In this iour­ney no signe nor shew of hostility appeared, but all the way as he passed, the men of chiefest quallity and power adioy­ned themselues vnto him, some vpon heat of affection, some for feare, others vpon hope of rewarde after victorie; euerie one vpon causes dislike, with like ardent desire contending, least any should seeme more foreward then they: In euerie place also where he made stay, rich gifts and pleasant deui­ses [Page 71] were presented vnto him, with large supply both of force and prouision: far aboue his neede: and the common people which for their greatnesse take no care of publique affaires, and are in least daunger by reason of their basenes, with shoutes and acclamations gaue their applause; extolling the Duke, as the onely man of courage, and saluting him Kiug; but spending many contumelious tearmes vppon King Ri­chard, and deprauing him, as a simple and sluggish man, a dastard, a meycocke, and one altogether vnworthy to beare rule; shewing themselues as much without reason in rayling vpon the one, as they were in flattering the other. Againe, the Duke for his part was not negligent to vncouer the head to bowe the body, to stretch forth the hand to euery meane person, and to vse all other complements of popular beha­uiour, wherewith the mindes of the common multitude are much delighted and drawen; taking that to bee courtesie, which the seuerer sort accompt abasement. When h [...] came to the citty, he was there likewise very richly and royally en­tertained, with processions and pageantes, and diuers other triumphant deuises & shewes; the standings in all the streets, where he passed were taken vp to behold him; and the vn­able multitude, who otherwise could not, yet by their good wordes, wishes, and wils, did testify vnto him their louing af­fections: neither did there appeare in any man at that time, any memory of faith and alleagiance towards King Richard, but (as in seditions it alwaies hapneth) as the most swayed all did go.

On the contrarie side, the Duke of Yorke with the rest of his [...]ounsaile, fell to mustering of men at S. Albones, for the King: but as the people out of diuers quarters were called thither, many of thē protested, that they would doe nothing to the harme and preiudice of the Duke of Lancaster, who they said was vniustly expelled, first from his country, and af­terwardes from his inheritance. Then W. Scroupe Earle of Wiltshire L. Treasorer, Sir I. Bush, Sir W. Bagot, and Sir Hen­rie [Page 72] Greene, perceiuing the stiffe resolution of the people for­sooke the duke of Yorke, and the L. Chanceller, and fled to­wards Bristow; intending to passe the seas into Ireland to the king. These foure were they vpon whom the common fame went, that they had taken of the king his realm to farme: who were so odious vnto the people, that their presence turned a­way the harts of many subiects; yea it was thought, that more for displeasure against them, then against the king, the reuolt was made. For being the onely men of credit and authority with the King, vnder false colour of obedience they wholly gouerned both the realme & him; to many mischiefs corrup­ting his mind, & in many abusing his name, either against his wil, or without his knowledge, insomuch as he was innocent of much harme which passed vnder his commandement: but the patiēce of the people could not endure that two or three should rule al; not by reason they were sufficient, but because they were in fauour: and the King in that he permitted them whom he might haue bridled, or was ignorant of that which he should haue knowen, by tolerating and wincking at their faults, made them his owne, & opened therby the way to his destruction. So often times it falleth out to be as dangerous to a prince to haue hurtfull and hatefull officers in place and seruices of weight, as to be hurtfull and hatefull himselfe.

The Duke of Yorke either amazed at this sodain change, or fearing his aduenture if he should proceede in resistance, gaue ouer the cause, and preferred present security, before duty with daunger; giuing most men occasion to misdeeme by his dealing, that he secretly fauored the dukes enterprise; likewise all the other counsailers of that side, either openly declared for the Duke or secretly wished him wel: & aban­doning all priuate direction & aduice, adioyned themselues to the cōmon course, presuming thereby of greater safety.

Duke Henry in the meane time being at London, entred into deliberation with his friends, what way were best to be followed. At the last, hauing considered the forwardnesse of [Page 73] the people, the greatnes of the perill whereinto they had al­ready plunged, & the kings irreconcilable nature, wherof he made proofe against the duke of Gloucester, & the earles of Arundel & of Warwicke: they finally resolued to expel him from his dignity, & to constitute duke Henry king in his sted: and to that end open war was denounced against the King, and against all his partakers, as enemies to the quiet and pro­spenty of the realme; and pardon also promised to all those that would submit themselues to follow the present course, otherwise to look for no fauour, but all extremities. None of the nobility durst openly oppose himselfe to these designes: some vnwilling to play all their state at a cast; kept thēselues at liberty, to be directed by successe of further euent: others consented coldly, and in tearmes of doubtfull construction, with intent to interpret them afterwards, as occasion should change: but the most parte did directly and resolutely enter into the cause, and made their fortunes common with the Duke, in daunger of the attempt, but not in honour: among whome, the Duke standing vp, vsed speach to this purpose.

I am returned here as you see, at your procurement, and by your agreement haue entred into armes for the common liberty: wee haue hitherto prosperously proceeded, but in what tearmes we now stand, I am altogether vncertaine. A priuate man I am loath to be accompted, being designed to be King by you; and a Prince I cannot be esteemed, whilst a­nother is in possession of the kingdome. Also your name is in suspence, whether to be tearmed rebels or subiects, vntil you haue made manifest that your allegeance was bound rather to the state of the realme then the person of the Prince. Now you are the men who haue both caused this doubtfulnes and must cleare the same; your parts still remaineth to be perfor­med; your vertue & valure must adde strength to the good­nesse of this action. We haue already attempted so farre, that all hope of pardon is extinct; so that if wee shoulde shrincke back, & breake of the enterprise, no mercy is to be expected [Page 74] but butchery and gibbets, and all extremities if wee driue of & delay the accomplishment thereof, we shall loose the op­portunity which now is offred, and open to our enimies oc­casion of aduantage. For the peoples bloud is vp now on our side, and nothing is wanting but our owne diligence & care: let vs not therefore trifle out the time of doing, in talking & deliberating: it is best striking whilst the yron is hoate: let vs set forth roundly, and possesse our selues with speed of al the parts of the realme: and so we shall bee able either to keepe out our concurrent, or els to entertaine him litle to his liking. So troups of men were sent into euery quarter of the realme, to secure them for making strength on the part of King Ri­chard: but the people in all places as men broken with many burthens, did easily entertaine the first commer, and were not curious to fide with the strōger. The Duke pursued those of the Kings priuy counsaile, which fled away from the duke of Yorke; bearing himselfe with great cheere and courage, as confident in the cause, and secure of the euent. When he came at Bristow he found the castle fortified against him; but in short time he forced it, and tooke therein Sir Iohn Bushy, Sir Henrie Greene, & W. Scroupe, L. Treasurer, a ioyfull pray to the commō people: who (fearing that if execution should bee deferred, petitions for pardon might happen to preuaile, and so their cruelties and iniuries should bee canswered with the vaine title and commendation of elemency) did violent­ly require them vnto death, no respite could be obteined, no defence admitted, no answere heard: yea their humble and submisse intreaty was interpreted to argue a weake & bro­ken courage vpon a guilty conscience, which more incensed the rage of the people, crying out that they were traitours, bloud-suckers, theeues, and what other heinous tearmes in­sulting fury did put into their mouthes: at which clamorous and importunant instance, the day following they were be­headed. Sir William Bagot came not with them to Bristowe, but turned to Chester: and the pursuit being made after the [Page 75] most, he alone escaped into Ireland. This execution, partly because it pleased the people, and partly because it excluded all hope of the Kings pardon, caused them to cleaue more closely to the Duke; which greatly encreased, both his glory, & his hope; hauing officers of so long aide, & need of so litle.

In the meane time this newes of the Dukes arriuall and of other occurrences, part true, part false, and part enlarged by circumstance (as fame groweth in the going) was blowen o­uer to the King, being then entangled with other broyles in Ireland, at the receipt whereof, hee caused th [...]nnes of the Duke of Gloucester, and of the Duke of Lancaster to be im­prisoned in the strong Castle Trim, which is in Ireland, & for dispatch to returne into England, left many matters vnfini­shed, and most of his prouision behind, hasting and shufling vp, as present necessitie did enforce. So being both vnskilfull and vnfortunate himselfe, & de [...]oide of good direction; with more haste then good hap he tooke shipping, with the Duke of Aumerle, Exceter, & Surrie, the Bishops of London, Lin­colne, and Caerliele, and many other men of qualitie: and crossing the seas, landed at Milford hauen in Wales, in which conntrimen he alwaies reposed his chiefest suretie & trust, but then he saw contrarie to his expectatiō, that as wel there as in all other places, the people by plumps flocked to the Duke, & fled from him: yea they that came with him began for to wauer, no man encouraging them to be constant, but many to reuolt. This suddaine chaunge not looked for, not thought vpon, disturbed all the Kings deuises, & made him irresolute what hee should doe: on the one side hee saw his cause and quarell to bee right, and his conscience (he saide) cleare from any bad demerite: on the other side hee saw the great strength of his enemies, and the whole power of the realme bent against him: & being more abashed of the one, then emboldned by the other, he stoode perplexed in vncer­taine termes, either where to stay, or whether to stirre, hauing neither skill nor resolution himselfe in cases of difficultie, and [Page 76] noxious to hurtfull and vnfaithfull counsaile. Some aduised him to march forward, and pierce deeper into the land, be­fore his owne forces fell from him: affirming, that valure is seconded by fortune: that this courage of his, would con­firme the constancie of his souldiours: and his presence put the people in remembrance of their faith: that in all places he should finde some, who for fauour, or for hire, or else for duetie, would adheare vnto him: whereby hee should soone gather strength sufficient to ioyne issue with his ene­mie in the f [...]de. Others perswaded him to retire againe in­to Ireland, & then if succour failed him in England, to wage souldiours out of other countries. But the King being no man of action in militarie affaires, reiected both the counsailes, as neyther venturous enough with the one, nor warie enough with the other: and taking a middle course (which in cases of exremitie of all is the worst) he determined to make staye in Wales, and there to attende to what head this humour would rise.

The Duke vpon aduertisement that the King was landed in Wales, remoued with a strong armie from Bristowe to­wardes Chester, vsing the first oportunitie against him, and which in deede was the fittest, When L. Thomas Percie Earle of Worcester, and steward of the Kings houshold, heard of the Dukes approach, he brake forth into shewe of that dis­pleasure, which before hee had conceiued against the King, for proclayming his brother; the Earle of Northumberlande traytour, and thereupon openly in the hall, in the presence of the Kings seruants, he brake his white rodde, the ensigne of his office, and forthwith departed to the Duke, willing eue­ry man to shift for himselfe in time: by which acte he lost re­putation, both with the haters & fouourers of King Richard; being accompted of the one a corrupter, of the other a for­saker and betrayer of the King. After this example, almost all the rest, more fearefull then faithfull scattered themselues euery one his way: and they who in the Kings flourishing [Page 77] time, would haue contended to bee foremost, now in his de­clining estate equally draw backe, and like swallowes, for­sooke that house in the winter of fortunes boysterous blasts, where they did nothing but feede & foyle in the summer of her sweete sunne-shine. And thus betweene faint souldiers and false friends, the King was abandoned and forsaken, and left almost vnto himselfe: looke on he might, but let it, hee could not, as not of force to punish that, which he neuer for­ced to preuent: his only remedy was pacience: (a cold com­fort) his only reuenge was complaint: (a weake weapon) be­tweene which two, his bitternesse did in this manner breake from him.

And doe these also (said he) forsake me? doth their faith & my fortune end together? wel, if I had forsaken them in time I had not beene forsaken of others, who once loued me bet­ter, and now are able to harme me more. But now I see the blindnesse of my iudgement: I plainely see, that there is no friendship in flatterie, nor treacherie in plaine truth: and I would I had as much time to reforme this errour, as I am like to haue to repent it, but they would not suffer me to be wise when I might, and now they haue made me wretched they runne from me: they could bee the causes, but they will not be companions of my miseries: such attendants are Crowes to a carcasse, which flocke together, not to defend, but to de­uour it, and no sooner haue they layd the bones bare, but straight-wayes they are gone.

Thus the King hauing lost both the feare and loue of his subiects, disturbed and distracted in thoughts, without com­fort councell or courage, remained still in Wales, as a stran­ger at home, as an exile in his owne kingdome, not daring to goe to London, nor any man desirous to come to him, shift­ing still from place to place, and (as it fals out at men distres­sed & amazed) fearing all things, but most disliking the pre­sent. The Duke continually pursued him with a mightie ar­mie: but the Kings companie was too small to doe any thing [Page 78] by force, & yet too great to remaine in secrete: neither were they in any sort assured vnto him, but such as shame and re­uerence retained a while; bands of small countenance, with men fearefull of danger, & carelesse of credite. At the length he came to the Castle of Conweye; and there being vtterly destitute both of helpe and hope, he stoode deuided in mind what way to bend his course, all his followers weare more ready to impugne the opinions of other, thē to giue directi­on themselues, as seeing better what to shunne then what to follow: and as it alwaies chanceth in desperate causes, that way was commonly preferred, wherof the opportunitie was already past. Some aduised him, that it was thē time to think, rather of sauing his life, then recouering his estate. You see (said they) how greatly & how wholly your subiects are set against you: it is but in vaine to looke for a suddaine change, or without a chaunge to hope that your purposes may pre­uaile, giue place for a time to the currant of this furie; let it haue the full sway; and when it is at the highest pitch, it will turne againe; and then you shall haue the tide as strong on your side, as it is now against you. This motiō or rather com­motion of the people, is violent and against nature: & there­fore (as a stone forced vpward) is most stronge at the begin­ning, and the further it passeth the more it weakneth, vntil at last it returne to the naturall course againe. Therefore giue a little space, for the bad to draw backe, for the good to put forward: treasons preuaile on the suddaine: but good coun­sailes gather forces by leasure. You haue example in your noble progenitor King Henry the third, against whome the Lords set vp Lewes the French kings sonne: conditions were concluded, and faith was made that he should be their King: but this purpose lasted not the pulling on: for before they had possessed him of the kingdom, they ioyned togither in armes against him, & were as fierce to driue him out of the realme, as they had beene found to draw him in. The like alteration may you likewise not onely hope, but assuredly expect: for [Page 79] the mindes of men are constant in nothing but inconstancie, and perseuer onely in chaunge, in dislike of things present they desire new, wherwith they rest not long contented, but are many times glutted euen with the first sight. And indeed how can they long endure the raigne of him, who attaining the kingdome onely by their fauour and might, shall holde the same in a manner, at their courtesie and will? for euerie vnpleasant commaund, shall be deemed ingratitude: euerie suit reiected, shal charge him with vnkindnesse: Yea if honor be not offered, they will be discontented: and vppon any oc­casion of displeasure, thinke thēselues as able to displace him, as they were to set him vp: therefore you may for a time, re­turne againe into Ireland; or else passe the seas to your Fa­ther in lawe, the king of Fraunce: you may assure your selfe of his assistance, to set vpon your side, and recouer your los­ses. Times haue their turnes, and fortune her course too and fro like the sea, & magnanimitie is shewen by enduring, & not relinquishing when she doth crosse, onely loose no point of courage, and keepe your person at large: reseruing your selfe to that good hope, which neuer dieth whilst life endure.

Others, who were enemies to all counsaile, whereof them­selues were not authors, perswaded the King, that the nobi­litie and commons of the realme had attempted so farre, that they would rather dye, then desist; not so much for hatred to you, as for feare to themselues; hauing so deadly increased your displeasure against them. For it is a hard matter to for­giue, and impossible to forget those iniuries and indignities which they haue offered. And to omit what some princes haue done, what all will promise to doe, they will soone find fresh and bleeding examples what you are like to doe. The Duke of Gloucester and the Earles of Arundell and of War­wicke did rise in armes against you, not to remoue you from your crowne: but to remoue certaine persons frō your com­panie; an action more displeasing then preiudiciall vnto you: at the last, a friendship was made, and charters of free par­don [Page 80] graunted vnto them: but what followed? was euer the breach perfectly made vp? did displeasure dye? or was it on­ly dissembled? ah, it grieueth vs to thinke, how the present want of their liues, hath fully reuenged their deathes: for if they had liued, their countenance and authority woulde easily haue staied these stirs; and the manner of their deaths doth strike an obstinate persistance into all your enemies. As for refuge to forren Princes, you shall surely receiue of them entertainment and allowance, and yet may growe burden­some, and at last perhaps faile: but it is very hard to draw a­ny Prince into so dangerous a quarrell: and more harde by that meanes to preuaile: or if you should, it is to bee feared that the victorers will hold to themselues the benefit of their conquest, and not yeeld it ouer vnto you. Few countries but haue bin vnder pretence of ayde by forrenners subdued: and this was the only cause which first drew the Saxons into this land: who so assisted the Britaines against their enemies, that themselues could not be resisted from possessing they [...] kingdome. Yet we doe not altogither condemne the helpe of straungers, in cases of extremity; but doe account it a re­medy, least to be trusted, and last of all to bee tried. What then if first you should procure a treaty, to see in what terms the people stand against you? It may be that vpon some con­ditions they will submit themselues vnto you, as heretofore they haue done. Or if they wil needs deforce you from your kingdome, yet if an honourable maintenance may bee assu­red, what shall you lose thereby? What shall you lack? You haue no childe to be disinherited; the chiefest motiue which maketh men so greedy to get, and so carefull to keepe. And as for your selfe, you shall be remoued from a steepe & sli [...] pery hill, to a smooth and pleasant plaine; from tempest [...]us seas, to a calme hauen; from daungerous trauaile to secure rest: & if there be no solace without safety, no felicity with­out firmnesse; you shall find the priuate life not only more sweete, but more high and happy then your princely state. [Page 81] The tallest trees are weakest in the toppes; in widest fieldes are greatest tempests; and enuy alwaies aimeth at loftiest marks: so that to be placed on high, is a false felicity, and a true misery; in shew a rule, but indeed a subiection to all the subiects; hauing least stay to stand, and most danger in the fall: and therefore if you come downe safely, you are therein priuileged aboue ma­ny other. But you shal lose (you will say) the credit & the coun­tenance of a King: so you shal the cares; and so you shall the ca­sualties. The crown & sceptar are things most weighty to weld: if a Prince be good, he is laden with labour; if euill, with infamy and reproch: i [...] either with perils: on euery side he is beset with dangerous rocks, with deadly gulfes, & continually tossed with strong and sturdy tempests: so that to be freed frō these feares, is to be esteemed an escape, and not a losse. This did the stoick Philosopher perecue, who seeing Dionysius [...]it, merily & free­ly conceited in the theater, beeing a little before expelled his kingdom; greatly condemned the error of his people who had banished him to such liberty, & so preferred him by his punisli­ment. These are the dreames of philosophers (you will say) who vsually contemne and depraue honor, & yet neuer lie from ho­nourable mens tables. Let passe then Philosophers: go to vaine and sottish men. Seleuchus being a King was wont to say, that if a man knew with what cares the diadē was clogged, he would not take it vp, although it lay in the street. You will say perad­uenture, that like the boatman, he looked one way, and pulled another; or like the lapwing, he cried most whē he was furthest from his nest, vainly dispraising that which hee was loathest to loos [...] ▪ What say you then to Antiochus? whome when the Ro­manes had dispoiled of al Asia, he sent vnto them great thanks, that they had rid him of infinit & importable cares, and set him at a moderate quiet: you will say that he made a vertue of his necessity. Well then, we are some what neere your cace: & they that cannot frame their wils to this wisedome, let them thanke their enimies for enforcing them to it. But what say you to Di [...] ­clesian? who did voluntarily relinqusht, not a small and corner kingdōe, but the greatest empire that the world did euer beare [Page 82] and found so sweet contentmēt in that exchange, that when he was importuned by the senate, to resume his estate, hee vtterly reiected their suite. But what need we trauell in externe histo­ries, for those examples, whereof we haue so large supply in our owne? the ancient Saxon Kings; Kingilsus, Ina, Ceolulphus, Ead­bertus, Ethelredus, Kēredus, Offa, Sebbi, & Sigebertus did of their owne accord laye downe their diadems and scepters, and be­take thēselues to solitary & religious liues. Now many Princes haue helde their estate with better fortune, but none did euer with greater honor leaue it, then you should at this present: for others haue abādoned their rule, either for desire of ease, or for auoidance of dangers, or vpon some sluggish and superstitious deuotiō: but you for loue to your country, shall forbeare to seek your vttermost remedy, in setting vp a most cruel war: where­in much English bloud should be spilt, & the realme depriued of many worthy armies. Let others be repotted to forsake their kingdoms, when they had no longer pleasure to hold thē: but your praise shall be for giuing ouer, when it is greatest benefit vnto the people: and the more hope you haue to preuaile, if you list to contend, the greater commendations will it be to yeeld as being rather voluntary then by constraint.

The king cōmended the courage of the first, but this last coū ­sell best agreed with his faint & feeble spirit, more yeelding to feare then forward in hope; apt by the one to despaire, vnable by the other to holde out in any hard aduenture, preferring al­wayes abiect and base safety, before hazard with honour. Yet were many ready to reply, that al speech of conditions & yeel­ding was both dishonorable & also dangerous: for euen in har­dest haps, said they, a noble nature wil not presently relinquish; but first endeuor either by courage to repell the danger, or by wisdome to decline it: and why should you so litle esteem your glory and fame, as without battel, or blow striken▪ to bind your hands, & yeeld vp your weapons, & put your selfe vpon mise­rable mercy: or if the honor of your noble house doth nothing moue you, yet let danger & despaire at least arme you to bold­nesse: for neither the duke nor his friends will be so confident [Page 83] as to thinke themselues safe, so long as you shall remaine (al­though in priuate state) aliue. Indeed you may assure your self that faire words wil be giuen, & large offers made: but the per­formance shal cōsist in the courtesy of the conqueror: and no­thing will be thought vnlawfull to him that hath power. King Edward the second was too heauy to be indured, euē of his own sonne: and many haue vsed violence to themselues, rather thē they would fall into the power of their concurrents: and do not you expect more fauor or greater fortune thē other haue foūd: let neuer that senselesnes possesse your mind, to imagine that a prince may liue safely in priuate estate: for in this case there is no meane betweene Caesar & nothing, betweene the highest honor & the deadliest downfall. Therfore omit neither all nor any one meanes vnassayed, to maintaine your side by armes: no greater harme can happen at the hardest, then that which willingly you run into: you can but die if you be vanquished, & die you shall if you do yeeld: but by the one you shall end your life with glory, by the other, with shame & perpetuall reproch. And although you do now esteeme equally of both, yet when you shall see your selfe pent in prison, in dayly feare and expe­ctancy of a bloudy messenger; you shall then perceiue a diffe­rence in death, and find the weaknesse and fault of the counsell which you are about to follow. Many like speeches were with great vehemēcy often repeated, but the kings eares were stop­ped against all impression of manhood: and as he was vnable to gouerne himselfe in his prosperous estate, so was he much lesse sufficient to wind out of these intricate troubles. Therfore per­ceiuing himselfe so straitly beset, that he could hardly either e­scape away, or shift any longer, he desired speech with Tho. A­rundel archbish. of Cant. & L. Hen. Percy earle of Northumb. of whom, the one he had banished, the other he had proclaimed traitor not long before. These two came vnto him, & the king vpon short cōference, vnderstanding what stiffe stomacks they bare against him, was cōtent not to demand that which he saw he could not obtaine: & thereupon agreed that he would relin­quish his estate, vpō condition that an honorable liuing might [Page 84] be assigned him, & life promised to 8. such persons as he would name: the greatest number whom aduersity did not alter. This was then both readily & faithfully promised by the Archbish. and the earle, & afterward solemnly ratified by the duke. The king ceased not to intreat submisly, & promise largely, and (as the nature is of men perplexed with feare) aboue his ability, & without measure, the earle incouraged him, and declared that the Duke before he had obtained any aide, secured by his oath the safety of the kings person. Then the king desired to talke with the duke, which was likewise promised; & so the archbish. & the earle departed, & the king remoued to the castle of Flint, about 8. miles distant from Chester, to which place the Duke came to him. Here the coutenances & words of both were no­ted, by them that were present: the king seemed abiect & base: the duke neither iusulting nor relenting, but comforting and promising friendly. The king repeated many benefits & kind­nesses that he had shewed: how in former time he had spared the dukes owne life, & lately his sonnes: in regard where of he desired him, with such submisnes as was agreeable rather with his necessity then his honour: that he would shew some pitie, where he had receiued such pleasure: and permit him to enioy his life, with such priuate maintenance as was cōuenient for his estate. The duke put h [...]m in good comfort, promising him as­suredly, that he would prouide for his safety: for which he suf­fered himselfe to be solemnly thanked, & thought it not much to haue it accounted a great benefit. Indeed from that time the king was kept safe and sure enough, from hindring any of the dukes purposes, neither could it so easily haue bene discerned what had beue best for him to do, as that this which he did was the very worst: for the same night he was brought by the duke and his army to Chester, and from thence secretly conueyed to the Tower of London, there to be kept safe vntill the Parlia­ment, which was appointed shortly after to be holden.

Thus the King yeal ded himselfe, the 20. day of August, be­ing the 47. day after the Dukes arriuall: so that his iournyes considered, from Houldernesse in the North to London: from [Page 85] thence to Bristowe, & so into Wales, & backe againe to Che­sten a man shal not easily trauaile ouer the land in shorter time then he conquered it. So frienly was fortune vnto him, that hee eyther found or made a readie passage through al hinderances and lets: & it seemed that he needed onely, to open his armes, to meete and receiue her, as she offered her selfe vnto him. All the Kings treasure & Iewels, with his horses, and all his fardage came to the Dukes hands; and many that were in his compa­nie, were afterwards also despoyled by the souldiours of Nor­thumberland and Wales.

Some writers affirme, that the King did not yeald himselfe, but was forelaied & taken, as he was secretly passing frō Flint to Chester: but the authoritie of others who liued in that time, eyther in the plaine viewe, or certaine intelligence of these af­faires, who for their place could not but knowe, and for their professiō would not but deliuer the very truth, hath drawne me to follow their report: which I find also receiued by some late wrighters, of as great deapth in iudgement and choice, as any (without exception) that this age hath brought forth.

As the King was carried towards London, certaine citizens conspired to lay themselues in a wait by the way, and sodainly to slay him; partly for priuate grieuances, & partly for the cru­elty that he had vsed towards the whole citty: but the Maior v­pon intelligence preuented the practise, and rode forth in per­son with a cōuenient company, to conduct him safely vnto the tower. Shortly after the duke came to Londō in solemn estate, and sent forth summons in the Kings name, for a Parlament to be holden at Westminster, the last day of Septēber in the same yeare: in the meane time he deliberated with his kindred and kind friends, cōcerning the order of his proceedings. The duke of Yorke (who a litle before had bene gouernour of the realm for the king & thē was the chiefest directer of the duke) thoght it best that K. Richard should both voluntarily resigne, & also solemnly be deposed, by consent of all the states of the realme: for resignation only would be imputed to feare, and depriuati­ [...] to force; whereof the one is alwaies pitied, and the other en­uied; [Page 86] but if both concurre, and his desire be combined with his desart, being willing to forsake that which he is adiudged wor­thy to forgo; then shall it appeare, that he neither is expelled his kingdom by meere constraint, nor leaueth it without iust cause This aduice pleased the rest, and for executing therof vpon the day of S. Michaeil (which was the day before the parlament should begin) there assembled at the Tower. Thomas Arundell archbish. of Canturbury, Richard Scroupe archbish. of Yorke, Iohn bishop of Hereford, Henry duke of Lancaster, Henry earle of Northumberland, Radulph Earle of Westmerland, L. Hugh Burnell, L. Thomas Berkley, L. Rose, L. Willoughby, L. Abergeiny, the Abbat of Westminster, the Prior of Canterbury, Willam Thirminges, and Iohn Makeham, Chiefe Iustices, Thomas St [...]ke, and Iohn Burbacke, Doctours of Law. T. Herpingham, and T. Gray knights, W. Ferby, and Dionise Lophane publike Notaries, and diuers others either not noted, or not remembred. When all were set in their places, King Richard was brought foorth, apparelled in his royall to be, the diademe on his head, and the scepter in his hand; and was placed amongst them in a chaire of estate. Neuer was prince so gorgeous, with lesse glory and greater griefe: to whom it was not disgrace sufficient, to lose both the honour and ornaments of a king, but he must openly to his greater scorne, renounce the one, and deliuer the other, After a little pause and expectation, the king arose from his seat, and spake to the assembly these words, or the very like in effect.

I assure my selfe that some at this present, and many hereaf­ter, will accompt my case lamentable; either that I hane deser­ued this deiection, if it be iust; or if it be wrongfull, that I could not auoide it. Indeede I doe confesse, that many times I haue shewed my selfe both lesse prouident, and lesse painfull for the benefite of the common-wealth, then I should, or might, or in­tended to doe hereafter; and haue in many actions, more re­spected the satisfying of my owne particular humour, then ei­ther iustice to some priuate persons, or the common good of al yet I did not at any time, either omit dutie or cōmit grieuance, [Page 87] vpon natural dulnesse or set malice; but partly by abuse of cor­rupt councellers, partly by errour of my youthfull iudgement. And now the remembrance of these ouer-sights, is so vnplea­sant to no man, as to my selfe: and the rather because I haue no meanes left, either to recompence the iniuries which I haue done, or to testifie to the world my reformed affections, which experience and stayednesse of yeares had already corrected, & would dayly haue framed to more perfection. But whether all the imputations wherewith I am charged be true, either in substance, or in such qualitie as they are layd; or whether being true, they be so heinous, as to inforce these extremities, or whe­ther any other Prince, especially in the heate of youth, and in the space of two and twentie yeares (the time of my vnfortu­nate raigne) doth, not sometimes either for aduantage, or vp­pon displeasure, in as deepe maner grieue some particular sub­iect; I will not now examine: it helpeth not to vse defence, neither booteth it to make complaint: there is left no place for the one, nor pitie for the other: and therefore I referre it to the iudgement of God, and your lesse distempered consi­derations.

I accuse no man, I blame no fortune, I complaine of no­thing: I haue no pleasure in such vaine and needlesse com­forts: and if I listed to haue stood vpon tearmes, I know I haue great fauourers abroad, and some friends (I hope) at home, who would haue beene ready, yea forward on my behalfe, to set vp a bloudy and doubtfull warre: but I esteeme not my dignitie at so high a price, as the hazard of so great valure, the spilling of so much English bloud, and the spoile and waste of so flourishing a Realme, as thereby might haue bene occasioned. Therefore that the Common-wealth may rather rise by my fall, then I stand by the ruine thereof. I willingly yeeld to your desires; and am heere come to dispossesse my selfe of all publike authority and title, and to make it free and lawfull for you to create for your King, Henric Duke of Lan­caster my cousin germaine, whom I know to be as worthie to [Page 88] take that place as I see you willing to giue it to him.

Then he read openly and distinctly the forme of his cession, wherein he did declare, that he had discharged his subiectes, from their oathes of fealtie and homage, and all other oathes whatsoeuer; and of his owne will & free motion, did abdicate, the title, dignitie, and aucthoritie of a King: and rendred vp the possession of the Realme, with the vse and title thereof, and all the rights thereunto appertaining. To this the King subscribed and was sworne: and then hee deliuered with his owne hands the Crowne, the Septer, and the Robe to the Duke of Lanca­ster; wishing vnto him more happinesse therewith then had e­uer happened vnto himselfe. Then he did constiture the Arch­bishop of Yorke, and the Bishop of Hereford his procurators, to intimate and declare this his resignation to all the states of the realme, which should be assembled together in Parliament▪ Lastly, he gaue all his riches and goods, to the summe of thee hundred thousand pounds in coyne, besides his Iewels & plate, for satisfaction of the iniuryes that hee had done, desiring the Duke, & al the rest that were present seuerally by their names, not altogether to forget that he had beene their King, nor yet too much to thinke vpon the same; but to retaine of him amo­derate remembrance; and in recompence of the ease that hee had done them by his voluntarie yeelding, to permit him to liue safely, in a priuate and obscure life: with the sweetenesse wherof he was so possessed, that frō theneforth he would pre­ferre it, before any preferment in the world. All this was de­liuered and done by the King, with voyce and countenance so agreeable to his present beauinesse, that there was no man to vnmindefull of humane instabilitie, which was not in some measure moued thereat: insomuch as a fewe secrete teares melted from the eyes of many that were present, in whose mindes a confessed and obscure alteration alreadie g [...]nne to beginne. So pro [...]e and inclinable are mento pitie miserie, although they haue procured it, and to enuie prosperitie, euen that which they haue raysed.

[Page 89] Vpon Munday next following the Parlament began at Westminster; and the Archbishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Hereford (the Kings Atturneys for this purpose) declared openly to the states there assembled, the Kings voluntarie re­signation; and demaunded whether they would assent and agree therevnto? the Barons of the realme by seuerall and particular consent, the commons with one generall voyce, did expreslye accept and admit the same. Then it was thought meet that certaine defects and misdemeanures con­cerning matters of gouernment, should be obiected against the King: for which he should be adi [...]dged as vnworthy, as he seemed vnwilling to reteine the kingdome. To this pur­pose certaine articles were engrossed, and openly read: in which was conteyned, how vnprofitable the King had bin to the realme; how vniust and grieuous to the subiectes; con­trarie both to his honour, and to his oath. The chiefest of which articles are these that follow.

1 FIrst that King Richard did wastefully spend the trea­sure of the realme, and had giuen the possessions of the crowne, to men vnworthy, by reason whereof, new charges were dayly laide on the neckes of the poore comminaltie.

2 Item, where diuers Lords as well spirituall as tempo­rall, were appointed by the high court of Parlament, to com­mune and treate of matters concerning the state of the realme, and the commonwealth of the same, they being bu­sied about the same commission, he with others of his affini­tie went about to impeache them of treason.

3 Item, that by force and menace, he compelled the Iu­stices of the realme at Shrewsburie, to condiscend to his opi­nion for the destruction of the said Lords: Insomuch as he began to raise warre, against Iohn Duke of Lancaster, Tho­mas Earle of Arundell, Richard Earle of Warwicke, & other Lords contrarie to his honor and promise.

4 Item, that he caused his vnckle the Duke of Glouce­ster, [Page 90] to be arrested without lawe, and sent him to Calice, and there without iudgement murthered him: and although the Earle of Arundell vpon his arraignement, pleaded his char­ter of pardon, he could not be heard, but was in most vile and shamefull manner sodainly put to death.

5 Item, he assembled certaine Lancashire and Cheshire men, to the intent to make ware on the foresaid Lords, and suffered them to robbe and spoile, without correction or reproofe.

6 Item, that although the king flatteringly and with great dissimulation, made proclamation throughout the realme, that the Lords aforenamed were not attached for any crime of treason, but onely for extortions and oppressions doone within the realme, yet he laide to them in the Parlament re­bellion and manifest treason.

7 Item, he hath compelled diuers of the said Lords ser­uants by menace, to make great fines & extreame paiments, to their vtter vndooing: and notwithstanding his pardon to to them graunted, he made them fine a new.

8 Item, where diuers were appointed to common of the estate of the realme; and the commonwealth of the same, the king caused all the roules & records to be kept frō them, con­trary to his promise made in parlament, to his opē dishonor.

9 Item, [...]e vncharitably commaunded, that no man vpon paine of losse of life and goods, should once entreate him for the returne of Henrie now duke of Lancaster.

10 Item, where the realme is houlden of God, and not of the Pope, or any other Prince, the said King Richard, after he had obteyned diuers acts of Parlament, for his owne peculi­ar profit and pleasure, then he procured Bulles and extreame censures from Rome, to compell all men streitly to keepe the same, contrary to the honour and auncient priuiledges of this realme.

11 Item, although the Duke of Lancaster had done his deuoyre against Thomas Duke of Northfolke, in proofe of [Page 91] his quarrell, yet the said king without reason or ground ba­nished him the realme for ten yeares, contrarie to all equitie.

12 Item, before the Dukes departure, he vnder his broad Scale, licenced him to make atturneys, to prosecute and de­fend his causes: the said king after his departure, would suf­fer none atturney to appeare for him, but did with his at his pleasure.

13 Item, the said king put out diuers Shiriffes lawfully elected, and put in their roomes diuers others of his owne minions, subuerting the lawe, contrarie to his oath and ho­nour.

14 Item, he borowed great summes of money, and bound himselfe vnder his letters patents for the repayment of the same, and yet not one peny paide.

15 Item, he taxed men at the will of him and his vnhap­pie counsaile, and the same treasure spent in folly, not paying poore men for their vittaile and viand.

16 Item, he said that the lawes of the realme were in his head, and sometimes in his brest: by reason of which phanta­sticall opinion, he destroyed noble men, and impouerished the poore commons.

17 Item, the parlament setting and enacting diuers no­table statutes, for the profit and aduancement of the com­monwealth, he by his priuie friends and solicitours, caused to be enacted, that no acte then enacted should be more preiu­diciall to him, then it was to his predecessours: thorow which prouiso, he did often as he list, and not as the lawe ment.

18 Item, for to serue his purpose, he would suffer the Shiriffes of the shires, to remaine aboue one yeare or two in their office.

19 Item, at the summons of parlament, when the Knights and Burgesses should be elect, and the election had fully pro­ceeded, he put out diuers persons elected, and put in others in their places, to serue his will and appetite.

20 Item, he had priuie espials in euery shire, to heare [Page 92] who had of him any communication, and if he communed of his lafciuious liuing, and outragious dooing, he straight­wayes was apprehended, and made a grieuous fine.

21 Item, the spiritualtie alledged against him, that he at his going into Ireland, exacted many notable summes of money, beside Plate and Iewels, without lawe ot custome, contrary to his oath taken at his coronation.

22 Item, when diuers Lordes and Iustices were sworne to say the trueth, of diuers things to them committed in charge, both for the honor of the realme, and profit of the king, the said king so menaced them with sore threatnings, that no man would or durst say the right.

23 Item, that without the assent of the Nobilitie, he ca­ryed the Iewels and Place, and treasure, ouer the sea into Ire­land; to the great impouerishing of the realme; and all the good recordes of the common wealth against his extorti­ons, he caused priuily to be embeaseled and caryed away.

24 Item, in all leagues and letters to be concluded and sent to the sea of Rome and other regions, his writing was so subtill and darke, that no other Prince durst once beleeue him, nor yet his owne subiects.

25 Item, he most tyranouslie and vnprincely said, that the liues and goods of all his subiects, were in the Princes hands, and at his disposition.

26 Item, that he contrarie to the great Charter of Eng­land, caused diuers lustie men to appeale diuers olde men, vpon matters determinable at the common law, in the court Marciall, because that in that court is no triall but onely by battaile: whereby the sayd aged persons fearing the sequell of the matter, submitted themselues to his mercie, whom he fined and ransomed vnreasonably at his pleasure.

27 Item, he craftily deuised certaine priuie oathes, con­trarie to lawe, and caused diuers of his subiects, first to be sworne to obserue the same, and after bound them in bands for surer keeping the same, to the great vndooing of many [Page 93] honest men.

28 Item, where the Chancellour according to lawe, would in no wise graunt a prohibition to a certaine person, the king graunted it vnto the same person vnder his priuie [...]eale, with great threatnings if it should be disobeyed.

29 Item, he banished the Bishop of Canterburie, with­out cause or iudgement, and kept him in the Parlament Chamber with men of armes.

30 Item, the bishops goods he graunted to his succes­sor, vpon condition that he should maintaine all his statutes made at Shrewsburie Anno. 21. and the statutes made Anno 22. at Couentree.

31 Item, vppon the accusation of the Archbishop, the king craftily perswaded the said Bishop to make no answer, for he would be his warrant, and aduised him not to come to the Parlament; and so without answere he was con­demned and exiled, and his goods seazed. Foure other Ar­ticles were laide, which particularlie did concerne the said Archhishop, by whose dooing chiefly the king was vtterlie vndone.

Then was demaunded of the Nobilitie and commons of the realme, what they iudged both of the trueth and desert of these articles? who all agreed that the crimes were noto­rious, and that king Richard was worthie for the same to be deposed from his princely dignitie. The noble men gaue their voyces, part corrupted by fauour, part awed by feare: and the commons are commonly like a flocke of Cranes, as one dooth flye, all will follow. Herevpon Commissioners were appointed by both the houses; who pronounced sen­tence of deposition against king Richard, in manner and forme as followeth.

In the name of God Amen. VVe Iohn Bishop of S. Asses, I. Abbote of Glastenburie, Thom. Earle of Gloucester, Thom. Lord Berkley, Thom. Erpinghame, Thom. Graye Knights: Will. Thirninge Iustice, Commissioners for the matters here­after [Page 94] specified, by the Lords spirituall and temporall of the realme of England, and the Commons of the said realme, representing all the states of the saide Kingdome, specially deputed, sitting in seate of iudgement, and considering the manifold periuries, and cruelties, and many other crimes and offerces by Richard late King of the saide realme, committed and doone, contrarie to good gouernement in the realmes and dominions aforesaide, du­ring the time of his reigne: also considering the articles which were openly [...]bibited and red before the said states, which were so publicke, notorious, manifest, and famous, that they could nor can by no auoydance and shift be concealed: also considering the confession of the saide King, acknowledging and reputing and truly vpon his certaine knowledge iudging himselfe to haue been and to be altogether insufficient and vnskilfull, for the rule and gouernment of the realmes and Dominions aforesaid and of any parts of them, and not vnworthy to be deposed, for the noto­rious demerites, by the said Richard first acknowledged, and af­terward by his will and mandate, before the said states publish­ed, and to them opened and declared in the English tongue. Vp­on these and other matters which were done concerning the same busines, before the said States and vs, by the diligent place, name and authority to vs in this part committed, in aboundance and for a cautele we pronounce, decree and declare, the saide Ri­chard, to haue beene and to be vnprofitable and vnable, and al­together insufficient and vnworthie for the rule and gouerne­ment of the said realmes, and of the dominions, rights and parts of them: and in regarde and respect of the premises, worthily to be deposed from all kinglie dignitie and honour (if any such dig­nitie and honour remaineth in him) and for the like cautele wee doe depose him by our sentence definitiue in this writing: inhi­biting from hencefoorth expressely, all and singular Lords, Arch­bishops, Bishops, Prelates, Dukes, Marquesses and Earles, Ba­rons, Knights, Vassalles, and all other persons whatsoeuer, of the saide realmes and dominions, and other places to the said realmes and dominions appertaining, the subiects and liege people of the same, and euery of them, that from henceforth none obey, or in­tend [Page 95] to obey the foresaid Richard, as king or Lord of the realmes and dominions aforesaid.

Then the same Commissioners were by the consent and suffrages of both houses, constituted procurators, ioyntlye and seuerally for all the states of the realme; to resigne and surrender vnto King Richard, for them and all other homa­gers of the realme, all the homages and fealties which were both due and doone vnto him; as King and Soueraigne, and also to declare vnto him al the premises, concerning his de­position. Now Henrie Duke of Lancaster, that he might be reputed, or reported at the least, not to attaine the kingdom by intrusion and wrong, was counsailed by his friends, to pretend some lawfull challenge and claime therevnto: and being in power, it was no sooner aduised what was to bee doone, but it was presently deuised how to doe it. So a title was drawne from Edmund, sonne to King Henrie the third, whom they surnamed Crowch backe: affirming that he was the eldest sonne of King Henrie, and that for his de­formitie, he was put from his right of succession in the king­dome; which was for that cause giuen to his yonger bro­ther, King Edward the third: to this Edmund the Duke was next of bloud by his mother Blanche, sole daughter and heyre to Henrie the first Duke of Lancaster, and sonne to the saide Edmund. This cunning conceit was perceiued of all men; but seeming not to perceiue it, was a point of friend­ship in some, and of obedience in the rest: therfore the king­dome of England being then thought vacant, both by the resignation, and also by the deposition of King Richard: Duke Henrie arose from his seate, and standing in the view of the Lords, crossed himselfe on the forehead, and on the brest, and spake as followeth.

In the name of God Amen: [...] Henrie of Lancaster, claime the realme of England, & [...]owne, with all the appurtenances, [...] of the bloud royall, comming from that good Lord K. Henrie the third, and through the right [Page 96] that God of this grace hath sent mee, with the helpe of my kin­dred and of my friendes, to recouer the same: Which kingdome was in point to be vndoone, for default of good gouernment and due iustice.

After these wordes, it was demaunded in both houses, of the Nobility & of the commons which were assembled, whether they did consent that the Duke should raigne? Who all with one voyce, acknowledged and accepted him for their King: then the Archbishop of Canterbury tooke him by the hand, and placed him in the throane of estate, the Archbishoppe of Yorke assisting him, and all the assemblie testifying their owne ioy, and wishing his. Then the Arch­bishop made an oration, and tooke for his theame, this place of Scripture: See; this is the man whom I spake to thee of, this same shall raigne ouer my people. 1. Reg. 9. 17. After all this he was proclaimed King of England, and of Fraunce, and Lord of Ireland: and the common people which is voide of cares, not searching into sequels, but without difference of right or wrong inclinable to follow those that are mighty, with shoutes and clamours gaue their applause, not all vpon iudgement, or faithfull meaning, but most onely vpon a re­ceiued custome to flatter the Prince whatsoeuer he be. Yet least the heate of this humour should allay by delay, it was foorthwith proclaimed in the great Hall, that vpon the 13. day of September next ensuing, the Coronation of the King should be celebrated at Westminster. These matters being thus dispatched, the King proclaimed, arose from his seate, and went to White Hall: where he spent the rest of the day in royall feasting, and all other complementes of ioy: not­withstanding there appeared in him no token of statelynesse or pride, nor any change in so great a change.

Vpon Wednesday next following, the procurators, before mentioned, went to the presence of King Richard, being within the Tower; and declared vnto him the admission of his resignation, and also the order and forme of his depo­sition: [Page 97] and in the name of all the states of the realme, did surrender the homage and fealty which had been due vnto him; so that no man from thence foorth would beare to him faith and obedience, as to their King The King answe­red that he nothing reguarded these titulare circumstances, but contented himselfe with hope, that his cousen would be gracious Lord, and good friend vnto him.

So vpon the 13. day of October, which was the day of the translation of Edward the Confessour, the Duke was with all accustomed solemnities, by the Archbishoppe of Canterbury, sacred, annointed and Crowned King at West­minster, by the name of king Henry the fourth: vpon the very same day, wherein the yeere before, he had been ba­nished the Realme. Hee was annoynted with an oyle, which a certaine religious man gaue vnto Henry the first Duke of Lancaster (Grandfather to the King by the mo­thers side) when he serued in the warres of King Edward the third, beyond the seas; together with this Prophesie, that the Kinges which should be annoynted therewith, should bee the champions of the Church. Duke Henry deliuered this oyle in a golden violl to Prince Edward, the eldest sonne of King Edward the third; who locked vp the same in a barred chest within the Tower, with intent to be annoynted therewith, when he should bee crowned King: but the Prince dying before his Father, it remained there, eyther not remembred, or not regarded, vntill this pre­sent yeere; wherein the King, being vpon his voyage in­to Ireland, and making diligent search for the iewels and monumentes of his progenitours, found this Violl and Prophesie: and vnderstanding the secret, was desirous to be anoynted againe with that oyle: but the Archbi­shop of Canterbury perswaded him, that both the fact was vnlawfull, and the precedent vnseene, that a King should bee anoynted twice: whereupon he brake of that purpose, and tooke the Violl with him into Ireland: and [Page 98] when hee yeelded himselfe at Flint, the Archbishoppe of Canterburye demaunded it of him agayne and dyd re­ceaue and reserue the same, vntill the coronation of King Henrie; who was the first King of this realme, that was anoynted therewith.

I am not purposed to discourse, eyther of the autho­ritye, or of the certaintye of these prophesies: but wee may easily obserue, that the greatest part of them, ey­ther altogether fayled, or were fulfilled in another sence, then as they were commonly construed and taken. Du­ring the raigne of King Henrie the fourth, execution by fire was first put in practise within this Realme, for controuersies in poyntes of religion: in any other extra­ordinarye mattter, hee did as much make the Church champion, as shew himselfe a champion of the Church: but afterwardes his successours were entytuled Defen­ders of the fayth: and howe in action they veryfied the same, I referre to remembraunce and reporte of later times.

Now it had beene considered, that the tytle which was deriued to King Henrie, from Edmund, whome they surnamed Crouchbacke, would bee taken but for a blynde and idle iest: for that it was notorious that the sayd Edmund, was neyther eldest sonne to King Henry the thyrd (as it was plainely declared by an acte of Par­lament) nor yet a misshapen and deformed person: but a goodly Gentleman, and valiant commaunder in the field, and so fauoured of the King his Father, that hee gaue him both the heritages and honours of S [...]one Mountfort Earle of Leicester, of Ferrare Earle of Dar­by, and of Iohn Barron of Monmuthe, who to theyr owne ruine and destruction, had desplaied seditious en­signes against the King. And further to aduaunce him to the marriage of Blanch Queene of Nauerne, he created him the first Earle of Lancaster, and gaue vnto him the coun­ty, [Page 99] Castle, and towne of Lancaster, with the Forrestes of Wi­resdale, Lounsdale, Newcastle beneath Linne, the Manner, Castle and Forrest of Pickering, the Manner of Scaleby, the towne of Gomecester, of Huntendone, &c. with many large priuiledges, and high titles of homour.

Therefore King Henry vpon the day of his Coronation, caused to be proclaimed, that he claymed the Kingdome of England, first by right of conquest: Secondly because King Richard had resigned his estate, and designed him for his successour: Lastly, because he was of the bloud royall, and next heyre male vnto King Richard.

Haeres malus indeed (quoth Edmund Mortimer Earle of March vnto his secret friends) and so is the Pirate to the Marchant, when hee despoyleth him of all that hee hath. This Edmund was sonne to Roger Mortimer who was not long before slaine in Ireland, and had been openly decla­red heyre apparent to the Crowne, in case King Richard should dye without issue; as descended by his Mother Phi­lip, from Lionell Duke of Clarence, who was elder brother to Iohn Duke of Lancaster, King Henries Father: and ther­fore the sayd Edmund thought himselfe, and indeed was, neerer heyre male to the succession of the Crowne, then he that by colour of right clayming it, carried it by dynt of force.

But such was the condition of the tyme, that hee supposed it was vaine, for him to stirre, where King Richard could not stand: Whereupon he dessembled, eyther that he saw his wrong, or that hee regarde it; and chose ra­ther to suppresse his title for a time, then by vntimely op­posing himselfe, to haue it oppressed and depressed for euer: to this ende hee withdrewe himselfe farre from London, to his Lordshippe of Wigmore, in the West partes of the realme: and there setled himselfe to a priuate and close life: Idlenes and vacancy from publike affaires, he accompted a vertue, and a deepe point of wisedome to meddle with [Page 100] nothing, whereof no man was chargeable to yeelde a rec­koning. In reuenues he was meane, in apparell moderate, in company and traine not excessiue, (yet in all these honou­rable and according to his degree) so that they which estee­med men by outward appearance only, could see in him no great shew, eyther of wit and courage in his minde to be feared, or of wealth and honour in his estate to be enuyed. And thus whilest a greater enemy was feared, he passed vn­regarded; making himselfe safe by contempt, where no­thing was so daungerous as a good opinion; and raking vp those coales in obscuritie for a time, which shortly after set all the realme on fire.

King Henrie presently after his coronation, created his el­dest sonne Lord Henrie, being then about xiii. yeares of age, Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornewall, and Earle of Chester, and soone after he created him also Duke of Aquitaine. Af­terwards it was enacted, by consent of all the states of the realme, assembled together in the Parlament, that the inhe­ritance of the Crownes and Realmes of England and of Fraunce, aud of all the dominions to them apperteyning, should be vnited and remaine in the person of King Hen­rie, and in the heires of his body lawfully begotten: and that Prince Henrie his eldest sonne, should be his heyre apparant, and successour in the premisses: and if he should dye without lawfull issue, then they were entayled to his other sonnes successiuely in order, and to the heyres of their bodyes lawfully begotten.

The inheritance of the Kingdome being in this sorte set­tled in King Henrie and in his line, it was mooued in the Parlament what should be doone with King Richard. The Bishop of Caerliel, who was a man learned and wise, and one that alwayes vsed both libertie and constancie in a good cause; in his secret iudgement did neuer giue allow­ance to these proceedings: yet dissembled his dislike, vntill he might to some purpose declare it: therefore now being [Page 101] in place to be heard of all, and by order of the house) to be interrupred by none, he rose vp and with a bould and pre­sent spirit, vttered his minde as followeth.

This question (right Honourable Lordes) concerneth a matter of great consequence and weight: the determining whereof will assuredly procure, eyther safe quiet, or daun­gerous disturbance, both to our particular consciences, and also to the common state. Therefore before you resolue vppon it, I pray you call to your considerations these two things: First, whether King Richard be sufficiently depo­sed or no: Secondly, whether King Henrie be with good iudgement, or iustice chosen in his place. For the first point we are first to examine, whether a king, being lawfully and fully instituted by any iust title, may vppon imputation, ey­ther of negligence, or of tyrannie, be deposed by his subiects: Secondly, what King Richard hath omitted in the one, or committed in the other, for which he should deserue so hea­uie iudgement. I will not speake what may be doone in a popular state, or in a consular; in which although one bea­reth the name and honour of a Prince, yet he hath not su­preme power of Maiestie; but in the one, the people haue the highest empire; in the other, the Nobilitie, and chiefe men of estate; in neyther, the Prince. Of the first sorte was the common wealth of the Lacedaemonians, who af­ter the forme of gouernement which Licurgus framed, of­tentimes fined, oftentimes fettered their Kings, and some­times condemned them to death: such were also in Cae­sars time, the petit Kings of euery Citie in Fraunce; who were many times arreigned vppon life and death, and (as Ambiorix Prince of the Leodienses confessed) had no greater power ouer the people, then the people had ouer them. Of the second condition were the Romaine Em­perours at the first; Tranquil in caligula. Tacitus, in proaemio. of whome some, namely Nero and Maximinus were openly condemned, others were sodainlie [Page 102] surprised by iudgement, and authoritye of the Senate: and such are nowe the Emperours of Germany, whom the other Princes by their Aristocraticall power, doe not onely restrayne, but sometimes also remooue from theyr imperiall state: such are also the Kinges of Den­marke, and Sweueland, who are many times by the no­bilitye deiected, eyther into pryson, or into exile: such likewise are the Dukes of Venice, and of some other free states in Italy: and the chiefest cause for which Lewes Earle of Flanders was lately expelled from his place, was for drawing to himselfe cognisance in matters of life and death, which high power neuer pertayned to his dig­nitie.

In these and such like gouernmentes, the Prince hath not regall rightes, but is himselfe subiect to that power which is greater then his, whether it be in the Nobility or in the common people. But if the Soueraigne Maiesty be in the Prince, as it was in the three first Empires, and in the King­domes of Iudea and Israell; and is now in the kingdomes of England, Fraunce, Spaine, Scotland, Muscouia, Turky, Tar­taria, Persia, Aethiopia, and almost all the Kingdomes of Asia and Africke: although for his vices he bee vnprofita­ble to the subiectes, yea hurtfull, yea intollerable: yet can they lawfully neyther harme his person, nor hazard his po­wer, whether by iudgement, or els by force: for neyther one, nor all Magistrates haue any authority ouer the Prince, from whome all authority is deriued, and whose onely presence doeth silence, and suspend all inferiour iurisdicti­on and power. As for force, what subiecte can at­tempt, or assist, or counsaile, or violence against hys Prince, and not incurre the high and heynous crime of treason?

It is a common saying, thought is free: free indeede from punishment of secular lawes, except by worde or [Page 103] deed it breake foorth into action: Yet the secret thoughts against the sacred maiesty of a Prince, without attempt, without endeuour, haue beene adiudged worthy of death: and some who in auriculer confession, haue discouered their treacherous deuises against the person of their Prince, haue afterwardes beene executed for the same. All lawes doe exempt a madde man from punishment: because theyr actions are not gouerned by theyr will and purpose: and the will of man being set aside, all his doings are indif­ferent; neyther can the body offend without a corrupt or erronious minde: yet if a mad man draw hys sword vpon his King, it hath bin adiudged to deserue death. And least any man should surmise that Princes, for the maintenance of theyr owne safety and soueraignety, are the onely au­thors of these iudgementes; let vs a little consider the pat­ternes and preceptes of holy Scripture. Nabuchadnezzer King of Assiria wasted all Palestine with fire and swoord, oppugned Hierusalem a long time, and at the last expug­ned it: slue the King: burnt the Temple: tooke away the holy vesselles and treasure: the rest hee permitted to the cruelty and spoyle of his vnmercifull soldiers: who de­filed all places with rape and slaughter, and ruinated to the ground that flourishing Citty: after the glut of this blou­dy butchery, the people which remayned, he led Captiue into Chaldaea: and there erected his golden Image, and commaunded that they which refused to worship it, should bee cast into a fierye furnace.

What crueltye, what iniustice, what impiety is com­parable to this? and yet God calleth Nabuchadnezzer his seruant, and promiseth him hyre and wages for his seruice: Ierem. 25. 9. Ezech. 29. 18. and the Prophetes Ieremiah and Baruch dyd wryte vnto the Iewes to praye for the lyfe of him, and of Baltasar hys Sonne, Ierm 29. 7. Baruch, 1. 11. that theyr dayes myght bee vppon earth as the dayes of Heauen: and Ezechtel [Page 104] with bitter termes abhorreth the disloyalty of Zedechia, be­cause he reuolted from Nabuchadnezzer, whose homager and tributary he was. What snall we say of Saul? did he not put all the Priestes to execution, because one of them did re­lieue holy and harmelesse Dauid: did he not violently perse­cute that his most faithfull seruant and dutiful Sonne in laws during which pursuite, he fell twice into the power of Dauid; who did not onely spare, but also protect the King, and re­prooued the preto [...]an souldiers for their negligent watch, and was touched in heart for cutting away the lappe of his garment: and afterwards caused the messenger to be slaine, who vpon request and for pitty, had lent his hand (as he said) to help forward the voluntary death of that sacred King. As for the contrary examples: as that of Ie­hu who slue Iehoram and Ahazia, So did D [...]mitian put to death Epa­phroditus, Neroes libertine, because he helped Neroe (although in loue) to kill himselfe. So did Seuerus kill all the killers of Pertinax his prodecessour: and likwise Vitellius did put to death all the murtherers of Gal [...]a. Theo­philus Emperour of Grecia caused all those to be slaine, who had made his Father Emperour, by killing Leo Ar­menius: And Alexander the great put to cruell execution, those that had slaine Darius, his mighty and mortall enemy. Kings of Israell and Iuda: they were done by expresse oracle & reuelation from God, and are no more set downe for our imi­tation, then the robbing of the Aegypti­ans, or any other perticuler and priui­ledged commaundement, but in the ge­nerall precept, which all men must ordi­narily follow, not onely our actions, but our speeches also, & our very thoughtes are strictly charged with duety and obe­dience vnto Princes, whether they be good or euill, the law of God ordaineth: Deut. 17. 12. Psal, 105. that he which doth presumptuously against the ruler of the people shall dye: and the Prophet Dauid for­biddeth, Exod. 22. 28. Act. 23. 5. to touch the Lords annointed. Thou shalt not (saith the Lord) rayle vpon the iudges, neither speake euill against the ruler of the people. Rom. 13. 1. 13. Tit. 3. 1. And the Apostles do demaund further that euen our thoughtes and soules bee obedient to higher powers. 1 Pet, 2. 13, 14. 17. And least any should imagine that they meant of good Princes onely, 1. Tim. 2, 2. they speake generally of all; and fur­ther [Page 105] to take away all doubt, they make expresse mention of the euill. For the power and authoritie of wicked princes is the ordinance of god; and therfore Christ told Pilate, Rom. 1 [...] 2. Iohn. 19. [...]. that the power which he had was giuen him from aboue; and the Prophet Esay calleth Cyrus, being a prophane and hea [...]en Prince, Cap. [...]5. 1. the Lords anoynted. For God stirreth vp the spirit euen of wicked Princes to doe his will; 2. Chro. 36. 22. and (as Iehoshaphat sayd to his rulers) they execute not the iudgement of man, but of the Lord: 2. Chron. 19. 6. in regard whereof Dauid calleth them Gods; Psal. 28. because they haue their rule and authority immedy­atly from God: which if they abuse, they are not to bee ad­iudged by theyr subiects, for no power within theyr domi­nionis superior to theirs: but God reserueth them to the sorest tryall: Sap. 6. Horribly and sodainly (saith the Wiseman) will the Lord appeare vnto them, and a hard iudgement shall they haue.

The law of God commaundeth, that the Childe should be put to death, for any contumely done vnto the parents: but what if the Father be a robber? if a murtherer? if for all excesse of villanyes, odious and execrable both to God and man? surely he deserueth the highest degree of punish­ment, and yet must not the Sonne lift vp his hand against him, for no offence is so great as to be punished by parricide: but our country is dearer vnto vs then our parentes: and the Prince is pater patriae, Quintil in de­clam. the Father of our Country: and therefore more sacred and deere vnto vs, then our parentes by nature, Cic. offic. lib. 1. and must not be violated, how imperious, how impious soeuer hee bee: doth he commaund or demaund, our persons or our purses, we must not shunne for the one, nor shrinke for the other: Nehem. 9. 37. for (as Nehemiah saith) Kinges haue dominion ouer the bodyes and ouer the cattle of their sub­iectes, at their pleasure. Doth he enioyne those actions which are contrary to the lawes of God? we must neyther wholy obey, nor violently resist, but with a constant courage sub­mit our selues to all manner of punishment, and shewe our [Page 106] subiection by enduring, and not performing: yea the Church hath declared it to bee an heresie, Alphons. a cast in lib. de haere­si in verb. Ty­rannus. Domi­nie. to holde that a Prince may be slaine or deposed by his subiectes, for any disorder or default, eyther in life, or else in gouern­ment, there will be faultes so long as there are men: and as wee endure with patience a barren yeere, Soto lib. 5. de iust. et iur. q. 1. artic. 3. if it hap­pen and vnseasonable weather, and such other defectes of nature, so must wee tollerate the imperfections of ru­lers, and quietlye expecte, eyther reformation, or else a change.

But alas good king Richard, what such cruelty? what such impiety hath he euer committed? examine rightly those imputations which are layde against him, without any false circumstance of aggrauation, and you shall finde nothing obiected, eyther of any truth, or of great mo­ment. It may bee that many errours and ouersightes haue escaped him, yet none so grieuous to be termed tyran­ny; as proceeding rather from vnexperienced ignorance, or corrupt counsaile, then from any naturall and wilfull mallice. Oh, howe shall the world bee pestered with ti­rantes, if subiectes may rebell vppon euery pretence of tyranny? howe many good Princes shall daylye bee suppressed by those, by whome they ought to bee sup­ported? if they leauy a subsedy, or any other texati­on, it shall be claymed oppression: if they put any to death for trayterous attemptes against theyr persons, it shall be exclaymed cruelty: if they doe any thing against the lust and liking of the people, it shall bee proclaymed ty­rannie.

But let it be, that without authority in vs, or desert in him, king Richard must be deposed: yet what right had the Duke of Lancaster to the Crowne? or what reason haue wee without his right to giue it to him? if hee make title as heyre vnto king Richard, then must he yet stay vntill king Richards death; for no man can succeed as heyre to one that [Page 107] liueth. But it is well knowne to all men, who are not eyther wilfully blinde or grosely ignorant, that there are some now aliue, lineally descended from Lionell Duke of Clarence, whose ofspring was by iudgement of the high Court of Par­lament holden the viii. yeere of the raigne of King Richard, declared next successour to the Crowne, in case King Ri­chard should dye without issue. Concerning the tytle from Edmund Crouchbacke, I will passe it ouer, seeing the authors thereof are become ashamed of so absurde abuse, both of theyr owne knowledge, and our credulity, and therefore all the clayme is now made, by right of conquest; by the cessi­on and graunt of King Richard; and by the generall consent of all the people. It is a bad wooll that can take no colour: but what conquest can a subiecte pretend against his Soue­raigne, where the warre is insurrection, and the victory high and heynous treason? as for the resignation which king Ri­chard made, being a pent prisoner for the same cause; it is an acte exacted by force: and therefore of no force and validity to binde him: and seeing that by the lawes of this land, the king alone cannot alienate, the auncient iewels and ornaments pertaining to the Crowne, surely hee can­not giue away the Crowne it selfe, and therewithall the kingdome.

Neyther haue we any custome, that the people at pleasure should electe theyr king: but they are alwayes bound vnto him, who by right of bloud is next successour, much lesse can they confirme and make good that title, which is before by violence vsurped: for nothing can then be freely doone, when liberty is once restrained by feare. So did Scilla by terrour of his legions, obtayne the lawe of Velleia to bee made, whereby hee was created dictator for fourescore yeeres: and by like impression of feare, Caesar caused the law Seruia to be promulged, by which he was made perpetuall dictator: but both these lawes were afterwardes adiudged void. As for the deposing of king. Edward the 2. is no more [Page 108] to be vrged, then the poysoning of King Iohn, or the mur­dering of any other good and lawfull Prince: we must liue according to lawes, and not to examples: and yet the king­dome was not then taken from the lawfull successour. But if we looke backe to times lately past, we shall finde that these titles were more stronge in King Stephen, then they are in the Duke of Lancaster: for king Henry the first being at large liberty, neyther restrained in body, nor constrained in minde, had appointed him to succeed: (as it was vppon good credite, certainly affirmed.) The people assented to this designement; and thereupon without feare, and with­out force, he was anoynted King, and obtained full possessi­on of the realme. Yet Henry (Sonne of the Earle of An­iowe) hauing a neerer right by his mother to the Crowne, (notwithstanding his father was a stranger & himselfe borne beyond the seas) raysed such rough warres vppon King Ste­phen, that there was noe end of spoyling the goods and spil­ling the bloud of the vnhappy people, besides the ruynes and deformities of many Citties and holdes; vntill his law­ful inheritance was to him assured. It terrifieth me to remem­ber how many florishing Empires, and Kingdomes haue bin by meanes of such contentions eyther torne in peeces with detestiue diuision, or subdued to forren Princes, vnder pre­tence of assistaunce and ayde: and I neede not repeate howe sore this realme hath heertofore beene shaken with these seuerall mischieues: and yet neyther the examples of other countries nor the miseries of our own, are sufficient to make vs to beware.

O English men, worse bewitched then the foolish Ga­lathians; our vnstayed mindes and restlesse resolutions, doe nothing els but hunt after our owne harmes: no people haue more hatred abroad and none lesse quiet at home: in other countries the swoord of inuasion hath been shaken a­gainst vs: in our owne land, the fire of insurrection hath bin kindled amongs vs: & what are these innouasions, but whet­stones [Page 109] to sharpen the one, and bellowes to blowe vp the o­ther?

Certainely I feare that the same will happen vnto vs which Aesope fableth to haue been fallen vnto the Frogges; who beeing desirous to haue a King, a beame was gi­uen vnto them: the first fall whereof did put them in some feare, but when they saw it lye still in the streame, they in­sulted thereon with great contempt, and desired a king of quicker courage: then was sent vnto them a Storke, which stalking among them with stately steps, continually deuou­red them. The mildenesse of king Richard hath bred in vs this scorne, interpreting it to be cowardise and dulnes of nature: the next heyre is likewise reiected: I will not say that wyth greater courage we shall finde greater cruelty; but if eyther of these shall heerafter be able to set vp theyr side, and bring the matter to tryall by armes, I do assuredly say, that which part soeuer shall carry the fortune of the field, the people both wayes must goe to wracke. And thus haue I declared my minde concerning this question, in more wordes then your wisedome, yet fewer then the weight of the cause doth require: and doe boldly conclude, that wee haue neyther power nor policy, eyther to depose king Richard, or to elect Duke Henrie in his place; that king Richard remaineth still our Soueraigne Prince, and therefore it is not lawfull for vs to giue iudgement vpon him; that the Duke whom you call king, hath more offended against the king and the relame, then the king hath done, eyther against him or vs; for being banished the realme for ten yeeres by the king and his coun­saile (amongst whome his owne Father was chiefe) and sworne not to returne againe without speciall lycense: he hath not onely violated his oath, but with impious armes disturbed the quiet of the land, and dispossessed the Kyng from his royall estate, and now demaundeth iudgement a­gainst his person, without offence proued, or defence heard: if this iniury, and this periury doth nothing moue vs, yet let [Page 110] both our priuate and common dangers somwhat withdraw vs from these violent proceedings.

This speach was diuerslie taken, as men were diuersly af­fected betweene feare, hope, and shame: yet the most parte did make shew for king Henrie, and therevpon the Bishop was presently attached by the Earle Marshall, and commit­ted to prison in the Abbey of S. Albones. Whose counsaile and coniecture then contemned, was afterwardes better thought vpon; partly in the life time of king Henrie, during whose raigne, almost no yeare passed without great slaugh­ters and executions: but more especially in the times succee­ding, when within the space of xxxvi. yeares, twelue set bat­tailes vpon this quarrell were fought within the realme by English men only: and more then foure score Princes of the royall bloud slaine one by another.

Then it was concluded, that king Richard should be kept in a large prison, with all manner of Princely maintenance: and if any persons should conspire, to reare warre for his de­liuerance, that he should be the first man who should suffer death for that attempt. Then the Actes of the Parlament holden at Westminster, in the xi. yeare of King Richard, were reuiued; and the Parlament houlden the xxi. yeare of king Richard was wholy repealed: and they who were attainted by that Parlament, were restored againe to their fame and honour, and to their landes without suing lyuerie, and to such goods whereof the King was not answered; except the rents and issues which had beene receiued out of their lands in the meane time. Herevpon Richard Earle of Warwicke was deliuered out of prison, and the Earle of Arundelles sonne recouered his inheritance: many others also that were banished or imprisoned by King Richard, were then ful­lye restored againe, to their Countrie, libertie, and e­state.

It was further prouided, that none of those which came in ayde of King Henrie against King Richard, should for [Page 111] that cause be impeached or troubled. Also the King gaue to the Earle of Westmerland the Countie of Richmond; and to the Earle of Northumberland he gaue the Ile of Man, to be houlden of him by the seruice of bearing the sworde, wherewith he entred into England. Diuers other of his fol­lowers he aduaunced to offices of highest place and charge, some vpon iudgement and for desert, but most part to win fauour, and perhappes proiecting a plot for friends, if times should change: for in many actions men take more care to preuent reuenge, then to leade an innocent and harm­lesse life.

It was further agreed, that the procurers of the death and murther of Thomas late Duke of Gloucester, should be sear­ched out and seuerelie punished. And iudgement was giuen against the appellants of the Earle of Warwicke and the Earle of Arundell, that the Dukes of Aumerle, Sussex, and Exceter, the Marquesse of Dorset, and the Earle of Glouce­ster who were present, should loose their degree of honour for them and their heyres: that they should likewise loose all the Castles, Mannors, Lordshippes, &c. then in their hands which sometimes apperteined to those whom they did ap­peale, and that all the letters patents and charters which they had concerning the same, should be surrendred into the Chā ­cerie, and there be cancelled: that for all other their Castles, Mannors, Lordships, possessions, and liberties, they should be at the grace and mercie of the King: that they should giue no liueries, nor keepe any retinue of men, but onely such officers as were meerelie necessarie for their degree: that if any of them should adhere to Richard the deposed King, in giuing him ayde or encouragement, against the iudgement of his deposition, then he should incurre the paines and for­feitures of high treason. And because it was a clamorous complaint among the common people, that many officers had committed greeuo [...]s extoruons and wrongs, eyther by the open maintenance or secret con [...]itiuence of these Lords: [Page 112] First those officers were remo [...]ued, and that corruption ta­ken away with integritie, which briberie h [...]d wrought, in placing (for money) men of b [...]d qualitie, in high degrees of office and seruice: then proclamations were made, that if any man had been oppressed by these Lords, or by any of­ficers vnder them, he should prooue his complaint, and re­ceiue recompence. It was made a question whether it was not meete that these noble men should be put to death: the importunitie of the people, and the perswasion of many great men drew that way, but policie was against it, and especially the opinion of clemencie, which seemed needfull to the set­ling of a new risen state.

In this parlament also the Lorde Fitzwater appealed the sayd Duke of Aumerle, sonne to the Duke of Yorke, vpon points of high treason: likewise the Lord Morley appealed Iohn Montacute Earle of Salisburie, and moe then twentie other appeilants waged battaile; but the king purposing to laye the foundation of his realme by fauour and not by force, gaue pardon and restitution alike to all, vppon sureties and band for their alleageance: and in a sweet and moderate ora­tion, he admonished, and as it were intreated the one part, that ould griefes and grudges should not be renued, but bu­ried together with the memorie of former times; wherein men were forced to doe many things against their mindes: the other part he desired to be more regardfull of their acti­ons afterward, and for the time past, rather to forget that euer they were in fault, then to remember that they were pardo­ned. No punishment was laide vppon any, saue onely the Earle of Salisburie and the Lord Morley, who had beene in especiall grace and fauour with King Richard: these two were committed to prison, but at the sute of their friends they were soone released: the rest the King receiued freelye to fauour, but most especially the Duke of Aumerle, and the Duke of Excester, Lord Gouernour of Calice. The Duke of Aumerle was cousen germane to both the kings: Iohn Hol­land [Page 113] Duke of Exce [...], was halfe brother to King Richard, and brother in lawe to King Henrie; whose sister, the Lady Eli­zabeth he had taken to wise. The greatest matter that was enforced against them, was their loyaltie vnto King Richard: (a grieuous crime among rebels) because they did not onlie stomacke and storme at his deiection, but stirre also more then others, and assaye to raise forces on his behalfe. The Dukes bouldly confessed the accusation, that they were in­deed vnfortunately faithfull to King Richard: but as those who once are false, doe seldome afterwards prooue soundly firme, so they that haue shewed themselues true to one prince may the better be trusted by any other. The King did rather admit this as a defence, then remit it as a fault: affirming, that such examples were not to be misliked of Princes: so he entred with them into great termes of friendship, and put them in place neerest his person, endeauouring by courtesie and liberalitie, to make them fast and faithful vnto him: this fact was diuerslie enterpreted, according to mens seueral dis­positions, some admiring the kings moderation, others dis­liking and disallowing his confidence; and indeed although these meanes haue to this purpose preuailed with some, yet the common course may mooue vs commonly to coniecture, that there is little assurance in reconciled enemies: whose affections (for the most part) are like vnto Glasse, which beeing once cracked, can neuer bee made otherwise then crazed and vnsound.

Furthermore, to qualifie all preiudice and hard opinion which other princes might chaunce to conceiue, King Hen­rie dispatched Embassadours to diuers countries neere vnto him, to make it knowne by what title, and by what fauour and desire of all the people he atteyned the kingdome. To the court of Rome hee sent Iohn [...] Bishop of Here­ford, Sir Iohn Cheyney Knight, and Iohn Cheyney Esquire: into Fraunce hee sent Waker Shirlowe Bishop of Durham, and Lord Thomas Pearcy, Earle of Worcester: into Spaine [Page 114] he sent Iohn Treuor Bishop of S. Assaph [...], and [...] William Parr [...]: and into Almaine he sent the Bishop of Bangor, and certaine other. Most of these Princes (as in a matter which little concerned eyther their honour or their harme) seemed eyther not to regarde what was doone, or easely to bee perswaded that all was doone well. But Charles King of Fraunce, was so distempe [...]ed at this dishonourable dealing with his sonne in lawe King Richard, that by violence of his passion, he fell into his oulde panges of phrensie: and at the last by helpe of Phisicke returning to the sobrietie of his sences, he purposed to make sharpe warre vpon that disloy­all people (as he termed them) for this iniurie against their lawfull and harmlesse Prince. Many noble men of Fraunce shewed themselues verye forwarde to enter into the ser­uice, but especially the Earle of Saint Paule, who had ma­ryed King Richards halfe Sister. So letters of defiance were sent into England, and great preparation was made for the warre.

Likewise the newes of these nouelties much abashed the Aquitanes (who were at that time vnder the English subiection) and plunged their thoughts in great perplexi­ties. Some were greiued at the infamous blemish of the English nation, who had disteyned their honour with the spot of such disloyall dealing: others feared the spoyle of their goods, and oppression of their liberties by the French­men; against whose violence they suspected that the realme of England, beeing distracted into ciuill factions, eyther would not attend, or should not be able to beare them out: but the Citizens of Burdeaux were chiefely anguished in respect of King Richard, partlie fretting at his iniurie, and partlie lamenting his infortunitie; because he was borne and brought vppe within theyr Cittie. And thus in the violence, some of they [...] anger, some of theyr griefe, and some of their feare, in this sort they did generally com­plaine.

[Page 115] O good God (sayd they) where is the world become? saintes are turned to Serpents, and Doues into diuels. The English nation which hath been accompted fierce onely a­gainst theyr [...]oes, and alwayes faithfull to their friends; are now become both fierce and faith lesse against their lawfull and louing Prince, and haue most barbarouslie betrayed him. Who would euer haue thought that Christians, that ciuill people, that any men, would [...] haue violated all re­ligion▪ all lawes, and all honest and orderlie demeanure? And although the heauens blush at the view▪ and the ear [...] sweat as the burthen of [...], and all man pro­claime and exclaime open shame and confusion against them▪ yet they neither feele the horrour, nor shrinke at the shame, nor feare the reuenge▪ but stand vpon tearmes, some of defence for the lawfulnesse of their dealing, and some of excuse for the necessitie. Well let them be able to blinde [...] worlde, and to resist [...]; yet shall they neuer be able to escape [...] desire to be powred vpon them. Alas good King Richard, thy nature was too gentle, and they gouernement too milde for so stiffe and stubborne a people: what King wil euer repose any trust in such [...] them with lawes as theeues are with [...]? What [...] hee [...] can recouer theyr credite? What time wyll bee sufficient to blotte out this blemish? What other action could they haue doone, more ioyfull to theyr enemyes, more woe­full to theyr friendes, and more shamefull to them­selues? Oh corruption of times? Oh conditions of men.

The Frenchmen were nothing discontented at this dis­contentment of the Aquitanes; supposing that oppor­tunitie was then offered, to get into theyr possession the Duchie of Guian▪ if eyther power or pollicie were there­to applyed Herevpon Lawe▪ Duke of Burbea came downe [Page 116] to Angiers, who from thence sent many messengers to the chiefe cities of Guian, and by faire speeches and large pro­mises, solicited the people to change alleageance: on the contrarie side, sir Robert Knowles Lieutenant of Guian, ende­uoured with all diligence to represse the [...], to staye the doubtfull, to confirme the good▪ and to [...] all in or­der and obedience: but he profited very little, whether by the weakenesse of his owne arme, or stiffe necke of the peo­ple it is not certainely assured. Neither did the Duke of Bur­bone much preuaile▪ when it was considered [...] the yoake of Fraunce was aboue the English subiecti­on: for all men were well acquainted with what tributes and [...] the Frenchmen were charged, hauing in euerye countrie Lieutenants and Treasurours assigned, the one to drawe the bloud, the other the substance of the slauish sub­iects, whose crueltie and couetousnesse laide holde without exception vppon all, the [...] other vndooing by lawe. Thus stood the [...] which the winde driueth one way, and the [...] another: de­sirous they were to displease the English, but [...] to endan­ger and vndoe themselues.

Vppon aduertisment whereof, King [...] sent into Guian the Lord Thomas Percie Earle of Worcester, whom he knew to bee faithfull vnto him, and expert in matters of charge, hauing in his companie a strong and seruice­able band of Souldiers: who not by vnseasonable expro­bating their fault, but by reason conuincing it, [...] with his wisdome and credite so perswaded, and partlye with his authoritie and forces so terrified the wauering people, that he wanne them to his opinion, and confirmed them in their alleageance; the grauer sorte with respect of dutie and faith, the rest with regarde and [...] of daun­ger. Them hee receiued oathes of obedience vnto King [...], and planted [...] strong garison in pla [...]es of [Page 117] chiefe import, without molestation if they remained quiet, and yet of force to represse them if they should rebell. This done, he returned againe into England, where he shewed an excellent example of moderation, in seeming rather to haue found then to haue made the Aquitanes duetifull subiectes.

No sooner could this stir be stinted, but another more daungerous and desperate did foorthwith arise: for diuerse noble men who eyther had dissembled, or did repent the furtherance that they vsed to the aduauncement of King Henrie did conspire together to compasse his destruction: the hystories of that time doe vary, concerning the causes of this conspiracy; whether it were for fauour to King Richard, as the nature of man is inclinable to beholde sodaine mis­fortune with a pittifull eye; or for enuy to King Henrie, as commonly wee can [...] excessiue forr [...]e, no where so little as in those that haue beene in equall degree with our [...] or whether vpon dishonours receiued in the late [...], or vpon [...] to see others goe before them in the Princes fauour many sought to reuenge theyr vniust anger with lewde disloyaltye: likewise it is not assuredly knowne by what meanes the workers thereof were drawne together, and the secret deuises of some [...] to the rest: whether one of them did perswade another to enter into the action, or whether all were induced by the same vnconstant disposition and light account of faith: which being once falsed to King Richard, was afterwardes vp­pon euery light discontentment, lyttle respected to a­ny: but concerning these matters, the most current report is this.

There was at that time an Abbot of Westminster, one that applyed his studies, not as the most part, to cloake idlenesse and slouth vnder the glorious tytle of religion, but to enable himselfe for counsaile and direction in publique affayres: who for the generall opinion of his wisedome [Page 118] and integritie, was in good fauour and credit with King Ri­chard, and did accompany him in his last voyage into Ire­land.

This Abbot called to his remembrance, a speach which hee heard once fall from King Henrie, when hee was but Earle of Derbie, and not yet come to any great stayednesse, eyther in yeares or iudgement; that Princes had too little, and religious men too much.

At that time the riches of the church were growne so great, that many began to looke vpon them with an enui­ous eye; but least couetousnesse should shew it selfe with open face, policie was pretended, and the excesse thought daungerous, both to the King and also to the [...]; as ve­rie like to cause want to the one, and [...] in the other.

Heerevpon many billes had beene put vppe in the par­laments houlden in the reigne of King Richard, that [...] might be made to represse the increase of religious pos­sessions: namely, that inquisition and redresse might be had against such religious persons, as vnder the licence to pur­chase ten pounds yearlie, did purchase foure score, or a hun­dred pounds: and also against such religious persons as cau­sed their villaines, to take to their wiues free women inheri­table, whereby the landes came to those religious mens hands: yea it was mooued in open Parlament, that the king should seaze into his hands, all the temporall liuings of religious houses, as beeing rather a burthen then a be­nefite vnto religion.

Vppon these and the like petitions, the Archbishop of Canterburie, and the Archbishop of Yorke, for themselues and the Cleargie of their Prouinces; were oftentimes com­pelled to make their solemne protestations in open Par­lament, that if any thing were attempted in restraint of the libertie of the Church, they would in no wise assent, but vtterlie withstand the same: the which their protesta­tions [Page 119] they required to be enrouled.

So partly vpon loue to King Richard, and partly vpon feare, least King Henry would bee as ready to inuade, as hee was to enueigh against the richesse of religious houses: this Abbot was the first man that blew the coales, and put fewell to the fire of this confederacy. And first hee obserued a farre off, then hee searched more neere­ly and narrowly (and yet warely too) howe the myndes of certaine Noble men were affected, or rather infected agaynst King Henrie; tempering his speeches in such sorte, that if matters sorted to his minde, hee myght take them vpon him, if his co [...]ses were crossed, he might cleerely disclayme them: at last hee inuited to his house vppon a daye, in Michaelmas terme, those whome hee had sounded to bee moste sound for his purpose: the chiefe of whome were such as in the Parlament before had in some sorte beene touched in reputation, although by pardon and reconcilement the harme did seeme to bee closed vp: theyr names were Iohn Holland Duke of Exceter, of whome: mention hath beene made before, Thomas Holland his brothers Sonne, Duke of Surrey, Ed­ward Duke of Aumerle, Iohn Montacute Earle of Salis­bury, Hugh Spencer Earle of Glocester, Iohn Bishoppe of Caerliele, Sir Thomas Biunt, and Magdalen one of King Richards Chappell, who in all poyntes both of feature and fauour, so neerely resembled King Richard, that the Lordes dissembled afterwardes that hee was King Richard indeed.

These and some others were highly feasted by the Ab­bot: and after dinner they withdrewe themselues, into a secret Chamber to counsaile: heere the Duke of Exce­ter, who was moste hotly bent eyther to restore, or to reuenge the cause of his deposed brother, declared vnto the rest, the alleageance that they had sworne vnto King Richard: the honours and [...] whereunto they [Page 120] were by him aduaunced: that therefore they were bounde both in conscience by the one, and in kindnesse by the o­ther, to take his part against all men: that king Henry con­trary to both, had dispoyled him of his royall dignity, and vniustly possessed himselfe thereof, whilest they stood loo­king on, and shewed neyther the obedience of subiectes, nor loue of friendes, as though they were men who knewe to doe any thing, better then to defend, and if neede were to dye for theyr lawfull Prince and louing patron: that king Henrie by violent inuading, or fraudulent insinuating him­else, into the kingdome of his naturall and leige Prince, was but a tyrant, and vsurper, and such a one as it was law­full for any man, by any meanes to throw downe, without respect whether he were a good man or euill, for it is law­full for no man, vpon pretence and shewe of goodnesse to draw soueraignty vnto himselfe: that the lawes and ex­amples of best gouerned common wealthes, did not onely permit this action but highly honoured it with statues and garlandes, and tytles of nobility, and also rewarded it with all the wealth of the suppressed tyrant: that this enterprize would be very profitable, and almost necessarie to the com­mon wealth, by extinguishing those warres which the Scots menaced, the Frenchmen prepared, and the Welshmen had already begun vpon this occasion and quarrell: that he did not distrust but it might be accomplished by open armes, but he thought it more sure for them, and for the common wealth more safe, to put first in proofe some secret policie: and to that purpose he deuised, that a solemne Iustes should be challenged, to be kept at Oxforde, in Christmasse holy­dayes, betweene him and twentie on his part, and the Earle of Salisburie and twentie on his part, to which king Henrie should be inuited: and when he was most intentiue in regar­ding their militarie disport, he should sodainlie be surprized by men which without suspition might at that time be as­sembled, both for number and preparation sufficient for the [Page 121] exployt, and thereby King Richard presently bee restored, both to his liberty, and to his state.

This deuise was no sooner vttered, then allowed and ap­plauded of the rest of the confederates: and so resoluing vpon the enterprize, they tooke an oath vpon the Euange­listes, the one to be true and secret to the other, euen to the houre and point of death: the Lords also made an In­denture sextipartite wherein they bound themselues, to doe their best assay, for the death of the one king and deliue­rance of the other: this they sealed and subscribed, and deli­uered to euery Lord a counter pane of the same: and further they concluded what forces should be gathered, by whome, howe they should be ordred and placed, and to whose trust the execution should be committed.

When all thinges were thus contriued, and theyr hun­gry ambitious mindes were well filled with the vaine winds of hope and desire: the Duke of Exceter came to the king at Windsore, and desired him for the loue that he bare to the noble feares of Cheualry, that he would vouchsafe to honour with his presence the martiall exercise, that was ap­pointed betweene him and the Earle of Salisbury, and to be the iudge of theyr performances if any controuersie should arise.

The king supposing that to be intended indeed, which was pretended in shew, easily yeelded to his request. The Duke supposing his purpose now halfe performed, depar­ted to his house, and so did the other confederates: where they busily bestirred themselues, in raysing men, and pre­paring horse and armour for the accomplishment of thys acte.

When the Dutchesse of Exceter, king Henries Sister, perceiued the drift of the deuise, and saw that the Duke was vppon his iourney: alas good Lady howe was shee distrac­ted in minde, with a sharpe conflicte of her conceiptes? [Page 122] one waye she was mooued with nature towardes her bro­ther; another waye shee was more strongly stirred, with loue towards her Lord and husband; and both wayes shee was deuided in dutie. And what (sayd shee) is this loue then against nature? or about it? shall I bee vndutifull to my Prince? or is no dutie comparable to the dutie of a wife? heigh ho: in what perplexities (wretched woman) am I plunged, to see my two deerest friends in this case of extremitie, that (it is doubtfull which but) certainlie one must be ruined by the other. Heerewith such a shower of teares streamed downe her cheekes, that it drowned her speech, and stopped the passage of further complaint: which when the Duke espyed, hee stepped vnto her, and seazing softlie vppon her hand, vsed these wordes. What Besse? is it kindnesse to me or kindred to your brother that thus hath set your eyes on floate? Content your selfe woman, for whatsoeuer the euent shall be, it cannot bee euill to you, nor worse to me then now it is. For if my purpose preuaile, and my brother bee restored againe to his crowne, both of vs shall be sure neuer to decline: if it bee preuented, and your brother continue still in his estate, no harme shall be doone vnto you, and I shall be then sure of that distruction which I doe now continually dread: the feare whereof in expec­ting, is a greater torment then the paine in suffering. When hee had thus saide, hee kissed her, and so leauing her to the torture of a thousand thornie thoughts, he tooke his iorney towards Oxforde, with a great company both of Archers and Horsemen. There he sound all the rest of his complices, well armed and banded, except onely the Duke of Aumerle.

The King also hearing that both the Challengers and defendants were in a readinesse, determined the daye fol­lowing to ride to Oxforde, according to his promise and appointment.

[Page 123] Now the confederates much maruailed at the stay of the Duke of Aumerle, some onely blamed his slacknesse, others began to suspect it, euery man coniectured as he was diuers­ly affected betweene confidence and feare: and in this con­fusion of opinions, they sent vnto him in poste, to knowe the certaine truth. Before the messenger came to the Duke, hee was departed from Westminster towards Oxford, not the direct way, but went first to see his Father the Duke of York, and carried with him his counterpane of the Indenture of confederacy. As they sate at dinner, the Father espied it in his bosome, and demaunded what it was? the Sonne hum­bly craued pardon, and said that it nothing touched him, by S. George (quoth the Father) but I will see it: and so whe­ther vpon a precedent iealosie, or some present cause of sus­pition, he tooke it away from him by force. When he percei­ued the contents, he sodainely arose from the table, & with great fi [...]rcenesse both of countenance and speech, vttered to his Sonne these wordes.

I see traytor, that idlenesse hath made thee so wanton and mutinous that thou playest with thy faith, as children doe with stickes: thou hast been once already faithlesse to King Richard, & now again art false to King Henrie, so that the like fish Sepia, thou troublest all the waters wherin thou liuest. Thou knowest that in open Parlament I became suertie and pledge for thy alleageance, both in bodye and goods: and can neither thy dutie, nor my desert restreine thee, from seeking my destruction? in faith, but I will ra­ther helpe forwarde thine. With that hee commaunded his Horses to bee made readie, and presentlye tooke his iorneye towardes Windsore, where the King then laye.

The Duke of Aumerle had no time eyther to consulte with his friends, or to consider with himselfe what was best to bee doone: but taking aduise vppon the sodaine, [Page 124] he mounted likewise on horsebacke, and posted towardes Windsore another way. It was no neede to force him for­warde, his youthfull bloud, and his sodaine daunger were in steed of two winges, to keep his horse in Pegasus pace: so that he came to Windsore, & was alighted at the Castell, before his stiffe aged Father could come neere. Then hee entred the gates, and caused them to be surely locked, and tooke the Keyes into his owne hands, pretending some se­cret cause for which he would deliuer them vnto the King. When he came in presence, he kneeled downe and hum­blie craued of the King mercie and forgiuenesse. The king demaunded for what offence? Then with a confused voice, and sad countenance, casting downe his eyes as altogether abashed, partly with feare of his daunger, and partly with shame of his discredit; he declared vnto the King all the manner of the conspiracie. The King seemed neither rash­lie to beleeue, nor negligentlie to distrust the Dukes report; neyther stood it with pollicie to enterteine the discouerie with any hard and violent vsage: therefore with gracious speeches he comforted the Duke, and if this bee true, sayd he, we pardon you: if it be feined, at your extreame perrill be it.

By this time the Duke of Yorke was rapping at the Ca­stle gates, and being admitted to the Kings presence, he de­liuered to him the endenture of confederacie, which hee had taken from his sonne. When the King had redde it, and was thereby perswaded of the trueth of the matter, he was not a little disquieted in minde, complaining of the vn­constant disposition of those men, whom neyther crueltie (he said) could make firme to King Richard, nor clemencie to him; but vppon dislike of euery present gouernment, they were desirous of any change. So being possessed with dee­per thoughts then to gaze vppon games, he layde his ior­ney aside, and determined to attend at Windsor, what course [Page 125] his enemies would take, and which waye they would set forward: knowing right well that in ciuill tumults, and adui­sed patience, and opportunitie well taken, are the onely wea­pons of aduantage; and that it is a speciall point of wis­dome, to make benefit of the enemyes follie. In the meane time he directed his letters to the Earle of Northumberland his high Constable, and to the Earle of Cumberland his high Marshall, and to others his most assured friends, concerning these sodaine and vnexpected accidents.

The confederates all this time hearing nothing of the Duke of Aumerle, and seeing no preparation for the Kings comming, were out of doubt that theyr treason was betrai­ed. And now considering that once before they had beene pardoned, the guilt of this their rebellion, excluded them from all hope of further mercie: wherevpon they became desperate, and so resolued to prosecute that by open armes, wherein their priuie practises had [...]ailed. And first they ap­parrelled Magdalen (a man very like to King Richard both in stature and countenance, and of yeares not disagreeable) in princely attire; and gaue foorth that hee was King Ri­chard, and that eyther by fauour or negligence of his kee­pers, he was escaped out of prison, and desired the faith and ayde of his louing subiects. Then they determined to dis­patche messengers to Charles King of Fraunce, to desire his helpe and assistance on the behalfe of his sonne in lawe, if need should require.

The common people, which commonlie are soone change­able, and on the sodaine as prone to pittie as they were be­fore excessiuely cruell, most earnestlie wished the enlarge­ment of King Richard, and earnestly wishing, did easely be­leeue it: in which imaginarie conceit, being otherwise men of no deepe search, the presence of Magdalene most strong­lie confirmed them: and so eyther vpon ignorance of truth, or delight in trouble, they ioyned themselues in great troops [Page 126] to the Lords: desiring nothing more then to be the meanes whereby King Richard should be restored, as in a manner re­suming their first affections and humors towards him. Then the Lords of this association with great force, but with grea­ter fame, as the manner is of matters vnknowne, aduanced forward in battaile arraye towards Windsore, against King Henrie, as against an enemie of the common state; hauing in theyr company aboue fortie thousand armed men. The King vpon intelligence of theyr approache, secretlye with a few horse, the next Sunday night after Newyeres day, depar­ted from Windsore to the Tower of London, and the same night before it was daye, the confederates came to the Ca­stle of Windsore: where missing their expected praye, they stood doubtfull and deuided in opinions, which waye to bend their course. Some aduised them with all speede to follow the King to London, and not to leaue him any leaue and libertie, to vnite an armie against them: that Winter was no let but in idle and peaceable times: that in ciuill discentions nothing is more safe then speede, and greater aduantage alwayes groweth by dispatching then deferring: that whilest some were in feare, some in doubt, and some ig­norant, the Citie, yea the realme might easilye be possessed: and that many armies whose furie at the first rush could not be resisted, by delayes did weare out, and waste to nothing. Others who would seeme to bee considerate and wise, but in verye deede were noe better then dastardes, perswa­ded rather to set King Richard first at libertie; for if their counterfeiting should be discouered before they possessed themselues of his person, the people vndoubtedly would fall from them to the certaine confusion of them all. Here­vppon they gaue ouer the pursuite, and retired to Cole­brooke, and there delayed out the time of dooing, in de­liberating, beeing neyther courogiouslye quicke, nor con­siderately stayed, but faintlie and fearefullye shrincking [Page 127] backe: and when they once beganne to relent, they de­creased euery daye more and more both in power and in hope.

King Henrie the next morning after hee was come to the Tower, sent to the Maior of the Citie to put Souldi­ours in armes for his resistance, who presentlye presen­ted vnto him three thousand Archers, and three thousand bill men, besides those that were appointed for defence of the Citie. The King spent vpon him many good spee­ches, and liberally loaded him with promises and thanks; and soone after he issued out of London, with twentie thou­sand tall men, and came to Hounslowe Heath, abiding there, and as it were da [...]ing his enemyes to ioyne issue in the field: contemning theyr disorderlye multitude, as a vayne terrour of names without forces. But the confe­derates eyther for feare of the Kings power, or for distrust of theyr owne, or else lingring, perhappes, after some suc­cour out of Fraunce, refused the encounter, and doubt­full it is whether they shewed greater courage in setting vp the danger, or cowardise in declining it when it was pre­sented vnto them.

So they departed from Colebrooke to Sunnings, a place neere Redding, where Queene Isabell, King Richardes wife did then abyde: to whom vppon the plaine trueth before declared, fame had falslye descanted, that King Richard was escaped out of prison, and did lye at Pom­fret with a hundred thousand armed men; and that King Henrie for feare of him, was fledde with his children and friendes to the Tower of London. All which was as lightlye beleeued, as it was vainlye toulde: where­vppon shee defaced King Henries armes, and plucked away his cognisance from those his seruants that attended vppon her; and hauing in some sorte satisfied her wo­mannish anger, with this harmelesse spight, she and the [Page 128] Lordes departed together first to Wallingforde, and from thence to Abington, stirring the people by the waye to take armour, and to rise in ayde of king Richard, who was (saide they) and is, and should be their Prince.

At the last they came to Chichester, and there the Lordes tooke theyr lodgings, the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisburie in one Inne; the Duke of Exceter and the Earle of Gloucester in another; and all the hoast encamped in the fields. But the Bayliffe of the towne, suspecting all this countenance to be but the vaine flashe of a false fire, did in the night with about foure score Archers, beset and set vpon the house where the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salis­burie laye: who were men but of weake resistance by na­ture, but being put vpon necessitie, shewed great manhood and persistance in defending themselues against the towns­men. The Duke of Exceter and the Earle of Gloucester be­ing in another Inne, were not able by force to rescue their associates; wherevpon a certaine Priest of their companye set diuers houses in the towne on fire, supposing thereby to diuert the townsmen from theyr assault, to the sauing of their houses and of their goods: but this fire greatly inflamed their furie, and made them more obstinate in their attempt; crying out that they would neuer labour to rescue their los­ses, but to reuenge them; and that with the bloud of the Lordes, those flames should be quenched. Then there arose confused clamours and noyses, all the towne being in an vp­roare and in armes, shooting fiercelie and running vpon the Lords with a rashe and desperate rage; not caring to loose many, wherof they had many to spare.

When the Earle of Exceter and they that were with him perceiued the force of the assaylants daungerouslie to en­crease, and that it was impossible for a few to susteine the furie of so many so obstinately bent: they fledde out of the backe side towards the campe, intending to bring the whole [Page 129] army to the rescue: but the soldiers hauing heard a tumu [...], and seeing fire within the towne, supposed that the King was entred with all his puisance: whereupon being strooke with a sodaine and false feare, and wanting a commaunder of courage to confirme them, they ran away, and dispear­sed themselues without measure; and so whilest euery man endeuoured to saue himselfe, all were brought to theyr con­fusion.

Thus the Duke of Surrey, and the Earle of Salisbury, & the Lords & Gentlemen which were in their company, were left to defend themselues against the townsemen as they coulde who manfully maintained the fight with great bloudshed of theyr enemies, from midnight vntill three of the clocke the next day in the after noone: at the last, being inferiour both in number and fortune, the Duke and the Earle were wounded to death and taken, and the same euening theyr heades were stricken off and sent to London: there were also taken Sir Bennet Shelley, Sir B [...]nard Brokas, Sir Thomas Blunt, and 28. other Lordes, Knights and Gentlemen, who were sent to Oxford, where the King then lay, and there were put to execution.

The Duke of Exceter when he found the army dispersed and fled, fled likewise with Sir Iohn Shelley into Essex, la­menting the certaine destruction which his rashnesse had procured to himselfe, and to his friends, but moste especial­ly to King Richard; if not as a party, yet as a cause of this vn­happy tumult; many times he did attempt to haue escaped by sea into Fraunce, but he was alwayes driuen backe by distresse of weather; and so wandring and lurking in secret places, hee was at the last attached as hee sat at supper in a certaine friendes house, and led to Plashy, and there shortly after beheaded: so that a man might probably con­ [...]ecture that the death of the Duke of Glocester was then brought in reckoning, who by his counsell and contry­uance [Page 130] chiefly, in the same place had been apprehended. An excellent example for all those which measure their acti­ons eyther by their pleasure, or by their power: that re­uenge of iniurious dealing, although it be prolonged, yet doth neuer faile, but commeth surely although perhappes, slowly. This duke was a man of high parentage, of a franke minde, and wealth answerable thereunto: openly praise [...], worthy, but his secret actions were hardly spoken of: he was of consent to all his brothers vices, and of counsaile to ma­ny, yet somewhat the more close and vigilant man: and not so much partaker of his prosperity, as violently carried with the current of his misery.

The Earle of Gloucester fled towardes Wales but was forelayed and taken, and beheaded at Bristow: Magdalen [...] the counterfeite of King Richard; flying into Scotland, was apprehended and brought to the Tower, and afterward han­ged and quartred, with W. Ferby another of King Richards Chapleines. Diuerse other Lordes and Knights and Gen­tlemen; and a great number of meane and base persons were in other places put to death; insomuch as the King though otherwise of a very temperate and intreatible na­ture, seemed to shew too hard and haughty dealing in re­uenging his owne iniury, or rather maintaining the iniury he had done: the heads of the chiefe conspiratours, were pitched vpon poles, and set ouer London Bridge: in all o­ther partes of the realme a spectacle both lamentable and vgly was presented to the view and terrour of others: bo­dies hewen in peeces, heads and quarter of vnfortunate dis­mēbred wretches putrif [...]ing aboue ground: not al for desert, but many to satisfy either the mallice or want of King Hen­rie [...] friends, insomuch as many graue men openly gaue forth, that in short time there would be cause to wish King Richard again as being more tollerable to endure the cruelty of one, then of many, and to liue where nothing, then where any [Page 131] thing might be permitted.

The Abbot of Westminster in whose house and in whose head this confederacy began, hearing of these aduentures, as he was going betweene his monastery and his mansion, fell sodainly into a palsie, and hardly after without speech ended his life; and although in this enterprize fortune gaue policy the check, and by a strange accedent which wisdome could not foresee, ouerturned the deuise, yet is it certainely affirmed that this Abbot first stirred the stone, which row­ling a long, was like to haue turned king Henry out of his seate. The bishop of Caerliel, was condemned vpon this trea­son, but the extreamity of his feare, and griefe, closed vp his daies, and preuented the violence and shame of publicke ex­ecution. And now king Richard after he had abdicated his dignity, did but short time enioy that sweet security, which he did vainely expect, and first all his goods which hee did giue in satisfaction of the iniuries that hee had done, were brought to deuision and share amongst his enemies: short­ly after he was remooued from the Tower, to the Castle of Leedes in Kent, and from thence to Pomfret, to the ende that by often changing hee might eyther more secretly bee dispatched, or more vncertainly found: heere being kept in streight prison, both innocent & ignorant of this offence, was notwithstanding made a party in the punishment. For King Henry perceiuing that the Lords so far preuailed with their late strategeme, that if their stomacke had bin answe­rable to their strength, & their bloud beginning had not end­ed in faintnes and sloath, they might haue driuen him to a hard hazard; caused King Richard to be put to death: inten­ding to make sure, that no man should cloake open rebelli­on, vnder the colour of following sides, nor countenance his cōspiracy, either with the person or name of K. Richard: whe­ther hee did expressely commaund his death, or no, it is a question, out of question he shewed some liking and desire [Page 132] to the action, and gaue allowance thereto when it was doone.

The most current report at that time went, that hee was princely serued euery day at the Table, with aboundance of costlie meates, according to the order prescribed by Parla­ment, but was not suffered to tast or touche any one of them; and so perished of famine; being tormented with the pre­sence of that, whereof hee dyed for want, but such horrible and vnnaturall crueltie, both against a King and a kinseman, should not proceed from King Henrie (me thinke) a man of a moderate and milde disposition, not yet from any other minde which is not altogether both sauage in humanitie, and in religion prophane. One wrighter who would seeme to haue the perfect intelligence of these affayres, maketh re­port, that King Henrie sitting at his table, sad and pensiue, with a deepe sigh brake foorth into these wordes: Haue I no faithfull friend that will deliuer me of him, whose life will breed destruction to me and disturbance to the realme, and whose death will bee a safetie and quiet to both? for how can I be free from feare, so long as the cause of my daun­ger dooth continue? and what securitie, what hope shall we haue of peace, vnlesse the seede of sedition be vtterly roo­ted out?

Vppon this speech a certaine Knight called Sir Pierce of Extone, presently departed from the Court, accompanyed with eyght tall men, and came to Pomfrete, and there com­maunded, that the Esquire who was accustomed to sewe, and take the assaye before King Richard, should no more vse that manner of seruice: and let him (quoth he) now eate wel, for he shall not eate long. King Richard sate downe to din­ner, and was serued without courtesie or assaye, whereat he merueyled, and demaunded of the Esquire, why he did not his dutie? the Esquire answered, that he was otherwise com­maunded by Sir Pierce of Extone, who was latelye come [Page 133] from King Henry. The King beeing somewhat mooued at this acte and answere, tooke the caruing knife in his hand, and strucke the Esquire therewith lightly on the head, say­ing, the deuill take Henry of Lancaster and thee together: with that Sir Pierce entred the chamber, with eight men in harneys, euery one hauing a byll in his hand: Wherevpon King Richard perceiuing their drift and his owne daunger, put the table from him, and stepping stoutlye to the formost man, wrested the bill out of his hand, wherewith (although vnarmed and alone) he manfully defended himselfe a good space, and slew sowre of his assailants. Sir Pierce lept to the chaire where king Richard was wonte to sit, whilest the rest chased him about the chamber. At the last being forced to­wards the place where Sir Pierce was, he with a stroake of his Pollax felled him to the ground: and foorthwith he was miserably rid out of his miserable life. It is saide that at the pointe of his death, hee gathered some spirit, and with a fainte and feeble voyce, groaned foorth these wordes.

My great grandfather King Edward the second, was in this manner deposed, imprisoned, and murthered; by which meanes my grandfather king Edward the third obteyned possession of the crowne; and now is the punishment of that in [...]trie powred vpon his next successour. Well, this is right for mee to suffer, but not for you to doe: your King for a time may ioye at my death, and enioye his desire; but let him qualifie his pleasures with expectation of the like iu­stice: for God who measureth all our actions by the ma­lice of our mindes, will not suffer this violence vnreuen­ged.

Whether these words proceeded from a distempered de­sire, or from the iudgement of his foresight, they were not altogether idle and vaine. For Sir Pierce expecting great fauour and rewards for his vngracious seruice, was frustrated [Page 134] of both, and not onely missed that countenance for which he hoped, but lost that which before he had: so odious are vi­ces euen where they are profitable.

Heerevpon hee grew at the first discontented, and af­terwardes mightely turmoyled and tormented in consci­ence, and raging against himselfe would often exclaime, that to pleasure one vnthankefull person, he had made both himselfe and his posteritie, hatefull and infamous to all the world.

King Henrie with great discontentment and disquiet held the kingdome during his life: and so did his sonne King Henrie the fifth: in whose time by continuall warres against the Frenchmen, the malice of the humour was other­wise exercised and spent. But his second successour King Henry the sixth was dispossessed thereof, and together with his young sonne Henry imprisoned and put to death, eyther by the commaundement or con [...]iuence of King Edward the fourth.

And hee also escaped not free; for hee dyed not with­out many [...] suspicions of poison [...] and after his death his two sonnes were disinherited, imprisoned, and butchered by their cruell Vnckle the Duke of Gloucester, who beeing a tyrant and vsurper, was lawfully slaine in the field; and so in his person (hauing no issue) the tragedie did end. Which are most rare and excellent examples both of comfort to them that are oppressed, and of terrour to vi­olent dealers; that God in his secret iudgement dooth not alwayes so certainely prouide for our safetie, as reuenge our iniuries and harmes: and that all our vniust actions haue a daye of payment, and many times by waye of retaliati­on, euen in the same manner and measure wherein they were committed.

And thus was King Richard brought to his death, by violence and force as all wrighters agree, although all [Page 135] agree not vppon the manner of the violence▪ Hee was a man of personage rather well proportioned then tall of great beautie, and grace, and comlinesse in presence; hee was of a good strength, and no abiect spirit; but the one by ease▪ the other by flatterie were much abased. He de­serued many friends, but found fewe, because hee sought them more by liberalitye, then vertuous dealing. He [...] merueilous [...] in all his actions, which may verye well bee [...] to his negligence and sloath; for hee that is not prouident can seldome prosper, but by his loosenesse, will loose▪ whatsoeuer fortune, or other mens [...] hee was driuen is such distresse, that [...], it as a benefite to bee disburdened of his royall dignitie, for which other men will not sticke; to put theyr goods, and liues, and soules in hazarde.

Hee liued three and thirtie yeares, and reigned two and twentie. His dead body was embaulmed, and [...] couered with Lead all saue his face, and carryed [...] and in all the chiefe places by the, waye, his face was [...], that by viewe thereof no doubt should bee made concerning his death. At London hee had a solemne obsequie kept in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul [...], the King beeing present, and all the chiefe [...]

Then hee was conueyed to Langley Abbey in Bucking, ham shire, about [...] myle from London, and there obscurely [...] by the Bishop of Chester, the Abbot of S. Albones, and the Abbot of Waltham, without presence of noble men, without co [...]uence of the common people, and without the charge of a dinner for celebrating the [...] but afterward on the commaundement of King Henry the fifth, his body was taken vp, and remooued to Westmin­ster, and honourably entombed amongst his auncesters, [Page 136] with Queene Anne his wife, in expiation (as it is like) of his Fathers violent and vnfaithfull dealing. So hee whose life was alwaies tumultuous and vnquiet, could not readily finde rest for his bones, euen after death. It was not amisse in re­gard of the common wealth that he was dead; yet they who caused his death had small reason to reckon it among theyr good deedes.

And thus doe these and the like accidents dayly happen to such Princes as will be absolute in power, resolute in will, and dissolute in life.

This yeere Hunfrey the sonne and heyre of the Duke of Gloucester, dyed of the plague? as he returned out of Ireland where King Richard had [...] him prisoner; and shortly after the Duchesse his mother with violence of griefe ended her daye [...] this yeere also dyed Thomas Mo [...]bray the exiled duke of Norfolke, whose death would much haue been lamented, if he had not furthered so many lamentable deaths: but he ouerliued his honour, & saw himselfe accounted a person in­famed and of no estimation. Likewise about this [...] Duke of Brittaine deceased, who had taken to wife Mary daughter to King Edward the third, and by her had no issue, but by Ioan his second wife he left behinde him three sons, Iohn, Richard & Arthur: this Ioan was afterwards maried to K. Henrie, as hereafter shall appeare. Also this yeere Edmund Duke of Yorke departed this life, his honour not stayrred, his fame not touched: he was a man very circumspect and wary in his cariage; not carelesse of a good fame, nor greedy after a great: of other mens wealth not desirous, liberall of his owne, and of the common sparing: he did not by obsti­nate opposing himselfe against the current of the time, rash­ly hasten, eyther his fame or his fall, but by moderation at­tayned safely that degree of praise, and honour, which others aspiring vnto by desperate courses, wanne with ambitious death, without any other profit at all; He left behinde him [Page 137] two noble sonnes, expresse resemblencers of his integritie: Edward, who succeeded in his dignitie, and before was cal­led Duke of Aumerle, and Richard Earle of Cambridge. Edward, in the change of the state, neither constantlye kept his fidelitie, nor stoutlie maintained his treason. Richard tooke to wife the daughter and heyre of Roger Mortimer, whose mother Phillip was sole daughter and heyre to Lio­nell Duke of Clarence, the third sonne of King Edward the thyrd, by which title and discent, his posteritie claimed the Crowne and kingdome of this realme from the successours of King Henrie, as heereafter more at large shall be decla­red.

Charles King of Fraunce lost no time all this while in ma­king preparation to inuade England: and to that end had now raysed an armie royall, which was brought downe into Picardie, and in a readinesse to haue beene transported. But it is verye like that this hast for the deliuerance of King Ri­chard did the more hasten his death: vppon newes whereof the Frenchmen perceiuing their purpose for his restitution to be to no purpose, gaue ouer the enterprise; some being grie­ued that the occasion was lost of making spoile of so plenti­full a countrie, others being well content to be discharged of that hope together with the hazard whervpon it depended. Shortlie after the French King sent a solemne Embassage in­to England, to treate, or rather intreate, that Lady Isabell his daughter, who had bin espoused to King Richard, might with her dowrie bee restored to him againe. King Henrie most honourablie receiued these Embassadours, and gaue in answere, that he would speedelie send his Commissioners to Calice, which should fullye commune and conclude with them, both of this and other weightie affayres concerning both the realmes.

Not long after he sent Edward Duke of Yorke, and Hen­rie Earle of Northumberland to Calice: Also the French [Page 138] King sent the Duke of Burbone and certaine others to Bul­leine. These Commissioners did often meete, sometimes at one place, and sometimes at another: the Frenchmen espe­cially required, that Lady Isabell should be restored, shew­ing that King Charles her Father had giuen in charge, that this before all matters, and without this nothing should be concluded. On the other side the Englishmen desired that she might be married to Henry Prince of Wales King Hen­ries eldest Sonne, a man answerable to her in equall degree both of bloud and of yeeres: but the French King denyed that he would any more ioyne affinity with the English na­tion, whose aliance had once so vnfortunately succeeded: thē they entred into speech of a perpetuall peace, but heereto the Frenchmen would not agree. In the end it was conclu­ded that Lady Isabell should be deliuered to King Charles her Father but without Dower; because the marriage be­tweene King Richard and her, was neuer consummate: by reason wherof she was not dowable by the very treaty of the marriage. Also the surcease of armes which foure yeeres be­fore had beene made with King Richard for the terme of 30 yeeres, was continued and confirmed for the time then vnexpyred. Some authors affirme that a newe truce was taken, but these also are at diffierence: for some report that it was during the life of both the Kinges, others that it was but for a short time, which hath the more ap­paraunce of truth, by reason of the open hostilitye which the yeere following did breake foorth betweene the two realmes.

Shortly after King Henrie sent the Lady Isabell vnder the conducte of Lorde Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester, in royall estate to Calice: she was accompanied with a great troupe of honourable personages, both men and women; and carried with her all the Iewelles and plate which shee brought into England, with a great surple sage of rich giftes [Page 139] bestowed vpon her by the king: at Calice she was receiued by the Earle of S. Paule, Leiuetenant for the French king in Picardy, and by him was conducted to king Charles her Father, who afterwardes gaue her in marriage to Cbarles, sonne to Lewes Duke of Orleance: and so was eyther rest or respite of wars procured in Fraunce, whilest neerer stirres might be brought to some stay.

For within the realme, the fire and fury of the late sedi­tion was scarcely quenched and quiet, but (that the com­mon wealth should not cease to be torne by multiplying of diuisions, one streight succeeding another) the Welshmen, vpon aduantage of the doubtfull and vnsetled estate of king Henrie, resolued to breake and make a defection; before ey­ther the king could ground his authority, or the people frame themselues to a new obedience: and hauing learned that common causes must be maintained by concord, they sought by assemblyes to establish an association, and to set vp theyr owne principality againe.

To this purpose they created for theyr Prince, Owen Glendor an Esquire of Wales, a factious person, and apt to set vp diuision and strife: and although hee was of no great state in birth; yet was hee great and stately in sto­macke: of an aspiring spirit, and in wit somewhat aboue the ordynarie of that vntrayned people: boulde, craftie, actiue, and as he listed to bend his minde, mischieuous or industrious in equall degree, in desires immoderate, and rashlye aduenturous, in his young yeeres hee was brought vp to the studye of the Common Lawe of the Realme, at London: and when he came to mans estate, besides a naturall fiercenesse and hatred to the English name, hee was particularlye incensed by a priuate suite, for certayne landes in controuersie, betweene the Lord Gray of Ruthen and him; wherein his tytle was ouer­throwen; and being a man by nature not of the myldest, [Page 140] by this prouocation he was made sauadge and rough; deter­mining eyther to repayre or to reuenge his losse, by setting the whole state on fire. Also his expence and liberalitie had been too excessiue for a great man to endure, which brought him to barenesse too base for a meane man to beare: and therefore he must of necessitie doe and dare somewhat, and more daunger there was in soft and quiet dealing, then in hazarding rashlie. Heerewith opportunitie was then like­wise presented: for troublesome times are most fit for great attempts, and some likelyhood there was, whilest the King and the Lordes were hard at variance, that harme might ea­selie be wrought to them both. Vpon these causes his desire was founded, and vppon these troubles his hope. But that his aspiring and ambitious humour might beare some shew of honest meaning, he pretented to his countrymen the re­couerie of theyr free estate, the desire whereof was so natu­rally sweete, that euen wilde Birdes will rather liue hardlye at large in the ayre, then bee daintily dyeted by others in a Cage: and opportunitie was at that time fitlie offered, or else neuer to be expected, to rid them of theyr thraldome, falselie and coulourablie intituled a peace; whilest the one Kings power was waining, and the other not yet fullye wexen, and eyther of them grew weake by wasting the o­ther: neither was there any difference which of them should preuayle, sith the warre touched both alike, insomuch as the ouerthrow would ruine the one, and the victorie the other: So hee exhorted them to take courage and armes: and first to kill all the English within their territories, for libertie and Lordes could not endure together: then to resume their auncient customes and lawes, whereby more then armes, commonwealths are established and enlarged: so should they bee a people vncorrupt, without admi [...]tion of for­reine manners or bloud; and so should they forget serui­tude, and eyther liue at libertie, or else perhaps, bee Lordes [Page 141] ouer other.

Heerevppon many flocked vnto him, the best for loue of libertie, the basest of desire of bootie and spoile, insomuch as in short time hee became commaunder of competent forces to stand openly in the fielde. And being desirous to make some proofe of his prowesse, hee sharply set vppon his ould aduersarie Reignold Lorde Grey of Ruthen, whose possessions he wasted and spoyled, slew many of his men, and tooke himselfe prisoner; yet gaue him faire and friend­lie enterteinment, and promised him releasment, if he would take his daughter to wife. This hee desired, not so much for neede of his abilitie or ayde, as supposing that the name and countenance of a Lorde, would giue reputation to the house that was then but in rising: But the Lorde Greye at the first did not so much refuse as scorne the offer: affirming that he was no warde, to haue his marriage obtruded vppon him. Well (sayde Owen Glendore) although you bee not my warde▪ yet are you in my warde: and the suing of your liue­rie will cost double the marriage money that elsewhere you shall procure. The Lord Grey being not very riche to dis­charge his ransome, and seeing no other meanes of his deli­uerance, at the last accepted the condition, and tooke the damosell to wife; notwithstanding his deceitfull Father in lawe trifled out the time of his enlargement vntyll hee dyed.

The Welshmen being confident vppon this successe, be­gan to breake into the borders of Hereford shire, and to make spoyle and pray of the Countrey: against whom Lord Edmund Mortimer Earle of Marche, who for feare of King Henrie had withdrawne himselfe (as hath been declared) to Wiggmore Castle, assembled all the Gentlemen of the Countrye, and meeting with the Welshmen, they ioyned together a sharpe and cruell conflict: not in forme of a loose skirmish, but standing still and maintaining their place, they [Page 142] endeauoured with maine might to breake and beare downe one another. The courage and resolution of both sides was a like, but the Welshmen were superiour both for number and direction: for they were conducted by one knowne lea­der, who with his presence euery where assisted at neede, en­flaming his Soldiours, some with shame and reproofe, others with praise and encouragement, all with hope and large promises: but the Englishmen had no certaine generall, but many confused commaunders, yea, euery man was a com­maunder to himselfe▪ pressing forward or drawing backe, as his owne courage or feare did mooue him. Insomuch as no doubt they had taken a great blowe that day by theyr ill go­uerned bouldnesse, had not Owen Glendor presently vppon the breaking vp of the field, ceased to pursue the execution, and shewed himselfe more able to get a victorie, then skilfull to vse it. But euen to his side the victorie had cost bloud, and many of those which remayned, were eyther wounded or wearie: the night was neere also, and they were in their enemyes countrie; by which meanes our men had libertie to retire rather then runne away, no man being hoat to fol­low the chase. They lost of their company about a thou­sand men, who sould their liues at such a price, that when manhood had doone the hardest against them, certaine mannish, or rather deuilish women, whose malice is immor­tall, exercised a vaine reuenge vppon their dead bodyes; in cutting off theyr priuie partes and theyr noses, whereof the one they stuffed into theyr mouthes, and pressed the other betweene their buttocks; and would not suffer their mangled carcasses to be committed to the earth, vntill they were redeemed with a great summe of money. By which cruell couetuousnesse, the faction lost reputation and cre­dite with the moderate sorte of their owne people; sus­pecting that it was not libertie but licentiousnesse, which was desired: and that subiection to such vnhumaine [Page 143] mindes would bee more insupportable then anye bon­dage.

In this conflict the Earle of Marche was taken prisoner and fettered with chaines, and cast into a deepe and vile dungeon. The King was solicited by many noble men, to vse some meanes for his deliuerance; but hee would not heare on that eare; hee could rather haue wished him and his two sisters in heauen, for then the onely blemish to his title had beene out of the way: and no man can tell whether this mischaunce did not preserue him from a greater mis­chiefe.

Owen Glendor by the prosperous successe of his actions, was growne now more harde to be dealt with, and hautelie minded, and stood euen vppon termes of equalitie with the King: wherevpon he proceeded further to inuade the Mar­ches of Wales on the West side of Seuerne; where he burnt many villages and townes, slew much people, and returned with great prey, and praises of his adherents. Thus he ceased not this yeere to infest the borderers on euery side, amongst whom he found so weake resistance, that he seemed to exer­cise rather a spoile then a warre. For King Henrie was then detained with his chiefest forces in another more dangerous seruice, which besides these former vexations and hazards, this first yeere of his reigne happened vnto him.

For the Scottes knowing that changes were times most apte for attempt, and vppon aduantage of the absence of all the chiefe English borderers, partly by occasion of the Par­lament, and partlie by reason of the plague which was very grieuous that yeere in the North partes of the realme: they made a roade into the countrey of Northumberland, and there committed great hauocke and harme. Also on a cer­taine night they sodainly set vppon the Castle of Werke, the captain wherof sir Thomas Gray, was then one of the knights of the Parlament: & hauing slaine the watch partly a sleepe, [Page 144] partlye amased with feare, they brake in and surprised the place: which they held a while, and at the last spoyled and ruined and then departed. Whilest further harmes were feared this passed with light regarde. But when great per­rils were past, as if noe woorse misfortune could haue be­fallen, then was it much sorrowed and lamented. And in reuenge thereof, the Englishmen inuaded and spoyled cer­taine Ilandes of Orkney: and so the losse was in some sorte repayred: yet (as in reprisals of warre it commonlye fal­leth out) neyther against those particular persons which committed the harme, nor for those which suffred it: but one for another were both recompenced and reuenged. Againe the Scottes set foorth a fleete, vnder the conduct of Sir Robert Logon, with direction to attempt as occasion should be offered: his first purpose was against our Fisher­men; but before hee came to any action, he was encountred by certaine English ships, and the greatest part of his fleete taken. Thus peace still continuing betweene both the realmes, a kinde of theeuish hostilitie was dayly practised, which afterwardes brake out into open warre vppon this occasion.

George of Dunbarre Earle of the Marches of Scotland, had betrothed Elisabeth his daughter to Dauid, the sonne and heyre apparant of Robert King of Scottes, and in regardc of that marriage to bee shortlie celebrated and finished, hee deliuered into the Kings hands a great summe of money for his Daughters dowrie. But Archibalde Earle Dow­glasse disdayning that the Earle of Marches bloud should be preferred before his, so wrought with King Robert, that Prince Dauid his sonne refused the Earle of Marches Daughter, and tooke to wife Mariell Daughter to the Earle Dowglasse: Earle George not vsed to offers of dis­grace, could hardlye enforce his pacience to endure this scorne: and first hee demaunded restitution of his money, [Page 145] not so much for care to obteyne as for desire to pieke an oc­casion of breaking his alleageance. The King would make to him neyther payment nor promise, but trifled him off with many [...] and vaire delayes▪ Whcrevppon hee fled with all his; familie into England to [...] earle of Northumberland, intending with open disloyaltie both to reuenge his indignitie, and recouer his losse. The English­men with open armes enterteyned the opportunitie; with whose helpe and assistance the Earle made diuerse incursi­ons into Scotland, where he burnt many [...], and [...] much people and daylye purchased with his sworde▪ great aboundance of [...] and spolle.

Heerevppon King Robert depriued the Earle of his ho­nour, seazed all his goods and possessions, and wrote vnto King Henry, as hee would haue the much betweene them any longer to continue; eyther to deliuer vnto him the Earle of Marche and other [...]aytours to his person and state or else to banish them the realm of England▪ King Henrye perceiuing such iarres to iogger betweene the two realmes, that the peace was already as it were out of ioynts, determi­ned not to loose the benefit of the discontented subiects of his enemie: wherevppon hee returned aunswer to the He­ralde of Scotland, that hee was neyther wearie of, peace not fearefull of warres, and ready as occasion should change, ey­ther to holde me one, or hazard the other▪ but the worde of a Prince was of great weight; and therefore sithe hee had graunted a safe conduct to the Earle of Marche and his companie, it were an impeachment to his honour, without iust cause to violate the same. Vppon this answere the King of Scottes did presently proclaime open warre against the King of England, with bloud, fire, and sworde.

King Henry thought it policie, rather to begin the warre in his enemies countrie, then to expect it in his owne: be­cause the land which is the [...] of the warre, dooth com­monly [Page 146] furnish both sides with necessarie supply; the friend by contribution, and the enemie by spoyle. Therefore sen­ding certaine troopes of horsemen before him, both to espie and to induce an vncertaine terrour vppon the enemie, hee entred into Scotland with a puissant armie; wherewith hee burnt many Villages and Townes, cast downe diuerse Ca­stles, and ruined a great part of the Townes of Edenborough and Lith, sparing nothing but Churches and religious hou­ses: so that in all places as he passed, the spectacle was ouglie and grislie which hee left behind him; bodyes torne in pee­ces, mangled and putrified limmes, the ayre infected with stincke, the ground imbrued with corruption and bloud, the countrie wasted, the Grasse and Corne troden downe and spoyled; insomuch as a man would haue sayde that warre is an exercise not of manhood, but of inhumanitie. They that fledde before the armie, filled all places with feare and terrour, extolling aboue truthe the English fore­ces, to deminish thereby their shame in running from them.

In the end of September the King besieged the Castle of Maydens in Edenborough; wherein were Dauid Duke of Rothsaye Prince of the realme, and Archibald [...] Earle Dowglasle; the inconstancie of the one, and ambition of the other, were principall causes of all this warre.

During this siege, Robert Duke of Albonye, who was appointed gouernour of the Realme, because the King was sicke and vnable to rule, sent an Herauld vnto Hen­rie; assuring him vppon his honour, that if hee would abyde but sixe dayes at the most, hee would giue him battaile; and eyther remooue the siege, or loose his life.

The King was well pleased with these tidings, and re­warded the Herauld with a gowne of silke and a chaine of gould, and promised him in the worde of a Prince, to abide [Page 147] there and expect the gouernour, during the tyme by him prefixed.

The sixe dayes passed, almoste sixe tymes ouer and no more newes was heard of the Gouernour, eyther by presence or by messenger. Winter came on, and victuaile fayled, the Country was colde and fruitelesse, and it rayned euery day in great aboundance: so that partly by hunger, partlye by distemperature of the wea­ther, the Soldiers began to dye of the Flixe; it is verie like that these accidentes stayed the Gouernour from performing his promise, for pollicy was against it, to ha­zard his men in the fielde, when winter and want, two forceable foes, had giuen the charge vpon his enemyes: certaine it is, that they mooued the King to remooue his fiege, and to depart out of Scotland, without any battaile or skirmish offred.

Both the Wardens of the Marches were all this time in Scotland with the King: vpon which aduantage the Scots did breake into Northumberland, and burnt certaine townes in Bamborough shire. The English men were speedilie vp in armes; but the Scottes more speedily made theyr returne, or else no doubt they had been met with and en­countered.

Agayne when King Henry had discharged his armie, the Scottes beeing desirous not so much of lyfe as of re­uenge, made a sodayne roade into England, vnder the conduct of Sir Thomas Halsbarton of Dirleton, and Sir Patricke Hebburne of Hales: but all the harme which they wrought dyd rather waken then weaken the Eng­lishmen: and they themselues were somewhat encou­raged, but nothing enryched, by that whych they got.

Not long after, Sir Patricke Hebburne, beeing lifted vp in desire and hope, resolued to vndertake a greater [Page 148] enterprise: the people, which are [...] by prospo­rous successe, in great companies resorted to him; but hee was loath to haue more fellowes in the spoyle, then hee thought should neede in the daunger: therefore with a com­petent armie of the men of Loughdeane, he inuaded a Nor­thumberland, where hee made great spoile, and loaded his Souldiours with prisoners and pray. There was no question made what perill might bee in the returne▪ Therefore they marched loosene and [...], as in a place of great se­curitie, not keeping themselues to their ensignes and order: but the Earle of Northumberlands Vice-warden, and order Gentlemen of the borders in good arraye, set vppon them at a towne in Northumberland called [...] ▪ The scottes rallied as well as the soddainnesse did serue, and valliantlie re­ceiued the charge; so that the battaile was sharpe and [...], and continued a good time, with great mortalitie. In the ende the enemyes ranckes grew thinne, as being rather con­fusedly shuffled together, then orderly and firmlie compac­ted: and when the Vice-warden [...] them weake in the shock, and yeelding vnder his hand, with a companie which purposel [...]e reteyned about him for sodaine disp [...]tene [...] and chaunces of warre, he flercely charged and disordered them. Sir Patricke Hebburne being cleane destitute both of coun­saile and courage, ranne vp and downe from one place to another, commaunding many things, and presently forbid­ding them againe; and the lesse of force his directions were, the oftener did hee change them: anone (as it hap­peneth in lost and desperate cases) euerye man became a commaunder, and none a putter in execution: so the ranket loosed and brake, and could not bee reunited, the victor hoatly pursuing the aduantage. Then might you haue [...] a grieuous spectacle, pursuing, killing, wounding and taking, and killing those that were taken, when better were offered: euery where weapons, and dead bodyes, and mangled lim [...], [Page 149] laye scattered: and sometimes in those that were slaine, ap­peared at their death both anger and valure. Sir Patricke Hebburne thought of nothing lesse then eyther fleeing or yeelding, but thrusting among the thickest of his enemyes, honourably ended his life. Many other of his linage, and the flower of all Loughdeane were likewise slaine. There [...] side no great number was slaine; and those of no great seruice and degree. And with these troubles the first yeere of King Henrie the fourth ended. (⸫)