CHAP. I. Of foure renoumed Cities that perished and were subuerted in Spaine.

BEfore they had Emperours in Rome, ei­ther warre was raised in Carthage, ther were in foure prouinces in Spaine, foure right notable cities, which in potencie did matche with Rome, in riches with Tyrus, in beautie with Helia, & in opu­lencie with Tarento. The firste was Numantia: the seconde, Cantabria: the thirde, Ystobriga: the fourth, Italica. Strabo, Isodore, and Pomponio Mela, giue great admiration vnto the readers, of the great power, richesse, and wealth of these foure cities. And on the other part, it is great pitie to consider, that there is nothing of them remayning to beholde. Not without cause it is saide, that nothing remaineth in them to be séene: because notwith­standing the prouince, boundes, and climate is knowen of the foundation thereof: yet we may hardly attaine to name the verie place where it was bu [...]lt. Vnto the citie of Nu­mantia, Soria succéeded: vnto y ^e citie of Cantabria, succéeded Tudela of Nauarre: vnto the citie of Ystobriga, succéeded Merida: vnto the citie of Italica, succéeded Ciuil. The situ­ation of the famous Numantia, as some men affirme, was vpon a certeine hill neare vnto Soria on the other side of the bridge: and as others doe thinke, her foundation stoode in Garray a village of Soria ioyning vnto Duero. The situa­tion of Cantabria, was a league from the citie of the Groine, [Page 14] and on that side of Ebro, vpon a certeine height where nowe are planted many vines. The seate of Ystobriga was, where nowe the ventes of Caparra, being bayting places, stand: and others say, yt was on the hill that standeth betwixt the two riuers Las varcas de Alconeta, yel casare de car­ceres. The situation of Italica was ioyning vnto the citie of Ciuil: and some saye it was vpon the way to Carmona: and that the arches of Carmona were made to furnishe the citie of Italica. O secrete iudgementes of the moste high, or humaine instabilitie, that all these places being viewed personally of my selfe, where these so excellent ci­ties were buylt, I found not so muche as a tower, a wall, a stréete, or a house to beholde: neither so much as a stone al­most to stumble at. We haue great reason to exclaime, and much more hath the discréete reader to wonder: since we vn­derstand that fourtéene yeres Numantia resisted the power of the Romaines: and now we sée it made a pasture for shéepe. We vnderstande that Cantabria was the last thing whiche the Romaines did subdue in Spaine: and nowe there remai­neth but a patche of vineyardes in the same. We certeinly knowe that the greatest strength which king Viriato held in Spaine, was Ystobriga: and nowe there remaineth not but certeine gr [...]ene trées & shrubbes. They which write of the citie of Italica, do saye: that it was the most strong and the most estéemed of all the kingdome of Vandalia: and nowe they gather both wheat and barley in the same. Scipio the Africane destroyed the citie of Numantia, because in y ^e first Punicke battels, they would not helpe the Romaines. Grac­chus a Romaine captaine, subuerted the citie of Ystobriga, because from thence Viriato made him warre. Pompeius hoste destroyed the citie of Italica: for that in the parcialitie of Iulius Caesar they were most faithfull. The Emperour Augustus ouerthrewe the citie of Cantabria, as a man more moued with yre, then directed by reason. The case was thus: that as he had the citie besieged and brought in great distresse, he sent to require of the citizens, to yelde him all their treasure: and giue vnto Rome perpetuall tribute: The Cantabrians considering, what the Emperour de­maunded: [Page 15] aunswered in a letter after this manner.

Emperour Augustus, we pray the immortall Gods to re­ceiue thee into their defence, and that it may please them to examine betwixt thee and vs, who in this warre hath more iustice: and thou knowest, O immortall Prince, that men, although they haue power to take warre in hande, it is not in their handes, but in the Gods to obteine victorie: because we men begin many thinges with malice, the which after­wardes, the Gods do finish by iustice: with thy exceeding potencie it may not be denied, but that thou hast brought this sorrowfull citie into great distresse: in such wise that we haue neither bread to eate, either water to drinke, either skinnes to make garments, or corke to make shooes, neither towers to couer vs: but ioyntly with this, thou hast to vn­derstande, that if wee want armour wherwith to fight: wee lacke not heartes to abide death. It wel appeareth that thou hast made experience of our weake forces, and vnderstan­dest not the greatnesse of our mindes: since thou demaun­dest the treasure of our houses, and the libertie of our per­sons. The mynes that wee haue, be not of Golde to serue thee, but of yron, to breake thy pride. Doth it not seeme to thee, O emperour Augustus, that since you Romaines haue fought foure hundreth yeres in straunge countries to be lordes, it were great reason for vs to fight in our owne hou­ses, to escape bondage? Prosecute thy warres, and do accor­ding to the vse of other captaines of Rome, and care not to threaten vs, and muche lesse to flatter vs: for notwithstan­ding our countrie & houses be thine by force, neuer whiles we haue life shall wee be, but the Gods and our owne.

This aunswer being hearde by the Emperour Augustus, he did sweare by the immortall Gods, to take none of them to mercie, either to leaue in the citie one stone vppon ano­ther. And as he promised, so he accomplished. I would saye in this case, that if it were euill to sweare, it was muche woorse to perfourme the same. Although it be an auncient custome, the worde of a king to be kepte inuiolable: for the good prince ought not to put in effect, that which he hath sworne in his yre.

CHAP. II. Of the countrie and birth of the Emperour Traiane.

PRosecuting our intent, it is to vnderstand that in the dayes when warre was ex­tremely kindled betwixt Iulius Caesar & Pompeius, the Pompeians helde Ysto­briga, which nowe is named Lebrixa: and the Caesarians helde Gades, whiche nowe is named Calize: these two cities did serue to gather their banished; to succour their alies, and their wounded. Before the citie of Italica was destroy­ed by the Pompeians, there did florish two famous knights: the one was named Iulius Coceius, & the other, Rufus Vlpi­us: and these two knightes, were not onely Captaines at armes, but also were chiefe of those two linages, that is to saye, of the Coceians and of the Vlpians. Before that cruell warres entred the citie of Italica, these two linages had al­wayes betwixt them greate contention: but after warres began, they ioyned in great friendship: for that it hapneth many times, that hartes which may not ioyne by loue, do after consent and agree by feare. The citie of Italica being destroyed, these two knightes came to liue at Gades, which nowe is named Calize: the one of them that was named Coceius, was graundfather to the Emperour Nerua: and y ^e other which was named Rufus Vlpius, was great graund­father of the Emperour Traiane, and of the Emperour A­drian by the mothers side. The Emperour Traiane was borne in the citie of Calize the xxi. of Maye, in the seconde yere of the Empire of Nero, Rufus and Catinus being con­suls. In those times there was not in all Europe, so fa­mous, so generous, either yet so profitable a studie, as that of the citie of Calize: because from Africa they repayred to studie: and from Graecia came to learne. And to the ende it shall not séeme a fable, let them reade Plutarche in the life of Traiane, Philon in the booke of Schooles, and Philostrato [Page 17] in the life of Apollonius. In that citie of Calize, vntill the age of xv. Traiane studied the Gréeke toung, the Latine, & Rhetorike. Traiane was high of body, somwhat blacke of face, thinne of haire, thicke of beard, a crooked nose, broade shoulders, large handes, and his eyes, in beholding, amo­rous. Traiane entring the yeares of xvj. left his studie, and did exercise armes: wherin he was no lesse towarde then valiaunt. Traiane was of great swiftnesse on foote, and of great readinesse on horsbacke: in such wise that it is sayde of him, y ^t he was neuer throwne, or had fal frō his horse: or euer was ouerrun on foote. There chaūced a certeine fleete of pyrates to arriue at Calize, the which being many, and taking the citizens at vnwares: the good yong man Trai­ane, did shew him selfe that day so valiaunt in fight, and so venturous in conquest, that to him alone they did attribut the libertie of their countrie, and the glory of the victorie. Amongst the Myrmidons, whiche be they of Merida, and amongst the Ricinians, which be they of Truxillio, there was raised in those dayes a certaine little warre for the pastures of Gaudiano: for that the Myrmidons did say, they had held them time out of mind: they of Truxillio ad­uouched, that they had lost them, and had receiued of them assistance to win them of the enimies. The Myrmidons did craue succour of them of Calize, in respect of their confe­deration: the Gauditaines did accept the embassage of the Myrmidons, as concerning their succour, and when they had chosen Traiane for capteine of their armie: he made answere: ‘The destinies neuer permit, either the gods commaund, that I take a sword to shed the bloud of mine owne countrie: bicause if the one be our friends, truly the other be not our enimies. And said more. Since the warre is not begun, and the cause of their debate may be discussed by iustice, it is my opinion, rather to sende them embassa­dours to bring them friendes: then capteines to attempt wars. Conformable vnto all men, Traianes answere was both giuen and accepted: the which from thence forward, was holden & estéemed for a knight of great valiantnesse: [Page 18] and for a man of great wisedō and iudgement.’ These two vertues goe not alwayes by couples: that is to say, vali­antnesse and wisedome: bycause, there be some men that be doutie to take perils in hād, & be not wise to escape thē.

CHAP. III. Howe Traiane passed out of Spaine being a yong man, to goe into Italie.

IN the second yeare of the Empire of the good Vespasian, great Britaine rebelled which is now named England a­gainst the Romaine Emperour: vnto which warrs Trai­ane repaired, and this he did without charges to the Ro­maines, and for him self to obteine fame accompanied with many others of his countrie: In those warres Drusius Torquatus was capteine for the Romaines: who persua­ding Traiane to take wages of the Romaine people, as all others did inioy in that warres: Traiane answered. The merchaunts that come from thence hither, they repaire to be more rich, but we Gentlemen not to be richer, but more honoured. The fame that Iugurth obteined in the warres of Numantia, that same Traiane obteined in the warres of Britaine: in that the one and the other were knights of straunge countries, and young venturours, and also fortu­nate: bycause for their powers and noble déedes, whiche they atchieued in those warrs: Iugurthe was king of Nu­midia, and the good Traiane came to be Emperor of Rome. That daye whiche Drusius Torquatus entered Rome, triumphing of the Britaines, being accompanied not onely with knightes subdued, but also with knightes and noble­men that had ouercome: all the Romaines did inquire for Traiane to sée him and knowe him, for that his fame was notorious vnto all men, but his person in Rome to verie fewe knowne. And hereof it procéeded in processe of time, when Traiane, and Marius Fabritius, did contend for the Consulship of Germanie: Fabritius taunted Traiane, to be a straunger borne, and disgraced in the feature of his body, vnto whom Traiane made answere: I confesse vnto thee Marius Fabritius, that thy good face was knowne in [Page 19] Rome, before thy euill life: but thou canst not denie, that in Rome they did not knowe mine honest life, before my euill face. At the first when Traiane came to Rome, Titus, sonne to Vespasian the Emperour, placed him Pretour of ten legions: and sent him to the frontiers of Illyria: where he remained all the life of Titus. The Romaine legions did not a little murmur to haue Traiane for their capteine: affirming that in age he was a childe, & in nation a straun­ger: but after when they found him so valiant in fighting, & so wise in gouernment, they loued him as a father, & o­beyed him as a captein. And as in winter Traiane wāted victuals, for that he had taken truce with the Barbarians: a certaine gentleman sayd vnto him: it is not conuenient thou shouldest be so sad, or that we shoulde suffer so great penurie: take in good part, that by dissimulation we break the truce, by which meane we shal prouide for our selues, and our cattel. The good Traiane answered: I am not only grieued with that thou speakest, but also despited with y ^t y ^u presumest to say: for those matters which we set downe by promise, we haue not so great cause to obserue our fide­litie made vnto men: as for that we haue sworne by y ^e im­mortal Gods. And y ^e Emperour Titus being dead, his bro­ther Domitian did succéede him in the Empire: which whē Traiane vnderstood, presently he left the charge of frontier capteinship of Illyria. The emperour Domitian was not a little grieued, & the whole armie, as also all the Senate, y ^e Traiane had forsakē y ^e frontiers of Illyria: for that in mat­ters of warre he had great experience, & no lesse fortune. The Romaines did vse great vigilancie, in séeking and con­seruing fortunate capteines: with whom they did dissem­ble & suffer more defections, then with al other persons: and this they did, bicause there be many capteines, that if" they be expert in armes, they be moste vnfortunate in the" execution thereof.

Traiane remaining in Rome, without all disposition to take charge of an armie: y ^e emperour Domitian sayd vnto him: tell me Traiane, it it doutful that my empire is lesse [Page 20] then that which my father Vespasian helde? or that I am more ingrate then my brother Titus was? that for them thou shouldest euerie day aduenture thy life, and for my seruice thou dainest to take a launce in hande? Traiane did answere him: I confesse that thy power is as great as thy fathers, and thy knowledge no lesse then thy brothers: but ioyntly with this, thou arte verie souden in thy com­maundements, and very swift in the execution thereof: and it may be, that hauing charge of thy armies, I might be commaunded to doe some thing: the accomplishment whereof, might stand muche against all bountie: and not perfourming the same, I should breake the oth of fidelitie, that I haue made vnto thée.

CHAP. IIII. Of the friendship and parentage that Traiane had with the Emperour Nerua.

IN those dayes there was a certaine Consul named Ner­ua Coceius, banished out of Rome by the Emperour Do­mitian, a man in yeares very auncient, and in all that he eyther sayde, or did, of great credite. As Traiane was at that time in the disgrace of the Emperour Domitian, frō Rome he departed vnto Nola, a certain place where Nerua was in Campania: bycause It is a thing very common vnto a man afflicted, to seeke the companie of an other in like trouble. These two right excellent men, whiche is to say, Nerua and Traiane, remained there long time in Campania, poore, banished, persecuted, & out of fauour: abyding the time when Domitian shuld send to kill thē, or when they should heare that he were dead: bicause if they desired his death, no lesse did he séeke occasiō to take away their liues. Traiane, for that he was young, helde Nerua who was olde in great veneration: and Nerua did beare so great affectiō vnto Traiane, that he did loue him & vse him as his sonne: for that Traiane besides his sufficiēcie & able­nesse for all causes, was in his conuersation most amorous. Nerua and Traiane remaining in that banishment, found [Page 21] themselues of neare kinred and affinitie: that is to say, of one countrie, which was Spaine, of one place, which was Italica, and that the one discended of the Coceians, and the other of the Vlpians, two famous and auncient linages: of whome we haue aboue made mention. When Traia­ane passed into Italie, he found no other parētage, but Ner­ua and Vlpius Ricinius his vnckle: which was two times Consul in Rome. Some say that this Vlpius Ricinius, was father vnto Traiane: but the truth is, that he was but his vnckle: for Plutarche in an Epistle that he wri­teth vnto Traiane, sayth: The good newes in Rome being knowne, howe thou hast ouercome king Decebal, which did tyrannize this lande: so great was the ioy which the people did receiue, that as thy fathers bones be in Spaine, they had bene here in Italie: they would do no lesse ho­nour vnto them in the sepulchre, then they shall yealde vnto thee on that day, when thou shalt enter triumphing into Rome. And for that Nerua was so auncient and so honourable, and Traiane so valiaunt and so wel liked, ma­ny Romaines did come and goe betwéene Rome and Cam­pania to sée them: and this was done more secretely then publikely, bycause the Emperour Domitian was verie suspicious: being most true, Verie fewe dare serue or followe such as princes do hate. Amongest all other that went frō Rome vnto Campania to sée these two knights, was the great Philosopher Plutarche: who with Traiane, and Traiane with him, did plante so perfect and sounde friendship, that onely death was able to giue ende to the same. And as Plutarche sawe suche abilitie and will in Traiane to learne, & ioyntly with this there was no wars wherein to be exercised, he was so drunken with learning, that he did abhorre armes: vppon which occasion Nerua saide in iest: By my counsel thou shalt leaue bookes, and returne to armes, since thou haste better handes to fight, then a tong to dispute: for that it is not iust thou shoul­dest cease to be singular amongest capteines, to be indiffe­rent among Philosophers. Traiane remayning there in [Page 22] Campania, did marrie with Plotina, which was his onely wife: and is sayde only, for that before nor after did euer marrie other: the which vertue vntil his time was found in no Romaine prince: for that by growing olde or misli­king of the one, presently they did take another. And as on a day certaine Romaines practised by secrete deuice to kil the Emperour Domitian: and in great secrecie, gaue part therof vnto Traiane, did answere: I do well sée that Do­mitian deserued not to be elected Emperour, & much lesse deserueth to be sustained in the same: yet neuer the more shal I consent vnto his death: for that I will rather suffer a tyraunt, then recouer the renowne of a traitour. Many Romaines on a time murmuring of the insolencies of the Emperour Domitian, Traiane sayde vnto them: The in­tention wherwith Domitian hath intreated me, the Gods haue to iudge: for of his works which he hath done, I may not complaine, since he hath bene the occasion ‘that I haue recouered Nerua for my father, Plutarche for my maister, & Plotina for my wife, and aboue al the rest, he brought me acquainted with aduerse Fortune: for that afore I presu­med of nothing but to commaund: but now only to serue.’ A yeare before Domitian died, or to say better, before they had slaine him, he went to the wars in Germanie: and in that yeare Traiane was elected Consul, in the Senate of Rome. It was no smal griefe vnto Traiane to accept that Consulship: not for that he liked not to be lincked with the friendship of honour: but for the griefe whiche he felt to leaue the companie of Nerua.

CHAP. V. Howe Nerua was made Emperour, and adopted Traiane his sonne.

[Page 23]THe Romains not able to indure the iniuries and tyran­nies of Domitian, determined to kil him, the which out of hande they did perfourme: the xiiii. of October, in the fourtie fifte yeare of his age, when he had reigned xv. yeares. In many a day the Romaine people had nor recei­ued so ioyful newes, as y ^e newes of the death of Domitian: in such maner, that they gaue rich rewards vnto currers & postes that brought the same, and made great ioy in the countries where they passed: for that they did as muche desire his death, as they did abhorre his life. Petronius cap­teine of the guard, and Partenius his chamberleine, were the men that practised the death, and also violated the life of Domitian: and they them selues gaue order, that Ner­ua presently should be elected Emperour. The Romaines did so extremely hate Domitian, that not contented to sée him deade, & to hale his bodie péecemeale trayling through the streates of Rome, al his pictures and counterfets they did spoyle and take away, all his arches and titles they did raze out, all his edifices whiche he had built they ouer­threwe, all writings which he had firmed they burnt, and all that were named Domitians were banished, in suche wise, that they could neyther indure to sée him aliue, nei­ther heare him named after his death. The day after the death of Domitian, Nerua Coceius was declared Empe­rour: and of his election all the Romaine people were much pleased: the one cause, for that he was so vertuous, and the other, bicause he was an enimie vnto Domitian. Presently that Nerua was elected Emperour, presently he sent Traiane as Pretour into Germanie, to the end he should take into his power, the legions and gouernement of that prouince: on the one parte, for that Traiane was liked, and muche desired of all the men of warre: and the other for that Calphurinus capteine vnto Domitian was holden somewhat suspected.

Amongest other euill conditions wherewith the Em­perour Domitian was possessed, was: that all thinges which séemed vnto him good, riche, or faire, he dyd much [Page 24] praise it, and therof they had to consider for most certaine, that all whiche he praised, fréely they had to present the same: for if otherwise, incontinently he tooke it by force.

Of these like things Nerua found in his palace, much goods of other mens: whiche by publike proclamation were all restored vnto the owners: In suche wise, that this good prince wold not only not take frō other men, but also make restitution of y ^t which by his predecessours had bin robbed. When Nerua was elected Emperour, he was excéeding olde, and of infirmities much persecuted: for in him there was nothing sound but his toung wherewith he did talke, and his good iudgement wherewith he did gouerne. The Romaines beholding Nerua so olde, and sickly, complay­ning that he coulde not sléepe, and that for weaknesse of stomach, he durst eate but of verie fewe things: they helde it for most certaine, that his life was verie short, and with this motion they beganne to holde him in smal estimation. Considered by Nerua, that he had not long to liue, and that the Romaines did not estéeme him: he remembred to adopt Traiane as his sonne, and to accept him for companion in the Empire: and so it came to passe, that presently he sent him the imperiall ensigne, which was a certaine manner of cape with a hoode, and with the same he wrote him a letter, wherein were written no other wordes but these: Phoebe tuis telis, lachrimas vlciscere nostras. As if he shuld say: Noble Traiane, thou shalt haue charge with thy ven­turous armes to reuenge my sorrowfull teares. For the disobedience which the Romaines committed against his commaundements, and the want of reuerence they helde of his person, Nerua of Traiane craued that reuengement, bycause it is a thing much vsed amongest men persecuted & afflicted, that the iniuries which they may not reuenge with their handes, they bewaile with their eyes. In the time that this did passe, Traiane was in Almane, in the ci­tie of Agrippina, which nowe is called Coleine, and the night before that he receiued the imperiall ensigne, and the letter from the Emperour Nerua, he dreamed that he [Page 25] was inuested with a purple garment, and a ring put on his right hand, and crowned with a certaine crowne. On­ly thrée monethes and fiue dayes did passe after Traiane was elected Emperour, vnto the death of Nerua: who dy­ed in the age an hundred tenne yeares, ten monethes, and tenne dayes.

THE VI. CHAP. Of the lawes that Traiane made, to the pro­fite of the common wealth.

AT the instant in which Traiane vnderstoode, that the Emperour Nerua was deade, he departed vnto Rome: where at his comming he did celebrate the obsequies of his Lorde and friend Nerua: and they were suche and so riche, that it séemed rather feastes for the liuing, then ho­nours for the dead: bycause there was nothing in them y ^t moued sadnesse, but to sée Traiane goe verie sad. The first thing that Traiane sayd, promised, & sware in the Senate, was: that no man that was good and peaceable, by his cō ­maundement or consent, should be put to death: which he obserued, al y ^e daies of his Empire. After this he cōmanded Emilia to be sent for, which was captaine of the Pretorian armies: whom he commaunded to be discharged of his of­fice, and to be banished the Empire: the one cause, for that he had disobeyed the emperour Nerua: and the other cause, for that he had imbezeled the payes of the men of warre. He commaunded publike proclamation to be made, that all men that had iust cause to complaine of the Consuls, of the Senatours, of the Iudges, or other officers of Rome, that they shoulde come foorth and declare: for that he wi­shed satisfaction vnto the one, and correction vnto the o­ther. Personally Traiane did visite all offices of Rome: which is to vnderstande, where they solde breade, where they weighed flesh, where they measured wine, where the merchaunts dwelt, where straungers did lodge, and so of al [Page 26] other offices: among which, he allowed all that was good, and gaue reformation vnto all that was euill. He forbad the vse of shops or tauernes in Rome, that is to saye: that they should not sell bread, wine, and fleshe drest in one house: affirming, that prepared vices, is the occasion to make many vicious. ‘He commaunded all the neighbours of Rome to be registred: and there was found 285000 hou­ses of married men, and 42000 young men to be married, 7000 priestes of the temples, 32000 common women, 12000 houses de mesones, and 65000 straunger factours.’ He forbad any poore man to goe from doore to doore, but that all which were impotent, should be succoured of the common treasure: and vnto such as could traueile, they gaue them whereon to worke from the Senate. He com­maunded all Iuglars and Iesters to learne some occupa­tion, and to mainteine them selues in their owne houses: and otherwise to be banished Rome. Traiane commaun­ded reformation in all estates, and caused examination to be taken of al students: and they were more without com­parison that were banished for vnable and vicious, then re­mained for learned and vertuous. For that in Rome there were people of many straunge countries, ioyntly there­with so many women, of which many did perishe in child­bed: and many children died for want of place to bréede them: For which purpose the good Traiane did cause to be buylt a famous house in the mount Celius, and indued the same very well with his owne patrimonie: where all wo­men that woulde, were kepte and brought abedde by the space of two monethes: and that all the children vntill the age of foure yeres were there brought vp and nourished. Traiane consented not, that in all the yere they should ob­serue in Rome but xxii. holydayes: saying, that without comparison, the Gods were more serued on such dayes as the Romaines did traueile, then on such dayes as they re­sted: because the vices were more which they did commit, then the sacrifices which they did offer. Traiane did mo­derate the sacrifices that were offered vnto the Gods, that [Page 27] is to say, neither to haue so many, nor yet so sumptuous: saying, that the Gods would rather we should amend our liues, then offer our goods. ‘Vnto the priestes of the tem­ple he commaunded to be giuen oyle, vnto the vestall vir­gins wheate, vnto the olde horsemen cloth for garments, vnto the poore wood to burne, vnto Embassadours wine to drinke: for that all these things were not onely in Rome verie deare to be bought: but also not at all times to be had for money.’

CHAP. VII. ¶Of the noble and notable vertues that were in Traiane.

THE yere that Traiane came to Rome to be Empe­rour, he was of xlii. yeres, in which age, he had in all thinges such successe, and did vse such moderation, that neither by his youth did hazarde the attempt of any foolish déed: either by slouthfulnesse of old age, did leaue any thing euil prouided. Traiane was a Prince, in whose wordes & workes enuie was neuer knowne: and as on a certeine time the Philosopher Plutarche did commend him for the same, Traiane saide vnto him: ‘ Plutarche, I giue thée to vnderstand, that of pure pride, I am not enuious: for that alwayes I thought my selfe happie, to enterprise suche, so greate, and so notable déedes, that all men should en­uie mée for the thinges I should take in hand: and my selfe to mislike no man for any his noble attempts. Traiane was not malitious, either suspicious, although by nature he were of sharpe iudgement: which hapeneth in few per­sons, for y ^e commonly, men of sharpe iudgement, be not alwayes of sound condition.’ And as great affaires natu­rally bring with them great thoughtes and displeasures: although vnto Traiane they gaue some griefe, he was ne­uer séene of man to be angry, because olde wisedome had more Lordship in him, then soudeine yre. Althoughe Traiane hadde manye that did wishe him euill, and [Page 28] procure him euill: some for malice, some for enuie, and some bycause he did chastice them. He was neuer found that vtterly did séeke his destruction: but that in chasti­sing the quareller and vicious, they more commended him for his clemencie, then complained or murmured for their griefe and punishment Although Traiane were not much learned, he was moste truely a greate friende vnto learned men: whome he did promote vnto honours and to estates, and did much ioy to holde them for his friendes: in suche wise, that in his house and court, a learned man was neuer séene in necessitie. Traiane did much desire to vnderstande the ambitions of Rome, and disorders of his house: but ioyntly therewith he woulde not be aduertised by the manner of murmuring, but rather by the way of aduice. Traiane was a great enimie of liers, & no lesse of detractours: for which cause they say, y ^t many times he sayd: It is more safe vnto princes, to haue patiēce to heare their own errours, then to giue eare vnto such as reporte other mens defections: and sayde more. That of necessitie the Prince must haue bloudie hands, that giueth eare to mur­murers. Traiane wāted y ^e general vice which vsually reig­neth in all men, which is couetousnesse, wherof he was not either accused or noted: but rather of great bountie & lar­ges, he was of all nations well liked & commended, bicause they were infinite that did praise him, for that which they had receiued, and no man did complaine for that which he had taken. Traiane naturally did delight in warres, and after they were begunne, verie diligent in prosecuting, and most constant in finishing the same. Albeit he was giuē vn­to warres, yet therfore he ceased not to procure by al mea­nes to conserue peace: for as he said, The Gods neuer per­mitted that any should be ouercome in the wars, but such as be enimies vnto peace. Traiane was verie moderate in the ordinarie expēces of his house: & ioyntly with this, most liberall in causes of war: and most certainly in the same he shewed him self to be a prince skilful, prouident & wise: for as Plato sayde, If the expences of the common wealth [Page 29] be not moderated, afterwardes ye shall not faile, to want wherewith to withstand the enimies.

CHAP. VIII. ¶Of the proude and stately buildinges which Traiane made.

TRaiane made in Rome many & very notable buyldings: it is to vnderstande, a great and sumptuous market place, and all the things that were in the compasse thereof. He made a paued calsey, being a broad high waye that la­sted two leagues and halfe, whereon they might come & go in Summer without dust, and in Winter without mire. He made a temple vnto the God Apollo, another vnto the god Mars, another vnto the god Iupiter, another vnto the god Esculapius, another vnto the goddesse Ceres, another vnto the goddesse Bellona, another vnto the mo­ther Berecyntha, whome the Romaines named the mo­ther of all the Gods. He repaired the decayed walles, he made tenne paire of milles vppon barkes on the riuer of Tyber, in which he commaunded that the priestes, the vestall virgins, and the olde knightes shoulde first grinde and be serued. He did repaire and inlarge the colledge, and placed gates, porters, and watchemen, and many coun­terfetes and pictures of golde and siluer: and did vse for custome as oft as he came thither, to be the first that en­tred, and the last that went foorth. He buylt in all stréetes in Rome publique purging places, and commanded vpon great & grieuous penalties, that no man should be so har­die to defile the streates, or other open places: in such ma­ner, that all the dayes of Traiane, Rome did not séeme, but as a hall cleane swept. In the fourth region ioyning vnto the temple of Serapis, Traiane did buyld most sump­tuous baynes, much larger then those which Titus made, and much richer then those which Tyberius buylt. Also Traiane buylt an hundred houses large and strong, wher­in [Page 30] to kill and sell their béefe and mutton. In the gardeines of Vulcane, Traiane did buyld an house of pleasure, and made therein a certein fishepoole for delight: but it is not found or recorded, that he did either eate or sléepe in the same. Neare vnto the houses of the Fabians, he brought from farre a founteine, in the compasse whereof he erec­ted a stately house, naming it the place of Datia, Traiane naturally, was a friend not onely of buylding, but also to beholde buyldinges and worke men: whiche is most cer­teinly knowen, in that he made a lawe: that all such men as should raise any newe buyldinges in Rome, the thirde parte of the charges shoulde be paide from the common treasure. It was a marueilous matter, that in all these & many other buyldings which Traiane made in Rome, he vsed no other mennes money, he constrained no man to trauaile by force, he deferred no man of payement, for he saide and helde opinion, that it were more ho­nest and also more sure vnto Princes, to dwell in poore lodginges: then of other mennes sweat to make riche houses.

CHAP. IX. ¶Of some vices whereof Traiane was noted.

TRaiane wanted not some humaine infirmities, where­in men at times do fall: for, if with reason he were prai­sed for many thinges: not without occasion ‘in some cau­ses he was iustly discommended. Vntill this daye there hath béene no Prince in whome all vertues did concurre, either in whome all vices were founde: bycause, there is no man such an outcast, in whome there is not to be found somewhat to be praised: either any man of life so refor­med, that in him there is not somewhat to be amended.’ [Page 31] Traiane naturally was proude and ambitious of honour: and after a manner he did delight, that in open place they should erecte vnto him pictures and counterfetes of golde, and that his fame might be spreade throughout the world. In all his erected buyldinges he placed the titles of his triumphes, and persuaded the Oratours to compounde many méetres to his praise, whiche he made to be grauen in stone in the hyest front of his buyldinges. In the vice of the fleshe, Traiane was not a little fleshly: and yet in this case it is moste true, that he neuer vsed force to any per­son: but ioyntly therewith, being moste diligent in per­suasion, and verie liberall in giuing: he fixed his amo­rous affection vppon no person, that he inioyed not. In his garmentes, and in the manner of the fashion and wea­ring thereof, Traiane was most curious and costly: by­cause there was no daye, that either of Golde, siluer, or silke, he did not on his person vse some chaunge.

As we haue saide, Traiane was a Prince both wise, and of sharpe and readie iudgement: but ioyntly there­with, muche affectionate vnto his owne opinion: where­of cares many times did followe and persecute him: by­cause, there is not, hath beene, or shalbe Prince in this worlde, so wise, that necessitie constraineth not, at times, to chaunge counsell.

Traiane was a verie friende vnto wise men, but he him selfe was not muche learned: whereof béeing repro­ued by his friende and Philosopher Plutarche: Traiane saide vnto him: the Gods haue not created mee to turne ouer bookes, but to deale with armour. When Traiane had vacant time from warres, he did muche delight to take his pleasure in vaine thinges, wherein he consu­med many nightes and dayes, and of this vice he was not a little noted, and also accused: and doubtlesse not without great cause: for that Princes which presume to bee good Princes, in suche wise ought to take their pa­stime, that they seeme not to lose their time. Notwith­standing that Traiane deliuered Rome of manye vices, [Page 32] and banished from thence many that were vicious: he was noted and also blamed, that he defended and susteined the swoorde players, who were men ydle and seditious, and this he did, because in his youth they had béene his frends, and delighted in them: wherin he had leste reason, for that It is not iust, that Princes take suche recreation for their persons, as tendeth to the preiudice of the comon wealth. Traiane was verie moderate in féeding, but ioyntly ther­with, not ouer sober in drinking: for that to obteine good wine, he was somewhat curious and carefull, and in the drinking thereof, not verie temperate. Notwithstanding, that sometimes he dranke somewhat more then was con­uenient for the health of his bodie, and to the authoritie of his person: yet, at that time, neuer man sawe him com­mitt or procure any vile déede.

CHAP. X. ¶Of the first warres that Traiane had against the Datians.

IN the xliiij. yere of his age, and in the second of his Em­pire, Traiane receiued newes, that Decebal king of Datia, which in these dayes is named Denmarke, rebel­led against the Romaine Empire: the which newes gaue no small skandal and offence vnto the Senate: for that on the one part naturally they were a nation very war­like: and on the other parte, for that king Decebal was a prince of great vnquietnesse, and also of a minde deter­mined. For that the Emperour Domitian was a great­ter friend vnto vices, then an enimie vnto enimies: in all his reigne, king Decebal did neuer yeald obedience vnto the Romaine Empire: whereby the Datians had recoue­red great boldnesse, and the Romaines lost their credite.

Traiane, in his owne person determined to go in those warres: for which purpose he made choice of a verie small armie, and yet of much strength: for he helde opinion, [Page 33] that, as no other meates should be brought vnto the ta­ble, then are to be eaten: so they ought not to leade vnto the warres, but such as must fight: and saide further: by experience I haue proued, as well in eating, as in figh­ting, that many meates at table be lothesome: and in the warres many men be troublesome. King Decebal béeing aduertised, that Traiane remoued from Rome to make conquest of him and his countrie, determined to marche and encounter with him vppon the waye: and as he pur­posed so he perfourmed: for he helde the Romaines in so small estimation, that he counted it shame to be béeséeged of them. And when the armies were in sight one of ano­ther, the Barbarians being so manye, & the Romaines so fewe: they did not a litle persuade Traiane, to take peace, or to make some honest truce, and without peril to return to Rome. Traiane to this made aunswer: our weakenesse should be great, and with great reason they would blame vs in Rome, if so soudēly we should ceasse to make warre, without first making proofe, to what ende their forces do extende, and also vnderstande what our destinies do con­taine: bycause it may be, that if their power be great, our fortune may be much greater. ‘King Decebal had taken & fortified all the daungerous passages, and broken all brid­ges, barkes, & botes of all the riuers, and had taken & spoi­led all the victuals where the Romaines should passe: and all these thinges were occasions to increase trauaile vnto Traiane, but not of power sufficient to remoue his enter­prise: for that Traiane was of so valliant a minde, that where he sawe fortune most doubtfull, from thence he did hope of victorie moste certeine. Traiane did take & possesse the height of the rockes and mountaines, and thereon with all his armie did trauaile many nights and dayes: & king Decebal did neuer conceiue that Traiane would tra­uaile by those thornie mountaines: for that he thought it impossible for men to trauaile where beastes could not es­cape. King Decebal was constrained to returne vnto the plaine countrie, and to fortifie him selfe in strong cities, & [Page 34] to this ende Traiane did purpose not to fight in mountains that be daungerous, but in fieldes that be plaine: for he saide, that they came not to fight with the mountaines, whiche bred bruite beastes: but to tame cities which su­steine seditious men.’ In very short space Traiane had ta­ken fiue cities, seuen castels, and many prisoners: among which Mirto was taken, being vnckle, tutour, and cap­taine of king Decebal: a man of greate grauitie and of no lesse authoritie. Traiane was so rigorous with them that did resist him and so pitifull vnto such as did yelde them, that some for loue, and others for feare, began secretely to practise throughout the kingdome, totally to yeald them selues vnto Traiane: because they sawe euery day Trai­ans force to increase, and the power of king Decebal to de­cay and growe very weake. Traiane besieging a certeine citie named Myrtha, holding the captaine therof in great distresse, king Decebal forgate not to sende him reliefe & succour of great power: against whome Lucius Metellus, a captaine of Traianes did march and aduaunce him self: who at that instant fought so valiantly and manlike, that he lest not of all the enimies one onely person, that was not either taken or slaine. ‘And as in that battaile manye Romaines were slaine, and many more wounded, lacking clothes to binde vp their woundes, Traiane tare his owne shirt to supply their want in that behalfe.’ Being knowne within the citie, howe their succorour was discomfited, and howe Traiane, to cure his wounded had rent his own shirt, they did feare the victorie, and were amazed at a worke of so great clemencie, and bothe these things were not a litle preiudiciall vnto king Decebal, chiefely for that he was proude and disdainfull: for the good Traiane, if with his engins he ouerthrewe their castels, with y ^e fame of his good woorkes, he did robbe and steale the mindes of his armie.

The citie of Myrtha beeing taken and rendred into the handes of Romaines, presently king Decebal sent Ambassadours vnto Traiane, aduertising that he woulde [Page 35] become subiect vnto the Romaine Empire: vppon suche condition, that the thinges whereon they should capitu­late, were reasonable, and suche thinges as they shoulde commaunde to be perfourmable: for otherwise, he and his were determined rather to dye with libertie, then to liue in bondage. The conditions that Traiane sent to de­maund were these.

That he should leaue all armour, discampe his armie, subuert his castels, yelde his engines, restore that which was robbed, become a friende vnto the friendes, and an enimie vnto the enimies of the Senate, render suche cap­taines as came to his succour, and giue 100000 pesants of golde to paye the armie, and giue one of his sonnes in pledge for suretie of all promises. All these conditions king Decebal was contented to sweare and obserue: ex­cept the rendering of the captaines which came in his fa­uour to succour him: saying that so vile a déede did not a­grée with the clemencie of Traiane to demaunde it: nei­ther vnto his royall fidelitie to graunt it: for that he yel­ded him selfe and his countrey, but to preserue the life of his friendes and alies. King Decebal came vnto the pre­sence of Traiane, and knéeling vpon the grounde, did take off the crowne from his head and kissed the knée and the hand of Traiane: the which lifting him from the grounde and againe placing the crowne vpon his head: saide vnto him: I admitt thee to kisse my knee for the rebellion which thou hast committed, and I gaue thee my hande to kisse for the vassalage whiche thou owest mee: nowe I giue thee place to sitt by mee as a friend: I returne thy crowne vnto thee, as vnto a king: and therefore, learne to vnderstande thy faulte past, and to conserue this present benefite: for otherwise, thou shalt put mee to muche tra­uaile, and thy selfe in great peril.

CHAP. XI. ¶Howe Traiane triumphed of the Datians, and refourmed his common wealth.

MAny castels being furnished, and others ouerthrowen and subuerted, and the armies being paide with king Decebals money: Traiane departed vnto Rome, leading with him the kinges sonne for pledge, and other noble men for Ambassadours: ‘because it was a lawe much vsed and also obserued amongest the Romaines, that it were of no value which was capitulate in the wars, if it were not confirmed in y ^e Senate at Rome.’ The Ambassadours of king Decebal arriued at Rome before the Emperour Traiane: who bareheaded, their armour throwne downe, and their hands ioyned and lifted vp, did humbly beséeche the Senate, that it might please them to pardon kinge Decebal the rebellion which he had committed against them, and to confirme all that which the Emperour Tra­iane had capitulate, bycause for that which had passed, he did repent him, and for time to come did offer amendes. With readie disposition the Romaine senate did approue, allowe, and confirme all actes agréed vppon betwixt Tra­iane and the Datians: and presently commaunded their armour to be restored them, & to walk in y ^e citie at their li­bertie: ‘bycause it was a lawe inuiolable, that the Ambas­sadours whose Princes helde warres with the Romaine people, might weare no kinde of armour, either walke the stréetes at libertie without licence.’ Many and most ex­treme were the feastes wherewith the Romaines did re­ceiue the Emperour Traiane, & very great was the riches y ^t he bestowed in his triumph: & admitting y ^t the Romains did much reioyce to see their Empire riche & in great pow­er: but it did muche more please them to beholde Traiane returned whole, safe, and aliue: for it is incredible, what affection and loue all men did beare him, and the sacrifi­ces beyonde all valure that for him they did offer.

[Page 37]On the daye of his triumph, the sonne of king Decebal was placed in the arche with Traiane, for that he was a verie childe: whome afterwardes he did intreate, not as a prisoner, but as his owne proper sonne. ‘In the conquest of the Datians, and in visiting the Germaines, Traiane was deteyned willingly two yeares: and at his returne vnto Rome, he found not the common wealth in such or­der as he left the same, and thereof is no marueile: for Princes making warre with their enimies, presently the citizens make peace with vices. That day in which Tra­iane entred triumphing into Rome, he that by chaunce was moste noted in those playes and pageantes, and of whome Traiane that day did take moste delight, was a certeine maister of Enterludes named Pilas, who for re­warde of his traueile, did not craue of Traiane but licence to vse his facultie, wherein Traiane did aunswere him: Princes haue to consider that their commaundements be iust: but after commaundement, for no request or seruice they ought to reuoke the same.’ ‘That which I will do for thée, shal be to paye thée yerely out of mine owne treasure, as muche as thou maist gaine by playing in the stréetes of Rome.’

Although Traiane went laden with armour, compas­sed with affaires, occupied in warres, busied in buyldings, importuned with friendes, tyred with enimies, and aboue all, moste studious in amplifying his fame, and to perpe­tuate his memorie: he neuer grewe negligent in good go­uernement of the common wealth. He was no lesse atten­tiue in hearing, either lesse diligent in dispatching base & ciuil affaires, then those cases of great weight in the com­mon wealth. Notwithstanding he were much busied in the affaires of warres, he did neuer the more growe negli­gent in the administration of iustice. All the time that he was remaining in Rome, once or twice a wéeke he did sitt openly to dispatche matters of iustice.

For any motion that good Traiane had to be solitarie in his house, or for any disease whereby he was with­drawne [Page 38] into his chamber, either for any affaires that he [...]ad for the warres, neuer man came to craue iustice, vn­to whome he denied audience. When any person came, much troubled and furious in complaining of some friend or enimie, presently he stopte his eare with one of his fin­gers, saying: that he reserued the same, to heare the accu­sed.

Traiane did neuer sitt to heare and determine mat­ters of iustice, but at the gate of the Emperour Titus, and in the place of Augustus: and being demaunded, why more there, then elsewhere: aunswered, I place my selfe where iust Princes were wont to sitt: because in remem­bring them, I may committ no want of iustice. Traiane being on horsebacke, and vpon the voyage of the seconde warres into Datia, there came a woman and saide vnto him: Emperour Traiane, I am poore, olde, and a widowe: and hauing but one daughter, one of thy housholde ser­uaunts hath rauished her. Traiane aunswered: poore wo­man, be not importune with mée: for I sweare vnto thée, by the immortall Gods, that being returned from the warres, I will do thée iustice: to this the olde woman did replye: and what suretie hast thou Traiane, to returne from the warres: hearing so byting an aunswere, present­ly he lighted on foote and deferred his departure, vntil he perfourmed iustice with the poore olde woman. Traiane helde for custome, when any person did complaine, pre­sently he commaunded it to be written in a booke which he had in his chamber: & this the good Prince did, to the ende to aske accompt of the Iudge to whome he did remitt the same, or else for his own better remembrance for dispatch thereof.

In some thinges, some Princes were equall vnto Traiane, and in some thinges did surmount him, but in rectitude of iustice, there was no prince like him in Rome: for that he did neuer man wrong in iustice, either at any time had affection or passion in giuing sentence. Many times Traiane did vse to say: that for Princes to be Iusti­cers, [Page 39] it were right necessarie to be iust in their owne per­sons: because subiectes and vassals be more easily per­suaded to do that which they sée, then to obey in that which they are commaunded. Traiane was the first that placed patrones in the Senate, that should defend the poore: and the first also that gaue order, that one daye in the wéeke, their causes should be hearde. The Censours or Iudges of Rome, did sit but two houres in the morning, and one at after noone, to heare causes: and Traiane did giue or­der that they should be resident thrée houres before noone, and two houres at after noone, whereof Traiane was much praised, because it was occasion both to cut off suits, and to dispatch suiters. In the dayes of Traiane, none that had charge of Iustice might augment his goods: but in that estate of riches or pouertie, wherein he began to gouerne, in the same he had to conserue him selfe: and in repaymēt of his trauaile, besides the rewardes which the Prince did giue him, his sonnes were married with the goods of the common wealth.

Being knowen vnto Traiane, howe immortall suites were in the Senate: he ordeined that all suites of Italie should continue but one yere, and the suites of straunge countries, but halfe a yere. ‘ Traiane made diuers houses in Rome, where the Censours and Iudges might assem­ble to heare and administer iustice, and also made strong prisones, in such wise, that this good Prince prouided, that the good should be succoured, and the euil chastised.’

CHAP. XII. ¶Of the seconde warres that Traiane had against the Da­tians.

[Page 40]TWentie monethes after that Traiane had ouercome the Datians, the sonne of king Decebal died in Rome, whoe remained there as pledge, for that which his father had sworne and promised: and Traiane was no lesse gre­ued with the death of that childe, then if it had béene his owne proper sonne and heire. The day that king Decebals sonne was dead, they saye that Traiane saide: the death of this childe grieueth me not, for that it is a sorrowe to the father, but for breache of promise which he shal committ: for if he haue béene quiet, it was more for y ^e recouering of his sonne, then for obedience vnto the Senate. Not long after this newes came to Traiane, howe king Decebal was rebelled, and to resist the Romaines he repaired the diches, furnished the castels, entred confederacie with his neighbours, renued and recouered victuals, and more and aboue the rest, made warre with the friendes of Ro­maines. The campe of Agius, which was a greate and a populous countrie, being restored by Traiane vnto him from whome it was taken, king Decebal reentred, did take and occupie the same, in suche wise, that all thinges which Traiane had set downe and determined, was despi­sed, and in all that king Decebal had sworne, he was for­sworne. Relation of these thinges béeing made vnto the Senate, king Decebal was pronounced an enimie, to publishe libertie vnto all persones to giue him and make him warre: bycause it was a law amongest the Romaines, that notwithstanding any did mutine or rebell againste the Prince, vntill in Rome he were declared an enimie, they might not make warre either against him or his countrie.

Traiane once more determined in his owne persone to goe to the warres of Datia, neither woulde he take with him any Consul or Captaine that was notable in Rome, saying: that since king Decebal to him onely had broken his worde: to him onely it did apperteine to reuēge the iniurie. King Decebal, howe soeuer he had made expe­rience of the forces of Traiane, he would not as in the [Page 41] former warres abide him in the fielde: but retired into the most strong holdes of his kingdome, to his small profite: for Traiane had sworne before he departed from Rome, to remaine dead in Datia, or bring king Decebal either dead or aliue vnto Rome. Many of the Hunnes which now are named Hūgarians, & many of the Rhenes, which are y ^e peo­ple inhabitant neare vnto y ^e riuer Rhene, were come vnto y ^e succour of king Decebal, al which people, when they vn­derstoode that Traiane came with so great a power, and so determined, they forsooke king Decebal in the plaine field: notwithstanding, would he not forsake his wilful purpose, for that his condition was to beginne his attemptes with great rashnesse, and no lesse stout to prosecute them. King Decebal was then of the age of two and fourtie yeares: a Prince most certainly in body of perfect proportion, gra­tious in conuersation, magnificent in spending, valiaunt in armes, diligent and carefull in the warres, although in the same most vnfortunate: the whiche lost both him and his countrie: bicause little auaileth diligence, where good hap is contrarie. King Decebal was a Prince most vnfor­tunate, to match in contention with Traiane, whoe was a Prince most fortunate: bycause vnto the one, all thinges did happen vnto his owne liking: and to y ^e other, all things contrarie to that he did desire. After fiue monethes y ^t the warre was begun, as y ^e one Prince did increase, & y ^e other decrease: King Decebal retired vnto a certain castel, with the most valiaunt men of his armie: where Traiane did vtter & expend the vtterest of his skill, deuice, & policie, to take him: and king Decebal his greatest force and forti­tude to defend him selfe. By a Decebal counsel on a cer­taine night, they conueyed ouer the wall sixe young men, fayning to be fled, which came vnto Traianes campe, with myndes determined to kill him, eyther with weapō or poi­son. King Decebal had inuented this treason: for that wanting, as he wanted strength: he would profite and prouide for him selfe, by treason and guile. And as Traiane was of a sincere condition, and nothing malicious, had no [Page 42] suspicion of that malice and guile, but rather receiued thē with great pitie, and conferred with them a great parte of the day, inquiring and demaunding them of the armies and conditions of king Decebal: and wherefore he had broken his promise and othe. There wanted not in Trai­anes campe, that could discerne, by their countenance, ge­sture and silence, that those young men were traitours, or else théeues: and one of them being taken and examined, did confesse, that by the counsell and commaundement of king Decebal, they were come to murther Traiane. And as king Decebal was disappointed of this treason and de­uice, and the traitours chastised according to their deme­rites, he determined another deuice: and the case was thus. Vpon a truce he craued to speake with Longinus, a famous capteine and much beloued of Traiane: who be­ing come vpon assurance, was taken and bound. Traiane was not a little offended, when he vnderstoode that Lon­ginus was detained as prisoner, & no lesse displeased with Longinus, that had giuen too muche confidence to the assu­rance of king Decebal: saying, that the person which is a promise breaker with men, and periured vnto the Gods, by no meanes might deserue credite. King Decebal gaue Traiane to vnderstande, that except he might receiue par­don for him selfe and all his knightes, Longinus shoulde continue prisoner: to this Traiane made answere, that if he had taken Longinus in good war, he wold do any thing to giue libertie vnto his person: but since Longinus gaue trust where he ought not vnto his worde, he was bounde to conserue his life: for that good Princes be more bound to mainteine that whiche they promise, then to procure that which they desire. Althoughe Traiane spake these wordes openly, he did geatly trauell to deliuer Longinus, eyther for exchange, or else for money: but Longinus vn­derstanding thereof, dranke poyson, wherof he dyed: & sent word vnto Traiane, y ^t the Gods had neuer to cōmaund, y ^t for the giuing of his life, they shuld capitulate w ^t king De­cebal, any thing y ^t were vile or against honour. This Ro­maine [Page 43] straūge act of Longinus, gaue great admiration vn­to friends and confederats, and did yeald great feare vnto the enimies: bycause he deliuered Traiane of care and thought, and for him selfe obteined perpetuall fame. ‘King Decebal perceiuing the greatest part of his kingdome to be taken and lost, without all hope to recouer the same, ey­ther able to defende that which remained, determined to make slaughter of him selfe, some say with poyson, some affirme that he drowned him selfe in water, other affirme, that he hanged him selfe: finally, he was found dead with­out any wounde: whose head Traiane commaunded to be cut off, and to be sent vnto Rome.’

CHAP. XIII. Of the great buildings that Traiane made in the kingdome of Datia.

THe vnfortunate king Decebal being dead, and all the whole lande in Traianes power, he made it a Prouince: which is to say, he did take away the title of kingdom, and the preeminence of gouernement by Consuls: and gaue order to be gouerned by Pretors, and to be called a Pro­uince. Traiane remoued a greate number of the inha­bitants of Italie in that countrie: but many more he brought out of that countrie, to be placed in Italie: and this he did as a man of great iudgement: bycause in dis­placing the one, he obteined sure possession of the kingdom: and remouing the other, of necessitie they must liue as o­thers did liue in the Romaine Empire. When the cap­teine Longinus dyed, he left a brother yonger of age, but equall in force and valiauntnesse, whome Traiane made Pretour of Datia, and gaue vnto him for euermore the castle where his brother dyed: saying vnto him, of two causes, the one is for thyne owne vertue and valiaunt­nesse, and the other, bycause thy brother Longinus did serue me.

[Page 44] Traiane caused great search to be made for the body of his capteine Longinus: vnto whome he caused to be erected such and so sumptuous a sepulchre, that it was to be dou­ted, whether he would haue giuen him so great riches for seruice if he had liued, as he spent in making that sepul­chre. In all the kingdome of Datia, there was no knight or Gentleman that had any rents, but only the king: where­of the king gaue vnto euerie man as he did serue and de­serue: whereof it followed, that the kingdome being so opulent, the king obteined great riches, welth, and power. Whē Traiane came the second time into Datia, king De­cebal had great riches both of gold & siluer: not only for the great rents which he receiued throughout his kingdome, but that also he exacted of his subiectes great sūmes of mo­ney. ‘King Decebal being doubtfull vnto what destinies he and his kingdome were committed, determined to bu­rie all his treasure in a riuer, which he remoued out of his naturall chanell, and in the greatest depth therof, he made sepulchres of stone to burie his saide treasure: whiche be­ing done, he returned the riuer into his olde chanell, which was named Sargetia: and to the end that no man shoulde discouer this secrete, he commaunded to murder all that were present at the hiding thereof. But to small purpose, for that a fisher, which at that time did fish the riuer, disco­uered the whole matter vnto Traiane: in suche manner, that there is nothing so much hidden, that humaine coue­tousnes doth not discouer.’ Those treasures being brought into Traianes power, he diuided thereof amongest his ar­mies, vnto euerie man according to the merites of his ser­uice: and of his owne share, the first that he commaunded was, to builde a most sumptuous temple vnto the God Iupiter: wherein he left prouided, that for him selfe and the people of Rome, yearely sacrifice to be offered. He re­edified there also the royall house, that is to say, where the kings of Datia did vse to be resident: whiche for the anti­qutie thereof was somewhat decayed, and through conti­nuall warres, not well repayred: a worke most certeinely delec­table [Page 45] to behold, and pleasant to dwell in. He repaired also many decayed bridges and mylles, vpon high wayes he re­nued their broken calseys in all places, he did build newe houses, and reedified others infinite that were burnt. He brake and made plaine many wayes vpon the sharpe moū ­taines, and raysed many newe fortes, and renued the old: finally, you might hardly trauell a league throughout all the kingdome, wherein shoulde not be found some notable worke of Traiane. ‘Not yet all satisfied, he built vpon the riuer of Danubie a bridge of stone, which was so curious in the building, and so costly in the making, that fewe works did match it, but none did passe it. That bridge contained twentie arches in length, and euery piller of one square stone, and the arches were of the height of an hundred and fiftie foote, wrought without cymet, and the distaunce be­twixt the pillers, were a hundred thréescore and two foote: and the breadth of the arches aloft was fortie foote: and a­boue all the rest, the singularitie of the mould and fashion was to be considered, and the richnesse of the stone to be re­garded: bycause the stone was of such glosse, that in iudge­ment it deserued to be set in plate. It séemed incredible to mans iudgement, for a bridge to be made vpon that ri­uer: bicause the streame was broad, déepe, in course very swifte, and aboue all the rest, on no side it might be turned out of his chanell, to the end it might be drie at any time to lay the cymet.’ That building was so extreme, or to say better, so monstrous, that it néeded to make experiēce of al high iudgements and capacities, and the Romaines there to shewe their strengthes, and Traiane there to spend his treasure: bicause in the worke there required great poten­cie, and in the order thereof great industrie: it is verie small that the penne can magnifie, in respect of the won­der which he séeth that beholdeth the same: for the better credite therof, at these dayes the pillers giue a muster vp­on the fierce waters: declaring the pryde of his power, and the riches of the emperour. Traiane would with that edifice giue terrour vnto the liuing, and admiration to his [Page 46] posteritie, to giue manifest argument, that any thing may not be so impossible, eyther so hard, that with mans hand may not be enterprised, and with y ^e riches of Rome might not be finished. The cause that moued Traian to build this costly bridge, so monstrous, was, as they say, to the end the barbarous people on the other side Danubie, might come to fight w ^t the Romaines, although the riuer were ouerflo­wen: and also that the Romaines that remained there, shuld not giue them selues to pleasure and idlenesse, when they considered them selues to be in the eye of the eni­mie. The Emperour Domitian had no suche mynde and valiantnesse: whiche for feare that the barbarous people should come to fight with the Romaine hoast, cōmaunded the arches of that bridge to be ouerthrowne: in such wise, that the one made a bridge to prouoke the enimie to fight, and the other did raze the same for feare of battell.

CHAP. XIIII. Of the seconde entring of Rome by the Emperour Traiane, and the nota­ble thing which he did in the same.

IN finishing the warrs, in giuing order for the Prouince, in diuiding the countries, and in yealding perfection vn­to all his workes and buildings, Traiane was deteined in Datia more then thrée yeares: in which as he after did re­port, great were the trauels and perils wherein he did sée his person, and not small were the expences that he made of his goods. The victories that Traiane had obteined, be­ing knowne vnto the Barbarians that did inhabite the o­ther side of Danubie, the mightie buildings that he had made, the great rewardes that he had giuen, and the cle­mencie that with prisoners he had vsed, sent their ambassa­dours vnto Traiane: who with verie good will did set down with him a perpetual peace & amitie, & bound them [Page 47] selues to kéepe and defend for him the kingdome of Datia. Incredible was the loue that all those nations did beare vnto Traiane, which was well knowne when he departed from that countrie to goe vnto Rome: in that by all cities where he did passe, and by all wayes where he did trauell, so great were the teares and cries vttered by all persons, that it séemed the grounde to tremble. In respect of the great largesse and prowesse that Traiane had perfourmed in those Prouinces, it was no maruell that his departing was so be wailed: bicause with his great benefites, he had won their hearts, and with his great and sumptuous buil­dings he had ennobled his people. Vniuersally of al friends and enimies, neuer prince as Traiane was so much feared in warres, either loued in peace. The cause wherby Trai­ane obteined so great loue, and to be so well liked, and in such especial grace with al men, was, that with his frends he neuer vsed negligence, and also in readinesse and straite reckoning with his enimies: in such wise, that such as stood in his disgrace by his wordes, they had to vnderstand ther­of: but vnto such as did bende to serue him, both in worde and déede he did manifest the same. They were infinite that praised Traiane, in that he had ben pitiful with them, but none did cōplaine y ^t he had found him ingrate. Ennius Priscus, a noble & aunciēt Romaine demaūded of y ^e empe­rour Traiane, by what meanes more then all other Prin­ces past, of all men he had obteined so speciall loue and ly­king: Traiane did answere, for that naturally I delight to pardon such as do offende me, and neuer forget such as do serue me. And truly Traiane saide most truthe: that loue and hatred haue their beginning of thankfulnesse and in­gratitude: bycause there is no enimie so fierce or cruel as he which in time past we held for a friend, being remoued by vnkindnesse. All things as concerning Dati [...]a, being dis­patched, Traiane returned to Rome. If the triumphes of the first warres were great, when king Decebal was o­uercome, muche greater were the triumphes of the second warres, when he was slaine.

[Page 48]The feasts of the triumphes of Datia, endured an hun­dred and twentie dayes: in which were slaine an hundred Lions, and of other wilde beastes an hundred thousande, which is to vnderstande, Deare red and vallo, Tygres, Bulles, Leopards, Wolues, Beares, Vnicornes, Boares, Panthers, Eliphants, Camels, Ounces, and many other such straunge beastes taken & brought from the deserts of Africa, and the great India. The feastes of the triumphe being finished; presently Traiane commaunded to be made great sacrifices vnto the Godds, in remuneration of the great perils frō which they had deliuered him, and for the great triumphs which they had giuen him. He commaun­ded newe temples to be made, one vnto the vnknowne God to the Romaines, another vnto the God Mars, whiche was the God of the Datians. He commaunded greate summes of money to be giuen to the Priestes of the tem­ples: vnto the end they should offer daily sacrifice vnto the Gods, for the health and prosperitie of his kingdomes: and also to repaire & ennoble their temples. At his cōming frō Datia, whē Traiane passed the riuer Rubicon, being detai­ned an whole day for want of passage, imediately vpon his cōming to Rome, he sent money & workemen to make a bridge ouer that riuer: whiche was more profitable, al­though not so sumptuous as the bridge made ouer Danu­bie. In the marishes of Pontaine, Traiane did rayse and make a calsey both long and large of stone, a worke right profitable and necessarie, although not a little costly: for where as afore there was but water and myre, there suc­céeded houses and inhabitants. In those dayes there dyed in Rome, a certaine Physician named Suras Lycinus: in whose death Traiane did vtter great sorrowe, vnto whom he commaunded his picture to be aduaunced in the place, and a riche sepulchre to be erected in the field of Mars. There was in Rome two speciall men learned in letters, and vertuous in manners: whiche were perfect friendes of Traiane, and in the common wealth much estéemed: the one was named Palma, and the other Celsus: vnto these [Page 49] he gaue many and great offices of honour, and in the place did erect vnto them pictures of Alabaster. Traiane made in Rome many and great Libraries: wherein he did place bookes of al sciences, and of all languages, where strangers might reade, and citizens learne. ‘Where so euer Traiane entered, were it within the Empire, or in a straunge king­dome, he was alwayes curious, in causing search for fiue things: that is to say, horses of good race, learned men of good inclination, newe armour, faire women, and auncient bookes. All these things, or which soeuer of them, were neyther lost by any negligence: or left vnbought for any money. In the place named Datia, Traiane erected a cer­taine most highe piller, a worke most certainely being of one stone right stately, and to behold, in breadth and height of great wonder.’ It is not written from whence that pil­ler was brought vnto Traiane, neyther for what intent he did raise the same in that place: but as some doe gesse, he ment vpon the toppe thereof to haue placed his sepul­chre: others sayde, to no other ende, but to perpetuate his memorie.

CHAP. XV. Containing what Traiane did in Sicyl, in Africa, and in Spaine.

TRaiane being soakte with delight in the buildinges of Rome, Rufus Galba Pretour of Africa did aduer­tise, that all Africa was escandalized, by meanes of cruell warres, betwéene the Numidians and the Mauritans. These newes being hearde in the Senate, they say that Traiane sayde. The warre grieueth me, but the occasion to passe into Africa doth muche please me: for that many [Page 50] dayes past I haue desired to sée the famous fieldes of Carthage, where Scipio in so shorte space obteined for him selfe immortall renoune, and Hanibal lost that in one day, whiche he had gotten in sixtéene yeares in Italie. Trai­ane departed from Rome by the waye of Sicyl: where he stayed al the Winter, and to auoyde idlenesse he scarse­ly lefte any place in the whole Islande personally vnuisi­ted, none that were then aliue in Sicyl, might remember to haue séene any Romaine Prince within the same: for whiche cause Traiane founde many thinges to be repay­red in the walles, and muche more to be amended in their customes and manners. Traiane being infourmed, that many straunge shippes did lurke in the hauen of Mecina to spoyle, and many pyrates barkes did haunt and retyre vnto the same, to execute their robberies, in his owne per­son went to the viewe thereof, and at his owne coste com­maunded thrée bulwarkes to be made, at the mouth of the hauen: whiche eyther for want of diligence of the one part, or too muche malice on the other side, the case was thus: that before it coulde be finished, the pyrates had o­uerthrowne it. Amongest the Panormitains, whiche be they of Palermo, and the inhabitaunts of Mecina, of olde time had continued great contention: betwixt whome Traiane not without great trauell, determined & finished all quarelles and debates: and brought to passe, that from thence foorth they continued in great friendshippe. To the ende to perpetuate that peace, and to roote vp all passi­ons and vnkindnesse of that Islande by the rootes: to the principall both of the one and the other, Traiane gaue pen­sions out of his owne house, and daily did cause them to eate at his owne table. In Palermo, Mecina, and Tata­nia, Traiane commaunded seuerall temples to be made: and the Gods to whom those temples should be dedicated, the inhabitaunts to make choice. Traiane renued in Sicyl the kinde and race of good horsses, reedified the decayed walles, melted all counterfet money, erected newe castles, builded stately temples, set peace and established quiet­nesse [Page 51] amongest the mutined cities, & gaue many great re­wardes: although no liberties vnto the people. Traiane being demaūded why he gaue no liberties vnto the Sicy­lians, as he gaue vnto other kingdomes: answered, by­cause seruitude doth conserue them, and libertie destroy them.

The Winter being past, and the Spring come, Trai­ane passed into Africa, and did lande in the hauen, where olde Carthage in time past was situate: & not finding one stone vpon an other, to giue testimonie of the foundation thereof: they say y ^t he sayd. It grieueth me that Carthage so greatly resisted Rome: but it more forethinketh me, that Rome shoulde not be satisfied, but with the totall de­struction thereof. In the place where olde Carthage stoode, Traiane did builde a castle more faire then strong, and e­rected therein two counterfets. the one of Hanibal the Carthaginian, and the other of Scipio the African: but pre­sently vpon his departing from that countrie, the pyrates layde it flat on the earth. Incontinent after Traiane had arriued into Africa, there grewe a generall pestilence throughout the same, for whiche cause he coulde neyther goe to sée that he desired, eyther perfourme that whiche he determined. And as the pestilence grewe so cruel, Traiane was constrained to retyre vnto y ^e port of Bona, which was somwhat more sound: and from thence he sent for the prin­cipals of the Numidians, and also of the Mauritans: who incontinently in presence of Traiane, were made friends, and left and committed into his onely handes all their af­faires. Amongest all the Princes of this worlde, Traiane obteined this excellencie: That neuer man came into his presence, that denied him that, whiche he craued, eyther disobeyed him wherein he commaunded: bycause in his commaundements hee was verie wise, and in requesting verie humble. Traiane thought to haue stayed in Africa, more then two yeares, and yet remained there but foure monethes: and as he sayde afterwardes, that if the pesti­lence had giuen no impediment, he would of him self haue [Page 52] lefte as great memoriall in Africa, as he did in Datia. Traiane tooke sayle at the porte of Bona, and came by the streightes to Cadix, whiche is nowe called Calize, a citie of Spaine: wherein he had béene bred, and from whence being a verie young man he had departed.

Traiane gaue many Priuileges vnto the Gauditains, as vnto his naturall friendes: amongest whiche, two were most notable: namely, that they shoulde be citizens of Rome, and paye no custome or tribute, for any merchan­dize whiche they transported. Traiane did builde in Ca­lize a most sumptuous temple vnto God Genius: whiche the Romaines helde for the God of byrthe. He made also a calsey of stone along the shoare: but it was not all fini­shed, when by the furie of the water it was all destroyed. He intended to repayre the pillers of Hercules, whiche by their great antiquitie were then consumed: and be­ing persuaded by certaine persons to erect others in his owne name, to the ende that in time to come, they might be called the pillers of Traiane, and not of Hercules: he answered: that whiche I ought to doe is, that as Hercu­les came from Graecia vnto Spaine, to obtaine honour: so ought I from Spaine to goe into Graecia to winne fame.

Traiane commaunded the bridge of Alcantara in Spaine to be made, a worke that lasteth to this our age: wherein concurreth statelinesse, subtiltie, cunning, and profite. He made another bridge vpon the riuer Teio, neare vnto Ystobriga, and is the bridge that nowe is bro­ken, at the bankes of Halconeta. Traiane commaunded the way named Publius to be continued, being the waye that nowe is called in Spaine, the Calsey, that goeth from Ciuil vnto Salamanca: and is named the Publian waye, whiche is to say, the waye of Publius: for that the firste that beganne the same, was Publius Fabatus, one of the Consuls that fought with Viriato. That which Traiane made of that calsey, little more or lesse, was from the Ca­sar of Casares, vntil within a league of y ^e vents of Capara, [Page 53] whiche be lodging or bayting places: and so to be vnder­stoode, not bicause the histories do clearely report thereof, but by the pillers which vpon that way be erected: which say in their grauen letters, that they were placed there in the dayes of Traiane. And he that will be curious to goe and sée, (as I many times haue gone to sée and reade, and also to measure:) shal finde within the sayde boundes, the name of no other Prince but of Traiane: and before the Casur which is a towne, neyther after the vents of Capar­ra, which be lodgings, vpon no piller shall they finde Trai­ane written. The cause wherefore the Consul Publius Fabatus did raise that calsey, was to make a diuision be­twixt the Vetical Prouince, which is Andaluzia, and the Prouince of Lusitania, which is Portugal: diuiding from Ciuil to Salamanca, all on the left hand of the calsey in olde time being Lusitania, and all on the right hande Andalu­zia. Betwixt the Proconsul of Betica, and the Proconsul of Lusitania, there did arise great contention, vppon the di­uision of their boundes: wherevpon this large and sump­tuous calsey was erected and perfourmed. Vpon the ri­uer of Gadiana, Traiane commaunded a long bridge to be made, on the middest whereof he built a market place for the merchants of both people, to trade and concurre. This bridge appertaineth to the citie of Merida, which at this day appeareth verie large, and had in the middest thereof a diuision, stretching vppe into the riuer, the hurle of a stone, whiche on both sides came backe vnto the bridge, continued, directed, and sustained by walles, in the com­passe wherof was the place or market. When the Greeks did first giue foundation vnto Merida, they made therein two streates, and the riuer Gadiana betwixt them both, and where Merida nowe standeth, was the stronger, and that on the other side the riuer was more delectable: in suche wise, that they helde the one to retyre vnto in time of warre: and the other to delight in time of peace. As the Consul Publius Fabatus made diuision of Portugal and Andaluzia, the streate on the other side the [Page 54] riuer fell to the Prouince of Lusitania, and the streate which is nowe Merida, fell to the Prouince of Betica, and frō thenceforth there was alwayes betwixt thē great con­tention: in such wise, that they ouerthrew the bridge that stoode in the middst of the citie, and the coyne that in times past had ben currant, they made of no value betwixt them. This good Emperour Traiane, meaning to cut off these so old enimities, made in y ^e midst of the citie, vpon Gadiana the bridge that nowe is: and to remoue all quarels for walking in eache others streates, he made a market place in the midst of the bridge, where they should congregate, talk, and traffike of their merchandize. The prosperitie of Merida continued, vntil the time that the Gothes entered Spaine: whiche holding warre with the Silingues, being in those dayes Lordes of Andaluzia: fortifying them sel­ues in Merida, by the Gothes were there ouercome, and those generous, sumptuous, and auncient buildings, thro­wen flat vpon the earth. ‘In no citie of all Europe, did ioyntly concurre foure buildings, suche as Merida helde: that is to say, a stately college, certaine conduites and ar­ches for conueyaunce of waters, a temple of Diana, and a bridge that contained a great and large market place: which continued in building many yeares, and perished in one day.’

CHAP. XVI. Howe Traiane did passe out of Spaine, into Asia, and the manner that he vsed in the warres.

AFter that Traiane had visited in Spaine the Prouince of Betica, of Lusitania, and the Prouince of Carpenta­nia, he came through the prouince of Tarragona: in which yere in the whole land, there was great scarsitie of bread: wherby Traiane was constrained to shorten his iourney, and to hasten his imbarkage: in such manner, that the pe­stilence draue him out of Africa, and hūger out of Spaine. [Page 55] Traiane departed Spaine, with determination not to stay, vntill his arriuall in Asia, and there to take the way vnto y ^e greater Armenia: would neuer take land in any porte of Italie, but passing like pylgrimes, made no stay, but onely to renue their victuals. All those whiche trauelled with Traiane, were astonied to sée him passe the portes of his kingdomes, as if it had bene the lande of enimies. Traiane had a capteine named Valerius Gracchus: vnto whom the Emperour did beare speciall affection, and did estéeme him as a kinsman: vnto this man they say, that Traiane sayd, in great secrecie. If I had found warres in Sicyl, Africa, or Spaine, as I found in Datia, whereby I might haue ob­teined some victorie, I woulde not haue passed without landing in Italie: but since it is thus come to passe, I sweare by the immortall Gods, to set no foote a land in Italie, vn­til I deserue to enter triumphing into Rome. High & verie high were these wordes, worthy and right worthy to be written in the hearts of Princes: to beholde this Prince that banished him selfe from the delightes of his own pro­per kingdomes, to séeke fame in straunge landes. With great determination Traiane did enterprise y ^e voyage into Armenia, wherin he entered, making cruell war: taking occasion of y ^e king of Armenians, which refused to confesse to haue receiued his kingdome from the Romaines, but of the king of Parthians. Traiane not satisfied to make war vpon the Armenians, but also entered the landes and ter­ritories of the Parthians: bicause in the most principall Prouince of Trapa, he deteined his armie more then thrée monethes. Parthurus king of Parthians, a man of great yeares, beholding the warres offered him by the enimie, determined to present peace vnto Traiane: who being de­manded of his Parthians why he discouered so great feare within his owne kingdome? he made answere. If the wars were but armie against armie, the Parthians woulde not feare the Romaines: but we fight with the Emperor Trai­ane: vnto whome the Gods haue giuen so great fortune, that it farre exceedeth our great power.

[Page 56]Without consuming of many dayes, or imploying of ma­ny armies, the Parthians made peace with Traiane, and the Armenians did yeald them selues as ouercome. From Parthimisires king of Armenians, the kingdome was remoued, and both crowne and kingdome Traiane gaue with his owne handes vnto his sonne: and this he did, by­cause king Parthimisires had sayd: that of the Parthians, and not of the Romaines, he was crowned king: in suche wise, that the good Traiane in remouing the kingdome frō the father, did execute iustice: and in giuing it to the sonne, gaue a shewe of his clemencie. Traiane was not satisfied, that the Parthians shoulde haue peace, and become tribu­taries vnto the Romaines, but that king Parthurus by the handes of Traiane, must be crowned: and so it came to passe, that knéeling vpon his knées, he receiued his crowne, kissed his hande, and consented to pay tribute. Traiane did marche through all those Prouinces and kingdomes, and vnto the kinges that did yeald obedience, benignly he did intreate them, and in their kingdomes did confirme them: and vnto suche as did vse resistaunce, vnto others he gaue their kingdomes, and sent them prisoners vnto Rome. Traiane helde for custome, that in all principall cities of kingdomes or Prouinces: that he had taken by force of armes, he did commaunde to erect a most strong castle, wherevnto his armies did repayre: and a right sumptuous temple, wherein to worshippe the Goddes of Rome. As Traiane did passe and trauell, visite and con­quere all the thrée partes of the world, that is to say, Asia, Africa, and Europa: in all which countries he did trauell to leaue of him selfe immortall fame: the testimonie wher­of maketh it credible, that all the Romaine princes ioyntly haue not erected so many buildings, as Traiane onely did performe. Traiane did leade his armies verie well furni­shed, ordered, corrected, and also in great subiection: & this procéeded, that alwaies in his own person he did accōpany the same, and helde them both paide and rewarded: for as he did vse to say, The hoast that of his owne proper [Page 57] Prince is not visited and paide, is sildome or neuer in sub­iection. When Traiane was in the warres, in his féeding and apparel, he did rather séeme a companion, then an em­perour of Rome: for that sildome he went vnarmed, and many were the dayes wherein he did eate standing. Ha­uing a bodie somewhat drie and of great sinowes, he was moste patient in tedious trauaile of warres: that is to say, in suffering hunger, colde, thirste, wette, snowe, heate, & perils, whiche he refused not as a cowarde, but sought thē out as one of a valiant mind: for y ^t in all hazardes & perils, he neuer saide vnto his captaines, go: but, let vs go: do: but, let vs do: fight: but, let vs fight. He gaue in charge vnto his armies, not to attempt to burne houses, set fire in corne, ouerthrowe milles, or cut downe orchardes: af­firming, that these thinges are to be obteined, but not de­stroyed. Whē Traiane would take any citie, he did not im­ploye his force in any thing more, then to depriue the eni­mies of their waters. In the campes of his enimies, he did cause to be sowen false newes: that is to wite: that if he had victuals, to saye, that he wanted: that if he had mo­ney, to saye, it was spent: that if he had muche people, that they were gone: that if he would shortly giue an as­sault, to saye, that he would departe: and by this meanes he brought his enimies into negligence, while in meane time he did fortifie his armies. Traiane was of greate li­beralitie vnto such as discouered the enimies secretes: and ioyntly therewith, of no lesse prouidence, for the entering of spies within his campes. When he helde warre with any citie or countrye, he did not permitt his souldiers to spoile the borders thereof. for he helde opinion, that smal profit might rise to spoile the poore villages: and greate hurte and offence vnto the armies, by want of victuals. Vnto a captaine that tooke a ploughman, & kilde his two Oxen at the ploughe, Traiane commaunded to be bani­shed with great ignominie, and to giue the ploughman his horse, his armour, and all his wages that was due. For no fault Traiane commaunded any man to be slaine in the [Page 58] warres, but onely him that slept being of the watche, or the captaine that ranne awaye out of the battel, or did ra­uishe any woman. Traiane was so pitifull, that vsually ‘he did pardon all negligences, especially in the warres, ex­cept two faultes which he did neuer remitt, that is to say, such as blasphemed the Gods, and rauished women. Tra­iane was verie diligent and careful in visiting his camps, and to kéepe a reckoning of all his armies: and this he did to the ende that no vagabonds should wander amongest them: in such wise, that no man went to the warres, that did not beare armour, and go to the battell.’ ‘ Traiane held in his armies maisters of all exercises to teache the young men the arte of knighthood, that is to saye, howe to playe at the swoorde, to shoote in the crossebowe, to runne an horsse, to skale a wall, to mine a castell, to wrastle with the enimie, to swimme ouer a riuer: finally, the greatest of Traianes exercise was, to augment and nobilitate his armie and knighthood.’

CHAP. XVII. ¶Of the honourable titles that the Romaines sent vnto Traiane, and of the earth­quake of Antioche.

THE Romaines did much desire, that when Traiane did saile from Spaine into Asia, that he should haue landed in Italie: but when they vnderstoode of the great victories and prosperities which he had receiued in Asia, great was the ioye and sportes which were done at Rome. In times past, some Princes ouercame the Parthians, and others of them were ouercome: but neuer prince, as Traiane, did make them by feare yeald vp their kingdome: and that of his owne will, knéeling vppon his knées, would by a Ro­maine Prince be crowned. The Parthians were a people so vntameable to be subdued, that they saide of thē selues: the Gods could absolutely confound them: but impossible for men to ouercome them. Many dayes they were deba­ting in the Senate vpon determination, of the manner of [Page 59] thankes which they should write vnto Traiane, and what ensignes of honour they should sende vnto him: since by his vertue they were all honoured, and by his valiant actes, feared throughout the worlde. All the Senate came to consent to one aduice, the which in déede was very ge­nerous and noble: that is to vnderstande, that all maner of coyne should be melted within the Empire, and made a certeine newe money in the name of Traiane: wherein Traiane was ingrauen, and in the compasse thereof, these letters were written: Imp. Vlp. Tr. Opti. Da. Parth. P. P. Tr. P. Con. 2. Sem. Aug. Which is to saye: this is the Emperour Vlpius Traianus, which was verie good, and right fortunate: he ouercame the Parthians, triumphed ouer the Datians, father of the countrie, tribune of the people, two times Consul, his memorie shalbe immortal. Great was the ioy y ^e Traiane receiued, when he sawe that money which the Senate had made: and when he read the writing therin conteined: but of all the titles whiche they gaue him, he gloried in none so much as to intitle him Im­perator optimus, that is to saye: best Emperour: for he affirmed, y ^t all other titles he had obteined by armes, but this other with vertues. ‘For defence of colde, & prouision of victuals, Traiane retired in Winter vnto the citie and prouince of Antioche: where whiles he remained, suche & so fierce an earthquake happened, as neuer in the worlde past was euer heard or séene. The chaunce was thus, that on the 22. day of October, before the breake of the day, sou­denly there rose such winde & storme so extreme & impor­tune, that puld vp trées, beate downe birdes, threw down tiles, & shooke the houses: forthwith it began to lighten and thunder, & did so sparckle and flame, that being night, it sée­med to be broade daye. After the thunder and lightening, presently did followe so terrible tempestes and flashinges of fire, which with their furious violence, brake downe statelye houses, set hilles on fire, kild men at the sou­deine: finally, it seemed not, but that all the world was on fire, and that the earth did open. And if the earth were [Page 60] afflicted, no doubt but the Sea was cruelly tormented: for the waters began to swell, the windes to alter, fishes to be troubled, the ayre to be darkened: and that which séemed moste terrible, the waters did so yell, roare, braye, and rage, as if they had béene wilde, fierce, & moste cruell beastes: presently vppon the souden there followed, suche, and so straunge a heate, that it constrained al men to giue aire vnto their breastes, vnbuckle their gyrdle, to throwe off their cloathes, to mount into galleries, their bodies to sweate: and that which was woorste of all, that if they went foorth into the ayre, the violence thereof did ouer­throwe them: if into the sea, the rage therof did drowne them. As the windes did vse their furie so straunge or neuer séene, and the earth so parched and dryed by the drought of the Summer, they raised so sharpe a dust, that the ayre séemed to be farsed or compound with dust. The matter was marueilous monstruous, and terrible to be­holde: the ayre so thicke with dust, the Seas to yell and roare, the windes in so furious combat, that one might not sée another, that they durst not open their mouthes, neither drawe breath at their nostrils: for so greate was the dust that they did swallowe and receiue into their bo­dies, that soudeinly they fell downe dead vppon the earth. All these calamities, and marueilous wonders, were no doubt verie fearefull: but vniuersally not so daungerous: for although many did perishe, many also were saued. Then presently began the earth to quake so strangely and vnusually, that olde houses did fall, walles did open, tow­ers did cleaue, the monuments did rent, and stones did en­counter eche other. In some places, the houses were vt­terly ouerthrowne, in other partes halfe throwne down, in other places walles opened, in other some places trées pulde vp by the rootes, domesticall beastes slaine: finally, there was no stréete in the whole citie, wherein the earthquake had not vsed his violence. If such destruction was executed amongest trées and stones: howe great was the calamitie that passed amongest men? the case was right [Page 61] lamentable to heare men crye, women scriche, children waile, beastes howle and braye, one crossing and encoun­tering another, some dead, some with broken heades, some with broken legges, some lamed in their armes, and some striken cleane through the bodie. At suche time as these thinges did chaunce, great numbers of people were come from all the partes of the worlde vnto Antioche, some to sée Traiane, some to aske iustice, some that went to the warres, some brought prisoners, and others that were straungers: and in so great a multitude, there was no man that escaped either deadly wounded or hurte, ex­cept one woman and one slaue. Vppon that night of the earth quake, Traiane was lodged in a place of pleasure without the citie, who leaping out at a windowe, not with such spéede, but that he was hurte on his right arme not able to saye of the cause, whether it procéeded, of tim­ber, tile, or stone. Traiane was so terrified with the earth­quake, that all the time in which he staide at Antioche, he would not remaine in any house, but in the fieldes in a tent, wherein he did eate and sléepe. Many dayes after these thinges did passe, certeine persons walking to behold the falne houses, heard the voice of a woman: and digging very déepe, they found a woman and her childe, that vn­der the hollownesse of a vawt were escaped: a thing admi­rable, how the mother without meate so long time, might haue milke to nourishe her childe. In reedifying of other houses, they found a dead woman, and a liue childe suc­king the brest. At the time of the earthquake in Antioch, the mountaine Caucasus did so open and tremble, that all the cities adioyning, doubted to be ouerwhelmed with the fal therof. Running riuers of immortall memorie became drye. Springs neuer séene or heard of, did flow & remaine. and olde fountaines for euermore dried vp: many hilles made plaine, and many vallies made euen. Finally, there was no house in Antioche, or within the compasse of the territories therof, that was not totally destroyed, or chan­ged after a maner into some other order or fashion.’

CHAP. XVIII. ¶Howe Traiane subdued Assyria, and what he did in Babylon.

NOwe when Summer was come, Traiane prepared to departe the confines of Antioche towardes the iour­ney of Assyria, to conquer that countrie, if that by peace they did not yeald the same: and being arriued at the great riuer Euphrates, he found the ships burnt, all the bridges broken, and all the Barbarians in armes, with a minde to dye, or to defend their countries. The Barbarians vnder­standing of Traians approche, made an vtter spoile of all their woods, to remoue all meanes of renuing their nauie, or to reedifie bridges. Traiane had intelligence that farre from thence, certeine shippes vppon the hill Nisibin were a making, whiche presently he sent for, and brought in cartes, and in very shorte space, a flote vppon Euphrates rigged and armed. The riuer Euphrates being passed, Traiane founde another riuer named Pessin, ioyning vn­to the hill Cardius, which also was of great strength, and almost impassable, but Traiane brake vp his shippes, and once more by land did carrie the same vnto that riuer: wherin he fought with the Barbarians that defended their bankes. And as they after reported, vtterly determined rather to dye, then to submitt themselues to subiection. But that they conceiued, Traiane to be no mortall man, which would fight against them, but some of the immor­tall Gods that came to destroye them: moued thereunto, in beholding Traians readie carriage for shippes by lande, as they had by Sea. That countrie was named the pro­uince of Adiabena: which being all ouerrunne & brought vnder subiection: he passed vnto Arbela, and vnto Angua­guemela two most opulent prouinces, in whose fieldes, in [Page 63] the olde worldes past, the greate king Darius, was ouer­come of Alexander Magnus. Traiane spent all that Sum­mer in conquering those prouinces: whiche although they differ in names, yet differ not in seignorie, because they be alwayes annexed vnto the kingdome Assyria, whiche the Barbarians changing the S. into T. do call the same At­tyria. And nowe when Summer began to decline, Tra­iane determined to winter at Babylon: in all which way he neither found enimies that did resist him, either friends to accompany him: because those desertes be so solitarie and drye, that hardly bruite beastes be found in the same. ‘Before Traiane did enter Babylon, he would first perso­nally sée the lake of Bytamin: the water whereof hath this propertie, that bricke, tile, sande, lime, or chalke, that is tempered therewith, maketh a cyment thereof so harde and strong, that yeldeth not vnto stone or yron. With this water the tiles and brickes were made, and all other ma­ter tempered, that did erect all y ^e walles of Babylon. Also Traiane went to sée the caue where y ^e water came soaking foorth, whereout procéeded a stench so pestilential, that kilde all cattel that came neare thereunto, and all birdes that did flye ouer the same. Men that passe that waye dare not venter the viewe thereof, muche lesse to approch the smell, except the Eunuches that be gelded, which feare not to beholde, neither are indaungered by the sauour.’ Traiane might not be satisfied with the view and contem­plation of Babylon, muche delighting to viewe the infi­nite antiquities therein conteined, and had thereof great compassion: and also saide it many times, howe many and howe renowned Princes had consumed there their trea­sure, and imployed the chiefest parte of their life, to per­petuate their fame, which were nowe forgotten, and their stately buyldings vtterly ruinated and falne downe. Traiane attempted a certeine woorke within that lande which did not onely excell all that he had done in Rome, Italic, Sicyl, Datia, and Spaine, but also all that Ninus, Belus, Semyramis, and Alexander had made in Babylon. [Page 64] Traiane was of so high thoughtes, and so singular in his conceites, which he attempted, and in his buyldings which he erected, he was not satisfied that others should thinke him equall with Princes past: but iudge and confesse him to be singular amongest the rest. The case was thus: he o­pened the mother of the riuer Tygris, and of the riuer Eu­phrates: & made from the one to the other, a great & a déepe chanell, to vnite them both into one streame: a thing for the present easie to be written, but at that time, verie ter­rible to beholde: because the chanell that Traiane caused to be made from the one riuer to the other, was so high, so large, and so déepe, that verie greate shippes might turne, saile, and ride at anchor. Vppon that chanell Traiane did builde a moste stately and a right loftie bridge, a strong castell, a riche and sumptuous palace, and certeine gar­deines and orchardes most pleasant, and on either side the riuer, he built faire houses to dwell in, and store houses for merchaunts: and to place there his perpetuall memo­rie, did name the same Traianicall Babylon. This buyl­ding endured not long, and the cause thereof procéeded, that the riuer Euphrates had his channell more high then the riuer Tygris, whereby Tygris did increase, and Eu­phrates diminish: and the Babylonians doubted the one for want of water to be lost: and the other with the furie of the water to be destroyed. From Babylon, Traiane departed to the citie Tesiphont being the head of that pro­uince: which although some dayes it stoode in defence of it selfe, in the ende it came to be yealded: and there it is said, that Traiane found so greate summes of money, that he had sufficient to pay his armies, to raise vp newe buyl­dings, and also to furnishe his treasurie. Greate were the newes that daily came to the Senate, of the marueilous victories which Traiane obteined throughout the worlde, and howe beyond all Princes past, he had augmented the Empire of Rome.

The inhabitants of Tesiphont were ignorant to sacri­fice vnto the Gods, or to obserue feastes and holy dayes: [Page 65] whereupon Traiane commaunded to erect a temple vnto the greate God Iupiter, and gaue them instruction, what feastes they shoulde obserue, and howe they should sacri­fice vnto their Gods.

CHAP. XIX. ¶Howe Traiane, after great trauaile to passe into the Indiaes, was constrei­ned to retire.

ALl these countries being ouercome and sett in order, Traiane determined to saile by the read Sea, which is very great, and runneth from the Ocean of the Indiaes, vnto Arabia, and is otherwise named the Sea Eritrean, in memorie of king Eritreus which in old time reigned there. The riuer Tygris in the discourse of his currant maketh an Ilande, conteinining xxx. miles in bredth, and lx. in length: wherein reigned Athabilus a Prince both proude and warlike: whome without armes Traiane brought vn­der his Empire. The ayre of those Seas being different in nature from other Seas, and being then in the greatest heate of Summer, Traiane in that nauigation passed much trauaile and perill: and being persuaded by certeine to forsake the Sea, and take the land, aunswered: the vi­cious go from hence to Rome to séeke delight, and the ver­tuous come from Rome hither to séeke trauailes: bycause our predecessours in exchaunge of great trauailes, recei­ued great and glorious triumphes: wherefore I will ne­uer cease fighting for feare, either nauigation for perill or daunger. At the mouth of those Seas, there was a people named Sipassinos, so called of certeine fieldes whiche they helde: whether from manye partes they brought their heards to féede: these Sipassinos were subiects to king A­thabilus: who vnderstanding of his submission vnto the Romaines, ioyntly with great good will came foorth to re­ceiue Traiane. Passing along those Ilandes, and all the ci­ties [Page 66] along y ^e Sea coasts on either side being subdued, Tra­iane entred the Ocean Sea, and therewith vnderstan­ding the wracke & decaye of his shippes, the darkenesse of y ^e ayre, & his pylots to want experience vpon those coasts, he arriued to land to renewe his nauie. Traiane was in­formed, y ^t those Seas were of such condition, that they en­dured not shippes made of straunge timber, but of wood of the Indies, for otherwise they did consume, or at times drowne them. The sorrowe of Traianes harte, might not be expressed, for that, to passe into the great Indies, he had no preparation, because of y ^e insufficiēcie of his own ships, and want of timber of the Indies. And when Traiane saw his voyage to be frustrate & without remedie, they saye, y ^t he saide with a great sigh: Of all Princes past, onely vnto Alexander I giue the preeminence, for that he passed in­to the Indies: but if fortune had not hindered mee: him, as others, I woulde haue excelled: for I had a wil not on­ly to conquer all the Indies, but therein to haue erected a nowe Rome. All the time that Traiane stayed there, he gaue him selfe particularly to vnderstand of the state of al thinges in the greate Indiaes: that is to saye, what Gods they worshipped, what temples they helde, what kinges they obeyed, what dyet they vsed, what garmentes they did weare, howe they did fight, in what cities they did in­habite, wherein they were exercised: and howe muche the greater things they did report: so muche the more, the sor­rowe of his heart did augment. From thence Traiane sēt certeine messengers vnto Rome, with great riches for the treasurie: Also a memoriall of all the prouinces, king­domes, Ilandes, nations, and people that he had subdued and takē, and brought vnder the Empire of Rome. Great ioy was receiued in Rome vpon the manifestation of these newes: no lesse wonderfull vnto the Romaines, to read so many, and so variable people to be ouercome by Traiane: because it was affirmed amongest them in the Senate of Rome, that none had séene them, either as muche as to haue heard of them. ‘Presently they erected in Rome vnto Traiane an arche triumphant, wherin was grauen the [Page 67] names of the kingdomes that Traiane had subdued, and y ^e principall prouinces that he had taken: for if they shuld haue placed them all, conformable vnto his memoriall, they should want marble to be wrought, and workemen to graue the same. When Traiane might not passe into the great Indies, he came vnto the house of Alexander the greate, where (as it was saide) he died: and there did buylde all that by antiquitie was decayed & falne downe: & also did adde other newe buyldings thereunto, & offered riche sacrifices vnto the Gods, in memorie & reuerence of Alexander.’ Traiane sayling on the Ocean Sea towardes the Indians, & the Tesiponts, supposing that he should ne­uer returne into that prouince, determined to rebel, and therwith slewe all the Romaines, that remained in garri­son, & brought all their countrie in armes. Against these & other people that rebelled, Traiane sent Maximinus and Lucius w ^t an armie of greate power, who fought most vn­fortunatly: for that y ^e one fled, & the other died. He that es­caped was Lucius, who to refourme all faultes past, tooke the citie of Nisibin & Edessa, which he destroyed & burnt w ^t fire, wherof Traiane was not a little offended: because in the warres, he would not any spoile to be made by fire. Eritius Clarus, & Alexander Seuerus, two Romaine Pre­tours, made their entrie by Seleucia, whiche they totally did sacke & destroy: being aduertised y ^e Traiane was drow­ned at Sea, they rebelled & slewe y ^e Romaine magistrates. Traiane doubting the rebellion of the Parthians, entred their countrie, hauing intelligence of the death of Parthu­rus their king, & the alteration of their kingdom. Traiane commaunded all the principals of Parthia to appeare be­fore him, who assēbled in the fields of Tesipont, where Traiane being aduaunced did aduertise thē of his determi­nation, which if they did admitt & consent vnto, they might safely hold him for a pitifull father: and otherwise they should finde him a most cruell enimie.

The Parthians ioyntly aunswered, that their desire was much more to hold him as a father, then an enimie: and did yeld them selues both to beléeue, and to obey him: [Page 68] making their humble suite, to giue them no king, except he were a natiue of their kingdome: for that a straunger should want both loue and obedience. Presently Traiane tooke a crowne in his handes and set it vppon the heade of Persnapate, declaring him to be their king and lorde, of which prouision they helde them selues marueilously wel pleased, for that he was not onely of their kingdome, and well knowen vnto them, but also bothe vertuous and warlike.

CHAP. XX. ¶Howe Traiane comming from Asia to triumph in Rome, was staide by death in Sicyl.

THE land of Parthians being stayed & pacified, Traiane was in disposition to go to Rome: partly to rest, and to cease from traueile, and chiefely to triumph ouer so ma­ny nations and kingdomes: but being aduertised of the re­bellion of the Agarens, and that the Romaine pretours were fledd: presently Traiane departed vnto the lande of Agarens, which is in Arabia, hauing a citie as principall of their prouince, very little, but marueilous strong: the destinie whereof was such, that being sieged by infinite Princes, was neuer taken or ouercome. For defence of that citie, the nature and situation of the countrie did not a litle helpe: for that the assailants had neither wood or timber to aduaunce their engins, either water or forage, for reliefe of them selues or cattel: & the same vnto straun­gers not vsed thereunto, did rather séeme to burne, then to giue light. Traiane commaunded an assault to be giuen vnto the citie: the most valiant captaines being mounted vpon the wall, at an instant some were slaine, and some ouerthrowen. Traiane disguised, and in disposition to viewe the citie, was of the enimies both knowen, woun­ded, and his Squire slaine.

[Page 69]The Agarens beeing demaunded, if at that instant they had notice of the Emperours person: they aunswered, that his grauitie, and the maiestie of his presence did discouer his estate. Traiane being at that siege, there arose terrible lightening and thunder, which in that countrie was neuer séene: and besides, there descended vppon the Romaine campe flies so many & importune, that both their meate and drinke, and their owne persons, were continually co­uered with the same. Traiane considering the citie to be impregnable, did retire his armie. They saye, that he saide, at his retraite: Since the Agarens, with mine ar­mies, either my wordes, be neither subdued or persuaded: the destinies haue reserued this triumph for some other Prince in the world to come. ‘In the prouince of Cyrene, Traiane had a greate armie both of Greekes as of Ro­maines: and the pretor of those armies was a certeine Ro­maine named Andreas, against whome the Iewes of those partes did rebell, and slewe both captaine, Greekes, and Romaines. The Iewes were not onely contented to haue slaine the Romaines, but also brought the dead bodies vn­to the shambles, and there did quarter, cut in péeces, and solde by weight: & with no lesse appetite did eate that hu­maine fleshe, then if it had béene hennes and fesants. Ad­ding crueltie vppon crueltie, they brought forth certeine Romaines whiche they had in prison, and did wage one with another, a denéere, or a point, to strike off the head of a Romaine at a blowe. Another thing, not more vile then horrible, the Iewes committed vppon those miserable Ro­maines, that is, they fleyed them quicke, and tanned their skinnes for leather: and further, with greatest disgrace, did cut off their most shamefast partes, and plaide and tost them as a ball in the market place. As the Iewes left no Romaine vnslaine, so left they no crueltie or kind of death that they did not experiment: and in this matter, we haue no lesse to marueile, at y ^e hearts of the one to execute, then of the patience of the other to suffer. That which was don by y ^e Iewes of Cyrene, was executed by y ^e Iewes of Aegypt, [Page 70] and of the Ilands of Cypres, who slewe all the Romaines within their common wealthes: which slaughter was no lesse, then 500000 Greekes and Romaines.’ When these sorrowfull newes came vnto Traiane, he was very sicke: but notwithstanding prouided what was conuenient for so desperate a case: and presently sent Lucius into Cyrene, Marcus into Cypres, and Seuerus into Aegypt: who com­mitted so great spoiles among the people, and executed so cruell iustice vppon the inhabitants, that if the dead had béene liuing, they would haue yelded them selues for suf­ficiently reuenged. Elius Adrianus was captaine vnto Traiane for the guarde of Syria, and hearing what had passed in this matter, soudeinly he descended into Iurie, and did execute therein a greate slaughter: and they of Cypres, receiuing warning by this great treason, did ordeine that no Iewe shoulde dare to inhabite, or passe in­to that kingdome: and that if tempest shoulde bring them by chaunce into that Ilande, to haue no redemption ther­of, but by the losse of their heades.

‘ Traiane naturally was alwayes of greate health: but in the traueile of so many prouinces, following of so many warres, sayling vpon so many Seas, and enduring so ma­ny woundes, the griefe or disease of the piles did not a lit­tle vexe him. But the case was thus: that from the daye that Traiane might not passe into the Indies, they neuer sawe health in his person, or ioy in his face. Through the cause or disease of the piles, at chaunge of weather, Tra­iane had a fluxe of bloude, which for his health was very profitable. Either by the colde which he had passed, or an­gers which in him selfe he suffered, or greate age, where­with he was laden: there increased vnto the good Prince, a Pasma or numnesse of his arme, and his purgation by fluxe of bloud was stopped. Ioyning vnto the citie of Se­leuca, there were certeine famous bathes, whereunto sicke people of all partes did concurre, whether Traiane did cause him selfe to be remoued, to make proofe for reco­uerie of his health. And as experience, did after declare, [Page 71] those bathes did not profite, but hinder: for being weake, consumed, and spent, although he had force to bathe, he had no strength to sweate. Nowe when Traiane sawe him selfe without hope of life, he wrote a letter vnto the Senate of Rome, commending the state of his house vn­to Lucius, and the affaires of the warres vnto Elius A­drianus. He dyed in the citie of Seleuca which is in the prouince of Sicyl, which from thence foorth was named Traginopolis, in the age of 63. yeres, and in the reigne of his Empire 21. yeres, 6. monethes, and 15. dayes.’

CHAP. I. ¶Of the linage from whence Adrian descended, and of the place and countrie where he was bred and nou­rished.

THE greate Emperour Traiane being dead, Adrian succéeded in the Empire: who was seruaunt, friend, and cousin of the saide Traiane. The beginning and linage of Adrian by the fathers side, was of Italie, borne in a citie named Ha­dra: and of the mothers side a Spaniard, borne at Cades, whiche nowe is named Calize, a citie of Andoloizia.

[Page 72]His fathers name was Elius Adrianus maried vnto a wo­man of Spaine named Domitia Paulina, a woman suffici­ent wise and faire, borne in the citie of Calize, shée was néece vnto the Emperour Traiane & his sisters daughter, whome he did much loue, for that of a childe shée was bred in his house. Adrian had a sister named Paulina, who was married vnto a Consul named Seuerinus: and the graund­father of Adrianus was named Marillinus, of the linage of the Priscans: which linage did not a little florishe in the time of the Scipions. Adrian was borne in Rome the 9. daye of Februarie, in the consulship of Vespasianus septi­mus, and Titus quintus: ‘in the yere of the foundation of Rome 488. Adrian had an high bodie of perfecte propor­tion, except his necke, which was somewhat stouping, his nose somewhat hawked, his face swart, his eyes more grey then blacke, his bearde blacke and thicke, his handes more of sinewes then of fleshe, his head great and round, and a broade forehead, a great signe (as he had) of greate memorie.’ When his father dyed he was but of ten yeres, who left him for tutors, Vlpius Traianus, and Celius Ta­tianus, the one béeing his vnckle, and the other his friend: effectually requestinge to traine and instruct that childe in wisedome and valiantnesse: for that he had no lesse a­bilitie for the one then for the other.

At the age of tenne yeres, Adrian studied Grammar, and after his fathers death, his tutours set him to learne the Greeke tongue, wherein he was so learned and expert, that for excellencie therein, in Rome they named him the Greeke childe: for that he was as readie in the Greeke tongue, as others in the Romaine speache. At the age of xvi. yeares, he had a desire to passe into Spaine, to sée his olde countrie, he arriued at Calize, where his mother was borne, and from whence Traiane was natiue, and there leauing his letters, did exercise him selfe in armes: because in those dayes the Spaniardes had there a famous studie of science, and the Romaines helde there a schoole for the warres.

[Page 73] Adrian bothe in leaping and running was verie light: wherein it is sayd of him, that he ranne for many wagers, and not a fewe times by running and leaping, did winne, to supply his necessitie. He greatly delighted to ride swift running horses, and did much presume, to iudge and make choyce of them: and after in his olde age, he would vaunt and say of him selfe, that he neuer roade in coche, mule, or other beast, but an horse. In the time of Adrian his youth, he was an enimie to idlenesse, and also of them that were giuen therevnto: and many times sayde, that he remem­bred not since the age of tenne yeares, whether hee stoode still, or walked by the way, that he had not eyther a booke to reade in, or some weapō to fight with. ‘ Adrian was na­turally sharpe of wit, and of great life, most apparant, in that he was not satisfied, to knowe what some men did knowe: but trauelled to haue skill in all things that men vnderstoode: with Philosophers he woulde dispute, with maisters at weapons he woulde fight, with artificers he would worke, and with painters he would paint. Adrian did praise him selfe, and according to writings of olde time, he had great reason so to do: bycause there was no Art, sci­ence, occupation, or inuention in the worlde, that he knew not, or at the least did not trauell to knowe. When Adri­an was young, he was but of small patience, for that he in­dured not any to excell him, neyther yet to compare with him: and rare was that quarell, which he did not make or mainteine.’ When Tatian, Adrians tutor, did reprehend him for his impatience, and bycause he was not mylde, as the young man his cousen Emilius, he made answere: My cousen Emilius is not patient, but for that he is a coward, and I by quarelling, am become valiaunt. Neyther being a childe, or growne to more yeares: Adrian vsed not to breake foorth into foule wordes, although they sayde, or did him great iniuries: but indéede, although his toung were slowe, his handes were very ready. Adrian was of a sound bodie, except that sometimes he complained of his left eare, and that one of his eyes at times did water: but [Page 74] two euils did not hinder his hearing, much lesse his sight.

CHAP. II. Of some euill inclinations that possessed and had power in Adrian.

THe Emperour Adrian did muche delight in hunting, which he did not exercise in the plaines, but in moun­taines for he tooke no care to flée with haukes, but to fight with fierce beastes, to make a shewe of his valiauntnesse. So giuen and so venterous was Adrian in his chace, that with great reason I will not say did reproue, but note, the time that he consumed: and that not onely for much time he spent therein, but for that many times he was in great daunger. It hapned somtimes, that in following the chace of wilde beasts, Adrian did loose himself, in those rough and craggie moūtaines: wherof there folowed not a few times, that he would haue eaten if he had had breade, and woulde haue dranke, if he had had water. When he went to hunt, he carried his crosbowe to shoote, his quiuer of quarels, and his wallet of victuals: and alwayes did place him, in the pace, where the beast should passe: and had so little feare, and so desirous of chace, that if it were a beare, he did exe­cute some aduenture: and if it were a Lion, he did abide him. It is not read, that he siue any Lion, but one: but beares and other cruell beastes, that he siue with his owne hands, were infinite. Adrian followed most fiercely a cer­taine beast with so great desire, and did so trauel to attain the same, that he fell ouer a rocke, put his shoulder out of ioynt, brake one of his legs, and cast much bloud out of his mouth. In the Prouince of Misia, Adrian built a citie, which he did name The chace of Adrian, bicause there he v­sed to pitch his Pauilion, and from thence at mornings he went foorth to hunt, and at night did returne to bed. He had an horsse very ready for hunting, which would staye and make ready as a man, when he vnderstoode the chace comming: and therewithall ranne as sure downe the hill, as vp the hill. This horsse was named Borystenes, which being deade, Adrian did not only cause to be buried with [Page 75] muche honour, but also commaunded for the same a very riche sepulchre of Marble to be made and erected. ‘ Adrian did muche estéeme and delight, to paynt figures and coun­terfets very naturally, and to graue in Marble with great skil and deuice: sometimes in waxe to make newe inuen­tions: and was in these Arts so curious, that he made the Goddesse Venus in Alabaster, and with a pencill did paint the wars of Carthage: and of ware did fourme the whole Island Creta. And albeit, that in these things he were rea­die and expert, ioyntly therewith he was very ambitious: bycause he had as great enuie, and also rancour at an arti­ficer, which was sayde to paynt or worke more curiously then him selfe, as if the maintenance of his liuing had con­sisted therein. There were in Rome two excellent men, the one named Dionysius, the other Milesius, men right famous in the liberall Arts: for that many in Rome did frequent their studies, but muche more did peayse their workes: Adrian did take thereof so great enuie, that al­though he found no cause to kill them, he wanted not occa­sion to banish them. A certaine skilfull carpenter in draw­ing plots for buildings, being in some question with the Emperour Traiane, of the fourme and manner of placing of a staire, Adrian being present, sayd his iudgement som­what besides y ^e purpose: whervnto y ^e carpenter Polydorus answered: Maister Adrian, if your cunning did not serue you better to paint gourdes and coocumers, then to place staires, you shuld obteine a smal credite amōgst painters, as you haue amongst artificers.’ Although Adrian could dis­semble those words, he might not in any wise forget them: for after y ^e death of Traiane, he attaining the empire, those iniurious words were no more costly vnto the sorrowfull Polydorus, but to serue Adrian for sufficient reuenge, to take away his life. Adrian being so great a Grecian, and also a Latinist, compounded certaine workes in Heroicall metre, as also in prease, & did muche delight to haue them praised, & could not indure but y ^e some must read them. In those daies the Gréek tong flourishing in Rome, brought y ^e [Page 76] of Homer in great estimation: whereof Adrian did take so great enuie, that he gaue streight commaundement, that none shoulde reade Homer, eyther openly or secretly, but the workes of Anthimachus, who was a Philosopher most obscure. Adrian had condition curiously to inquire, of common and small matters: whereof he was both no­ted and murmured: bicause, Princes being giuen to make search of trifling causes, proue variable in prouiding for matters of importance. Also Adrian was of fickle disposi­tion: for that at the souden, he woulde determine, to per­fourme some enterprise, and after growe colde, and incon­tinent omit the same: of this, as of the rest, with great rea­son, he was noted and accused: bycause graue Princes ought to haue a reposed deliberation, and a diligent exe­cution. Adrian was in two things most extreme: that is to say, he vsed no measure or weight in his loue, or hatred: for vnto whom he did loue, he gaue all his heart: and where he did abhorre, he did imploy all his strength. Admitting that this manner of loue, or hatred, is tollerable in others, yet most truely of vertuous Princes not permitted: by­cause if they be vnbridled in loue, in others which they loue not, they cause enuie: and if they be absolute in hatred, they séeke vnto them selues great infamie: wherefore it is conuenient in loue, to be discrete, and in hatred, proui­dent and aduised, He was likewise most extreme, that if he praised any thing, he did aduaunce it to the cloudes: and if it fell not into his fauour, he dispraised it to the dée­pest bottome: in such manner, that all sayd of Adrian, that in praising, he was verie gracious, and in nippes, tauntes, and gyrdes, not a little malicious. Adrian had great de­light in faire women, who was so absolute and also so dis­solute in that vice, that he did not onely inioy virgins, per­suade married women, but also in the houses of his verie friendes, he had his secrete loues. Of the one part, conside­ring his iniustice, and of the other parte, the great iustice that he did execute: the historiographers would not place him amongest the pitifull Princes: neither condemne him [Page 77] that were tyrannous: bycause most truly if he did chastice some by iustice, also he siue others by enuie.

CHAP. III. Of the friends and enimies which Adrian had.

ADrian being of the age of ninetene yeres, Traiane con­ceiuing the abilitie and towardnesse of the yong man, as well in letters as in armes, sent to Spaine for him to come to Rome, with whome he did so behaue himselfe, that for entertainment, he did receiue him into his cham­ber, and in his loue, did place him as a childe. The naturall bountie, and great abilitie of Adrian being in apparance, Traiane from thence foorth did so regard and fixe his eyes, as well to honour him, all the dayes of his life: as also to leaue him Emperour, after his death. Adrian being in so great fauour with the Emperour Traiane, there folowed thereof in processe of time, no small displeasures to his person, and perils vnto his life: for his enimies by enuie, with the Emperour procured his disgrace, and with their malice, did maligne him with the people. It is an aunci­ent pestilence in the courtes of Princes, that the Prince being pleased to beare affection, or to honour any person, forthwith they ioyne to murmur, & procure to persecute the same. As Seuerianus being husband vnto a sister of A­drian, did murmur of him vnto Traiane, saying y ^t it was a wonder vnto all men in Rome, to sée Adrian to priuate, & so far in fauour, & that they presumed y ^t after his dayes, he should leaue him the Empire: vnto whome Traiane made answere: Who hath to succéede me in the Empire? only the Gods be acquainted therewith: but admitting, that it were my will, and the Goddes permitting, that Adrian shoulde succéede me in the Empire: I can say vnto thée, that to gouerne the same he will proue no foole, neyther a cowarde to defende it. The answere that Traiane made, [Page 78] was very good, and yet not without a secret taunt, for that the Consul Seuerianus, had neyther praised him for vali­aunt, eyther held him for wise. This Seuerianus was al­waies a great enimie of Adrian, & did not cease trauelling to disgrace him with the Emperour: wherby Adrian hap­ned at times, to be both in fauour, and disfauour: in suche manner, that Adrian burned betwixt two fiers, whiche is to wit, eare to resist his enimies, and solicitude in conser­uing his frends. The first office that Adrian had in Rome, Traiane being Consul, and Domitian being emperour, he was made a Decem viriato: that is to say, he was appoin­ted for one of the ten men, that were deputed, to determin contentions amongst the people. Adrian gaue so good ac­count of his office, and recouered in Rome so good fame, that he séemed sufficient vnto al men, alone and in his own person, to gouerne a common wealth: and so it came to passe, that in the yeare folowing, he was deputed Tribune of the second legion: that is to say, that he had charge to gouerne and correct the seconde capteinship, of the armies that were in the wars: ‘bycause it was a custome in Rome, that euerie capteinship should haue a capteine to fight: and a Tribune to rule and gouerne.’ The yeare of the tribune office being past, he was sent vnto the inferiour Misia, go­uerning that Prouince with so great prudence, and was of suche readinesse and skill amongest those Barbarians, that some delighted to obey him, & the others durst not resist him. Adrian was in no small perplexitie, for the doubt he had to be remoued from Traianes fauour, which he suspec­ted, to sée him selfe in Misia, & his enimie Seuerianus with Traiane in Rome: that vppon any report that might be made of him there, y ^e malice of his enimie had place to ag­grauate, and he for him selfe being farre distant, not able to answere. Traiane had in his chamber one whome he much fauoured, named Gallus, a most speciall friend vnto Adrian: and Adrian being aduertised, that Gallus his most faithfull friende was deade, made for him great obse­quies, and wept for him many teares. There succéeded in [Page 79] fauour vnto this Gallus another named Surus, a man suf­ficiently wise and prudent: and also this, as Gallus, was most special friend vnto Adrian: and the very cause wher­by he obteined the fauoured to be his friends, was: for that in his giftes he was very liberall: and to doe for his friend, no lesse determined. ‘Also Adrian gaue him self to content, serue, and please Plotina, Traianes wife, and vsed therein so great skill, and came so farre into fauour with Plotina, that out of that so narrowe friendship, he gathered more profit, then she did honour. Traiane had in his house a néece named Sabina, whiche was to marrie, and requested for wife, of many noble Romaines: but Plotina and Surus tra­uelled and persuaded Traiane to marrie her vnto Adrian: affirming that with this marriage, he was excused of two marriages, that is to say: to séeke a wife for Adrian, and an husband for Sabina.’ When as Adrian had presented many giftes, and offered many seruices vnto Plotina: partely for the great loue that she did beare him, and for that she had married him vnto Sabina, she made him an­swere: Adrian, according to the good will which I beare thée, it is smal which I haue done for thée, in respect of that which I meane to doe: for that I may doe little with my Lord Traiane, but as he hath chosen thée to be his nephew, he shall also adopt thée to be his sonne. After Adrian had obteined Plotina for his good Ladie, Sabina for his wife, and Surus for his friend, he little estéemed the enimitie of Seuerianus his enimie: bycause in Traianes house, all did honour him as one in fauour, & did serue him as a maister.

CHAP. IIII. Of the loue that the Emperour Traiane had vnto Adrian.

BY the marriage that Adrian had with Sabina, néece vnto the Emperour Traiane, there followed him, not a litle, but very much profite: for, besides that he was most [Page 80] in fauour with the Emperour, and verie well liked of the Empresse Plotina, the greatest parte of the affaires of the Empire, was dispatcht by his handes. Adrian presuming of great eloquence, presented vppon a day before the Se­nate, a certaine pastorall enterlude, whereat the Sena­tours and Oratours did greatly laugh: not onely of that whiche he sayde, but also of the base style wherein he did speake the same. ‘He gaue him selfe to the Latine toung, and to the Art of an Oratour, wherin he grew so profound, y ^t they gaue to him as great glory for his speache, as vnto Cicero for his writing.’ In the first warres that Traiane had with the Datians, Adrian was made Questor, that is to say, he had charge to prouide, victuals and furniture for the campe: whiche was an office amongest the armies, of great honour, and of much confidence: for he had both the treasure in his custodie, and the payment of the campe. When Traiane was eyther sicke, or not at leasure, on his behalfe Adrian went to the Senate: but the Senators although they did admit him to speake, they did not per­mit him to excéede or to take the chiefe place: ‘for it was a lawe amongest them much vsed, that being assembled in the Senate, none should presume to clap his handes, to cause silence, or cōmaūd the doore to be shut, neyther enter being clad with a long gowne, or to place him selfe in the highest seate, but onely the Emperour.’ Being notorious vnto all men, that Adrian was priuate with the Empe­rour Traiane, and in great fauour with Plotina his wife, and therewithall, that he was a man both prudent and politique: and although in the Senate not permitted to the chiefest place, yet all things were directed by his coun­sell, in suche wise, that at home all things were done as he thought good, and abroade as he did commaund. When it was knowne in Rome, that the king of Datia eftsoones had rebelled, Adrian presently persuaded Traiane, in his owne person to go to that war, and to leaue the enterprise to no other man: wherein Adrian did followe and serue Trai­ane, more then any other capteine: and certainly did there [Page 81] so valiaunt and notable déedes, that with Traiane he ob­teined fauour, and aduaunced his person to great estima­tion. Adrian being thus notified in the warres of Datia, Traiane thought it méete to commende vnto him the se­conde legion, which was vnder the protection of the God­desse Minerua: and in such manner did gouerne the same, and gaue his souldiers so great courage, that he was the man, that did most grieue the enimie, and least did feare perilles. ‘The thing moste estéemed of the Emperour Traiane, was a Diamond which Nerua had giuen him: this Diamond Traiane gaue Adrian, in the time of the warres of Datia, which was so kept and estéemed of Adri­an, that vntill the day of his death, it was neuer séene off from his finger.’ The warres of Datia being finished, Traiane returned to Rome, leauing Adrian as Pre­tour of that Prouince, Sussurus and Seuerianus being con­suls. He had not long gouerned Datia, when Adrian re­ceiued from the Senate newe prouision to passe into Pa­nonia: where he was not only gouernour in causes of iu­stice, but also had charge of all martiall affaires: bycause certaine barbarous Danubians had entered those Prouin­ces, sacking and spoyling greate countries. Adrian be­ing arriued into Panonia, did in short time expell the eni­mies, visited the countries, refourmed the armies, cha­sticed the Romaine officers: and founde by infourmation, that they were great friendes of idlenesse, and no eni­mies of robberie. The fame being come to Rome, of the commendable gouernement of Adrian in Panonia: in the yeare following, in the Kalends of Ianuarie, the Senate did elect him Consul: and truely, as they were many, that did alowe this election, so they were not few that did resist it: but in fine, the procurers had more force in their diligence, then the malice of them which resisted.

CHAP. V. Of the care and solicitude of Adrian, to obteine the Empire.

IN all Kingdomes and Prouinces, where Adrian was eyther Pretour or Questour, presently he made di­ligent inquisition, if there were any Magicians of Sooth­sayers: and if he founde any he did persuade them, with swéete wordes, and riche rewardes, to be certified, if after the death of Traiane, the Empire should come vnto his handes: for that he was not onely desirous to obteine the same, but carefull to know the issue thereof. Being resi­dent in the Prouince of Mesia, he was aduertised by a Mathematike, that he should be Emperour: and demaun­ding howe and by what meanes, he vnderstoode thereof, answered: by a certaine friend which was not onely lear­ned in the naturall courses, but also did vnderstande the secretes of the immortall Gods. Although Adrian was resident in straunge Prouinces, he was not slacke to serue the Empresse Plotina, and to please the chamberleine Su­rus: in such wise, that if his enimies did thinke him farre off, they found his seruice, alwayes ready and at hande. Nowe when Traiane was stricken in age, and become sickly, Adrian continued no lesse diligent, to solicite Ploti­na and Surus, to persuade the Emperour, to adopt him for his sonne: but on the other side the Consul Seuerianus, Palma and Celsus, and other his enimies, did withstande: whose diligence and malice did little profite, bycause they did but discouer their intent, and coulde not obteine their desire. Eyther by the onely will of Traiane, or by the im­portunitie of Plotina, nor by the suite of Surus, eyther by the merite of his owne person, the Emperour Traiane de­termined to those Elius Adrian to be his sonne, after his dayes to succéede him in the Empire: for the Emperour had many kingdomes to giue, but no sonne to whome he might leaue the same.

Before Traiane had elected Adrian, he was long deter­mined, to make no assignment of any person, to succéed him [Page 83] in the Empire, but to haue vsed the order of Alexander the great: who being demaunded, whome he woulde as­signe to succéede him in his Monarchie, answered, Vnto the most worthy. Traiane made a memoriall, of all the most vertuous, wise, and of most worthinesse within the Empire: and ioyntly therewith, caused to be written of them, seuerall Orations, in Gréeke and Latine: and he him selfe did adde with his owne hande, what he thought agréeable to their conditions and abilities. To the ende that after his dayes, the Senate might open and reade the same, and from thence to make election: not of him that did most procure, but that did best deserue. At one time a certaine Consul, named Neratius Priscus, was greatly in his fauour, vnto whom he had thought to haue left y ^e Em­pire, in so much, y ^e one day Traiane said vnto him: Neratius Priscus, from hencefoorth I comend y ^e Empire vnto thée, if any sorrowfull or souden destinie shall happen vnto me. All such as did withstande the adoption of Adrian, did fa­uour the election of Neratius Priscus: but Fortune that should haue framed the effect, brought Neratius into Trai­anes great hatred, not a little to the profite of Adrian: by­cause from thence foorth, although their remained enimies to hinder his intent, none as an opposite, durst demaunde the same. When Traiane passed from Spaine into Asia, to the wars of the Parthians, Plotina and Surus, made great suite that Adrian might be sente, as Pretour into Sy­ria: whoe being in Antioche, was aduertised by a mes­singer from Traiane, which in times past had bene his tu­tor, how he was elected to be Traianes sonne, and assigned his successour in the Empire. Excéeding was the ioy that Adrian receiued with that newes, which he did vtter in such excessiue manner and degrée, that presently he did ce­lebrate, with great games and feastes, the day of his nati­uitie: and not only vpon that day, but euery yeare, all the dayes of his life: bicause it was the thing, that his heart most desired, and for the attainement whereof, he had im­ployed his greatest skill and strength.

[Page 84]At that time were Consuls, Sosius and Pretorius, with whome Adrian entered newe friendshippe: and the ende wherefore he did vndertake this newe affection, was, that as Plotina & Surus did solicite & procure the Empire with Traiane, so those two Consuls shuld subsist him in the Se­nate: in such wise, that if he did watch to obtaine it, he did ouerwatch to sustaine it. Not long after that Adrian was adopted, that is to say, after fourtéene monethes, Traiane dyed: presently Plotina his wife, and the Consul Tatia­nus, being chiefe friendes vnto Adrian, did take order and vse great diligence, that Adrians admission vnto the Em­pire, might first be notified and knowne in Rome, before the death of the Emperour Traiane: whiche was concea­led and couered for certaine dayes, saying, that he was so sicke, that he would not be visited, vntill they were possest of the power of the armies, and had obteined the good will of the Senate. Adrian did write vnto the Senatours, giuing them to vnderstand, that Traiane was at the point of death, and that also he was assigned and adopted to be his successour and heire in the Empire: and did right in­stantly request them, to take the same in good parte, and therevppon did promise, and sweare vnto them, to diuide or giue offices, but at their owne liking and consent.

CHAP. VI. Howe at Traianes death Adrian was declared Emperour.

THe newes of Traianes death being arriued at Rome, presently it was published, that the succession of the empire was cōmitted vnto Adrian: & vpon the confirmati­on, or refusal of this election, there arose no smal contenti­on in the Senate: and the matter so far argued & prosecu­ted, [Page 85] by his friendes, and so resisted by his enimies: that it gaue no small doubt of intestine warrs, no lesse cruell, then the warres betwixt Caesar and Pompey. The seruaunts of Traiane, the friends of Plotina, and the kinred and alies of Tatian, did vse suche diligence in this case, that within thrée dayes they confirmed Adrian, in the Empire: and the greatest cause to moue the Senate therevnto, was: that they had intelligence, that Adrian was in Syria, in full power, possession, and authoritie, of the whole ar­mie: and might haue bene constrained to yealde by force, which they refused to perfourme by good will. Presently after Adrian was confirmed in the Empire, he did write vnto the Senate, gratifying their friendly fact, and reque­sting that Traiane might be collocate amongst the Gods, since he had bene a Prince so diuine, whereto the Senate gladly consented, saying: that although Traiane had fini­shed his life, for euermore in Rome his fame shoulde in­dure. In memorie y ^t Traiane had ouercome the Parthians, they ordeined y ^t euery yeare the Parthik playes should be celebrated in Rome, which indured amongst the Romains many yeres: but in fine, they and their playes had an end. ‘Before all thinges, Adrian gaue order, that the body of Traiane might be brought into Italie, where it shoulde be giuen a generous sepulchre, and to effectuate the same, commanded his ashes to be inclosed in a boxe of Vnicorne, which also was inclosed with golde, and placed in a piller of most excellent marble, lyned with most rich purple: all which being ladē into a gallie, he sent Tatian and Plotina, w ^t the body vnto Rome: al Rome went foorth to receiue y ^e body of Traiane: and as it is sayd and written, there was neuer so muche ioy vttered for any man, that entered be­ing aliue: but muche more sorrowe was discouered, for Traianes comming deade. Adrian stayed in Antioche, whiche is the heade of Syria, partly to assemble the whole armie, and partly to recouer money: for being then win­ter, he could neyther campe for coldenesse of the weather: eyther marche or iourney for want of money.’

[Page 86] Adrian was there aduertised, howe the Mauritans did defie him, the Sarmatians did mutinate, the Britans did rebell, the Palestines resist, the Aegyptians disobey, and that all the Barbarians were in commotion. Finally, it is to be vnderstoode, that vpon the death of Traiane, al people and nations were so escandalized, that it séemed not, but that he left the world without a maister or an owner. A­drian perceiuing the greater part of the Empire in com­motion, determined to make them no war, but to intreate them by peace: and for this cause he refused and forsooke al those kingdomes and Prouinces, that lay beyond the riuer Euphrates, and the riuer Tygris, which the good Traiane had wonne and conquered: in which conquest he imployed his noble person, and gaue ende vnto his honourable life. Vnto all kingdomes and Prouinces, Adrian sent Embas­sadours, to confederate with some, and to confirme peace with others: and with some he did capitulate thinges so slaunderous, and with so great disaduauntage: that it had bene much better to haue raysed warre, then to haue pro­cured a peace so infamous. Parsnapate king of the Parthi­ans, came to complaine vnto Adrian, saying, that the good Traiane had giuen him that kingdome, and crowned him with his owne hands, and now vpon the death of Traiane, they would neyther obey him, or suffer him to liue with­in the kingdome. Adrian would not, or else durst not, make warres with the Parthians: but gaue vnto Parsnapate, the Seigniorie of certaine countries and Prouinces of Syria, being vacant at that time, as Lorde to inioy the fruites thereof, and as Romaine Pretour to gouerne the people. ‘When Adrian had obteined the Empire, presently he pu­blished and sayd vnto all men, that he wold become a piti­full Prince: and truly, in some pitifull causes, he did shew him selfe to be the sonne of Traiane: but in some rigorous matters, he séemed to be the brother of Nero.’ A certaine man named Bebius, was Prefect in Rome, who was con­trarie vnto Adrian, in all thinges that eyther touched his honour or profite: and being counselled to kill Bebius, for [Page 87] that he ceased not to be his aduersarie, made answere: I will not onely permit Bebius to liue, but also the office of Pretour, which hee helde but for a yeare, I will confirme vnto him during his life. Laberius and Frugius, two Romaine Senatours, were banished vnto the Isle of Pon­tus, whom he commaunded to returne to their houses, and their goodes to be restored them: but the Consul Frugius being mutinous, mouing commotion betwixt Adrian and the Senate, he commaunded to be throwne aliue into Ty­ber: and obteined no lesse honour, in the executing of the one, then in pardoning the other. Vnto certaine Gentle­men of the armie, that sayde vnto Adrian in times past, that he should be Emperour, he gaue double rewardes: af­firming, that he gaue them not for their aduertisement, but for their good will.

CHAP. VII. Of his entrie into Rome.

NOwe when Summer was come, Adrian parted from Antioche to come to Rome: and lefte for Preposite of Syria, Catalius Seuerus, and tooke his way throughe Illyria, and determined to make warre with the Sarmati­ans, which would not receiue the Ambassadours of peace. Lucius Turbon, that had béene Pretour tenne yeares in Mauritania, came foorth to méete him vpon the waye, with whome Adrian had great friendship, being a young man, and in house with his Lorde Traiane: presently he made him Pretour of the Prouince of Datia, and Pano­nia. At that time Lucius Turbon was in Africa, maister of the horsse men, of whome Adrian was aduertised, that he was verie riche, and in greate power throughout the kingdome, and that he had not obteined all that riches, in the time of warre, but by briberie in time of peace.

[Page 88] Adrian was not a little grieued, of that which was sayde by Lucius Turbone, bycause he was his friende, and also seruaunt vnto Traiane: but all this notwithstanding, he applyed all that he had, vnto the common treasure, and disarmed him of his knighthoode. As muche as Adrian did increase in potencie, so much did his enimies increase in enuie: in suche manner, that they coulde neyther incline their harts to loue him, eyther yeald their strēgth to serue him. ‘The case was thus, that Palma, Celsus, Sobaius, and Lucius, Adrian going on hunting, were determined in the middest of the chace, to rid him of his life: wherevpon they were agréed, that in his swiftest pursuit of any wild beast, they would attend him in the most thickest pace or track: & there vnder the colour to misse their leuell at the beast, would shoote and kill the Emperour. All these foure were men of noble bloud, and rich in goods, and were called Cō ­sulares: bycause at other times they had bene Consuls: but as their treason was discouered, first by iustice they were beheaded, before Adrian went on hunting.’ Great was the murmuring and mutinie throughout all Rome, when they vnderstoode howe Adrian had executed so cru­ell iustice, vpon these foure Consulares or noble men: part­ly for that they helde opinion, that Adrian had raised that quarell againste them: and partly for custome and man­ner, for that fewe were the chastisements, whiche the good Traiane did execute, but great was the number that receiued pardon. Adrian being aduertised, that for the death of the foure Consulares, all Rome was escandalized, and that for a man reuenging and cruell, his person was defamed, determined with all spéede to come to Rome, to excuse him selfe of that fault. The affaires of Adrian stood not in so euill estate, as vpon the way, they gaue him ad­uertisement: which did well appeare, in that the Senate did offer him the triumph due vnto Traiane, being cut off by death to inioy the same: but Adrian refusing, gaue or­der, that the Image of Traiane shoulde be placed in the triumphant chariote: to the ende that good Traiane [Page 89] shoulde not want a triumphe, although but after his death. Presently when Adrian came to Rome, he went to visite the Sepulchre of his Lorde Traiane, where his eyes did shed many teares, and for him did offer vnto the Gods most sumptuous sacrifices. All the Senate being ioyned, and also all the most principal of the people, vnto whome Adrian made a long oration: wher­in he gaue them to vnderstand of the state of the Empire: and did excuse him selfe of the death of the aforesaide foure Consulares: because the officers of the Senate had made searche and inquisition of the cause, and the Pretors of y ^e armies did execute the sentence. The Senate did offer Adrian the title of Pater patriae, but he would not receiue it, affirming it to be one of the titles of his lord Traiane: and since he had been a good father, it were great reason he should proue a good sonne. It was a custome in Rome and throughout all Italie, that when their Princes came newely to gouerne the Empire, that all cities and other people should furnishe him with a certeine summe of golde and siluer: with the golde to make a crowne, and the siluer for the seruice of his house: and sometimes they did pre­sent so much golde to make the crowne, that the remnant was sufficient to mainteine the warres. Adrian refused not onely this seruice to be demaunded, but also returned that which was brought him: saying, that his crowne should be riche, when his subiectes should be in wealth. The officers of the treasurie, that is to saye, suche as had the collection and kéeping of the masse of Rome, had rai­sed greate rentes, daily inuenting newe manner of tri­butes, in the common wealth: which being knowen vnto Adrian, he commaunded all newe impositions to be remo­ued from the common wealth, and the inuentors thereof to be displaced from their offices. Generally the Romains complained vnto Adrian of the dearth of victuals: foorth­with he prouided for prouision of wheat from Sicyl, wines from Candie, and oyle from Spaine: and further, gaue such prices vnto the same, and all other victuals, that the poore [Page 90] might féede with the riche. He did promise and sweare in the Senate to put no Senatour vnto death, although he were culpable, without the accused should first be heard, and his cause considered by all the Senate: and truely this othe did excuse Adrian of many executions, and was no lesse occasion that the Senatours committed many faultes. Princes haue to consider what they sweare and promise: for, from that day wherein Princes shal vnable thē selues, to punishe vice and sinne, from thenceforth their vassals shal followe wickednesse. In the yere that Adrian en­tred Rome, all thinges were deare, and the people not sounde or in health: who vsing greate magnificence, com­maunded much money to be giuen to the poore of the com­mon wealth: in such wise, that it was not founde that any died for hunger, either suffered any extreme necessitie.

There were many that had béene banished, and diuerse in prison for debt due vnto the Fiscall: that is to saye, vn­to his chamber. Adrian gaue commaundement by pub­lique proclamation, that all such debtes should be absol­ued, and that for any such debte, none should be runna­gates, either kept in prison. Adrian did derogate the law & custome of his predecessours, which is to wéet, that y ^e goods of the condemned, should be for the Prince, which he com­maunded from thenceforth to be imployed not to his chā ­ber, but to the comfort of the common wealth: for he saide and helde opinion, that the Iudge should neuer be grie­ued, to punishe offendours, when he should remember, to inherite a share of the offendours goods. He extremely delighted when any person came to craue, and much more did reioyce, if he had to giue: but if by chaunce he had not to satisfie his demaund, at the least he gaue him a friendly aunswer. From the time that Adrian was in possession of y ^e Empire: he was neuer heard to say, or name, Traiane: but, my Lord Traiane.

CHAP. VIII. ¶Of the good conditions and inclinations of Adrian.

[Page 91]WIth much diligence and no lesse secrecie, Adrian in­quired, what life the Senatours did leade, and what exercise they vsed: and such as he found poore and vertu­ous, he augmented their patrimonie: and such as he found riche and vicious, he found meane to depriue them from y ^e Senate. ‘ Adrian was a Prince, verie skilfull, and muche considerate in punishing his officers and seruauntes, that is to saye: he kept secrete from the people the causes why he remoued any person from his office. And further, if he displaced any person from his commoditie, he did not for­get otherwise to recompence him, in such maner, that if he did chastice them, he did not dishonor them. Many times, did Adrian speake these woordes: Whome I shal see estee­med and worshipped in the common wealth, I wil rather determin to take away his hed then his honour.’ The rēts which the good Traiane left in many partes of Italie, for y ^e bréeding of children, the sustaining of widowes, & the mar­riage of Orphans, he did not only confirme, but also made better. All the seruants of Traiane he did aduaunce to bet­ter offices: & such as were not méete for offices, he gaue thē money. Adrian commaunded serch to be made, how many noble men were falne into pouertie: & such as were decay­ed by mischaunce, he relieued: & such as procured pouertie by vice, he gaue them leaue to endure necessitie. He gaue help to al y ^e Romaine widowes to marrie their daughters, & he was not more boūtiful in giuing relief vnto y ^e daugh­ters, then he was an enimie to succour the sonnes: for he helde opinion, that, that young man deserued not to be married, that with his handes did not obteine a marriage. By thrée dayes space, he did celebrate the feast of the god Genius: that is to saye, the daye of his birthe: and com­maūded vpon those dayes, to giue pitances vnto all y ^e peo­ple, and he with all the Senatours and nobles did eate and banquet in his imperiall palace: the cost whereof did not amount vnto so little, but as they were thrée, if they had béene sixe, the rentes of the whole Empire had béen spent, and parte of their treasure.

[Page 92]By the space of sixe continuall dayes he did cause them to represent the game of swoorde players: and the people craued certeine other playes, which he would not consent: not for that he delighted not therein, but to giue them to vnderstand in Rome, that it appertained vnto Princes, as much to moderate their pleasures, as to giue order for thinges of importance. Before Adrian was Emperour, he was thrise Consul, for which cause he made diuers Ro­maines thrée times Consuls: and whereas some were of­fended, for want of like fauour, he did aunswer: Such as did exceede mee in merite, ought to be equall with mee in dignitie. ‘Within the compasse of Rome, neuer before the dayes of Adrian, were permitted more then two Con­suls: the one to gouerne the common wealth, the other to go to the warres: but Adrian did adde and create a thirde Consul: for that if y ^e one should be sicke, and the other resi­dent in the warres, the common wealth shoulde not re­maine without an head.’ Tutinus a noble knight of Rome, Adrian did create Senatour, and gaue him the ensignes of Consul, whereat the whole Senate was offended: af­firming, that the Emperour ought or might not create in such manner: partely, because Tutinus was not of deser­uing, and partly, for that the aduise of the Senate should haue béene vsed therein. Adrian was displeased with these wordes of the Romaines, and from thence foorth did vse more libertie in reparting offices, and lesse companye in determining causes. He helde Seuerianus in greate ve­neration, which had married his sister, vnto whome he gaue both honour and great rewardes: and at all times, when Seuerianus came vnto his chamber to conferre, and to vnderstand his pleasure, Adrian came foorth to méete and receiue him at the doore. Although Seuerianus came to visite Adrian, and Adrian came foorth to receiue Seue­rianus, yet auncient and very mortall was the hatred be­twixt them: for in this case, either of them did vtter and discouer, to be possessed with a moste vile intent: for that Seuerianus did trauaile to depriue Adrian from Empire [Page 93] and honour, and Adrian with no lesse facilitie did take a­way his life. When Adrian was in Rome, at the least he went thrise a wéeke vnto the Senate: and if he were ei­ther sicke, or muche busied, they did repaire vnto his pre­sence: in such maner, that nothing of importance did passe in the Senate, wherein they did not vse his iudgement. Adrian, was of familiar conuersation with his speciall friendes, and with his particular seruaunts, with whome he went to eate in their gardeines, to fishe at riuers, to hunt in the fieldes, and all other such like pastimes. Na­turally he was giuen to haue compassion of the sicke, and herein he did neither consider whether they were friends or foes: for that indifferently he did visite them, and at his owne charges did prouide for them. He did not onely visite the sicke, but also the olde men, decrepite with age: of whome at large he woulde inquire of the yeres that they had liued, the kingdomes they had trauelled, the daun­gers they had passed, the enimies which they had helde, & the necessities that they had endured, in suche wise, that many times, of the things which they had saide, of times past, he tooke example for the time present. Adrian was a most singular friende of vertuous men, and wise Philoso­phers, and neuer wanted their companie, either in warre or peace: because of the vertuous he learned how to liue, and of the Philosophers howe to gouerne.

Turbone, maister of the horse men had a sonne with Adrian, sufficiently valiant, and with Adrian very pri­uate: but ioyntly w ^t this, he held him for presumptuous in spéech, and couetous in dealings, because all which Adrian did at his request and suite, he solde it all for money: the truthe of this case being knowen, Adrian receiued therof so great displeasure, that presently he commaunded the young man to be apprehended, and that all things which by briberie he had purloined shoulde be taken from him, and restored vnto the owners, and to be transported as a banished man to the Isle of Pontus: vnto whome Adrian saide, of this offence, thou shalt remaine chasticed, and I [Page 94] warned for euer more, to shewe ouermuch and extreme fauour vnto my seruaunt, whereby to conuert loue into pride, or to sell fauour for couetise.

CHAP. IX. ¶Of the maner which Adrian vsed with the men of warre.

WHen Adrian parted from Almaine to come to Rome, not as then determined to haue stayed long there: but the occasion of his staye, was, for that the good Traiane, in his latter yeres, was deteined so long time in the warres of Asia, & Europa, that the cōmon wealthes of Italie were growen to greate and ouermuch libertie. Adrian depar­ting from Rome, came streight vnto Gallia Transalpina: not to conquer but to visite the same. The frenchemen did much reioyce at his cōming, and in euery prouince did him great seruice, because Adrian was the first Romaine Prince that euer entred Fraunce in peace, for that all his predecessours brake in by violent hostilitie. Personally visiting all Gallia, wherein he did erect newe buildinges, repaired the olde, reedified temples, reformed priestes, set at libertie certeine gentlemen, gaue giftes vnto the people, pardoned some offences, and punished others: fi­nally all his déedes, were gratefull vnto the citizens, & pro­fitable vnto the common wealth. The affaires of Fraunce being set in order, once more he returned to passe y ^e Alps, and tooke his way into Almaine, without any disposition to make warre, but to procure peace: for that Adrian na­turally was giuen friendly with all men to haue peace, whiche if they would not accept, he was not after easie to intreate.

In the time that Adrian had most peace, then did he exercise his men of warre, as if he had béene amongest his enimies: and for this cause he helde opinion, that al Prin­ces did craue his peace, for that he was neuer vnreadie to [Page 95] make warre. Adrian inuented many deuises, wherin his knightes might exercise their strength, as wagers to runne, towers, and fortes of wood, and earth, to assault, marche tenne against tenne in combat: he sought out strong places to practise the arte of mining, prouoked them to go to wrastling, and brought them to riuers to learne to swim: finally, he held them so occupied, that they desi­red rather to fight an whole day in earnest, then so many dayes in iest. Also Adrian did vse to féede of the common victuals of the camp, that is to saye, grose baken, rat eaten chéese, powdred béefe, and barley bread: and if any thinge were drest for his owne person, more delicate then y ^e rest, he made suche diuision, that the least parte came to him selfe. What more or lesse, he alwayes did weare some armour: and if by chaunce he found any gentleman vn­armed, presently he was checked of his wages: affirming, that the man that goeth vnarmed, ought not to be intrea­ted and honoured as a gentlemā. In the armies, amongst the greater or lesse, better or woorse, their worke or ex­ercise was equally diuided: whiche is to wéete, when the time was to drawe, all did hale and drawe: and when the time was to dig, all without exception at their turne, did dig and mine: at the time of watching in their course, eue­ry man did watche: in these trauels he did no more excuse him selfe then others: for at his turne, he did both watche and dig in the mine with his owne handes. He had not, neither consented in the warres, the vse of high tables to féede on, either portals to passe the time, neither canes to coole or recreate, either warmed water to bathe, neither cookerie or dressing of meate, either selling of swéete oynt­ments: for he helde opinion, that the good and valiant soul­diers, did not annoynt them selues, but with the blood of enimies. Adrians garments were not curious or costlye, but very cleanly, whereunto he was addicted, both in diet, and apparell: and after a maner he did abhorre suche men as were not nete and fine: affirming, that filthie men be al­wayes of drousie iudgements.

[Page 96]In the warres he did neuer weare silk, purple, or riche vesture, either buttons, or agglets of golde, or his dagger, swoorde, or armour gilte: but notwithstanding verye fine and strong. When any was notified in the warres, of valiant and doubtie déedes, presently he did notifie him, with great and bountifull rewardes: in such manner, that he did not deferre to recompence at Rome any seruice don in the warres. When he trauailed through mountaines, most times he did alight to bring other men on foote, and did marche xv. or xx. miles in his armour: and this he did, to kéepe their horses freshe and lusty, if they should hap to encounter with the enimie. He did alwayes lodg with­in the campe, and ordinarily he went from tent to tent, to visite the wounded, and with the whole and sound to haue conuersation. Adrian was so familiar with his men of warre, that he called verie many by their names, and knew all men by their gesture: in such wise, that no eni­mie or straunger, might enter his campe that to him was vnknowen. When a horsemans rome was vacant in the warres, the captaines sought out such as should succéede: but Adrian in his owne person would examine him, and this he did, to knowe his face, and try his strength. Such as he did elect tribunes, or captaines of his armies, were verie valiant, but not couetous: and ioyntly therewith, he admitted not young men without beardes, either olde men brokē or decayed: doubting, in too much youth, want of gouernement: and in too much age, strength to fight. He made good paye vnto his men of warre, streightly for­bidding his captaines to imbezill any wages, or to take a­waye present giuing vnto the souldiers: and this Adrian did, to auoide necessitie in the one, and couetise in the o­ther. He did prohibite by a publique lawe, that none should carrie vnto the warres any superfluous thing, and that none should presume to buy or sell any thing that was not necessarie. Very diligent to furnishe his camps with victuals, which being brought vnto the campe, he did so prise them, that the buyer was not robbed, either the [Page 97] seller defrauded. Imitating Vegetius, Adrian did write a booke, wherein he did instruct the captaines, howe they should fight: and an order, how tribunes shoulde gouerne the armies: to conformitie whereof he made many excel­lent lawes, which for long time were obserued of the Ro­maine Princes. In this case, of order, prouision, and cor­rection of the men of warre, they were onely thrée Prin­ces that attained vnto the chiefe perfection thereof: that is to saye, Augustus, Traiane, and Adrian, because all other Princes, helde men of warre not to defend, but to dissipate the common wealth.

CHAP. X. ¶Of the actes that Adrian did in Englande, Fraunce, and Spaine.

‘ALl the time that Adrian was in Almaine, he did moste occupie him selfe in reforming his men of warre into good customes and order, which he did not without greate prudence, after the manner of a good mariner, whiche in time, when the Sea is calme, doeth dresse and mende his failes, & order his anchors against the storme and soudein chaunces that may followe in time to come.’

From Almaine, Adrian came vnto greate Britaine, whiche is nowe called England, and there founde peace, as in Fraunce, which was then holden for a greate mar­uaile: because from the time of Iulius Caesar, whiche did first conquer the same, vnto the dayes of Adrian, they were neuer without warres with the Frenche men, or rebelling against the Romaines. ‘Presently vppon his en­trie into Britaine, he sought curiously to be informed of the lawes they helde, and of the customes they vsed: which being perused and examined, some he did allowe, and some he did remoue and make frustrate: especially, he did adni­hilate that lawe, whereby the man should holde ii. wiues, and the woman .vii. husbandes. When Iulius Caesar did [Page 98] conquer the Ilande of England, he brought many people out of Italie to inhabite that countrie: and although the natiue, with the straunger, helde no warre, yet liued they not in perfect peace: for the Britans did terme y ^e Romaines newe come men, and the Romaines did call them Barba­rians.’ Adrian finding that no friendship might be framed by prayer, or amendment by correction, deuised to diuide the kingdome in the middest: and the case was thus: that in the middes of the kingdome, he made a wall from Sea to Sea, a worke most straunge, wherein this Prince did imploy great treasure. Adrian being resident in Britaine, was aduertised from Rome of the want of good gouerne­ment that was vsed in his wiues house, by the occasion of certeine Romaines, which aduentured to accompany the Empresse: whose conuersation was more to the preiudice of his fame, then to the profite of his seruice. Septicius Prefectus, and Sortonius Tranquillus, which at that time were Secretaries vnto the Senate: these & others grewe very familiar with the Empresse Sabina: whome Adrian sent commaundement to be depriued of their offices, and to be banished Rome, Sabina, Adrians wife, was hol­den to be franke of speache, and of life somewhat licenti­ous. Adrian did greatly abhorre to haue Sabina vnto his wife: and would saye, not in secrete, but openly, that if he were a common person, he would haue béene diuorced, for that in her conuersation shée was presumptuous, & in life loose & dissolute. ‘ Adrian was much inclined to vnder­stand, not onely the conditions & inclinations of his frinds but also of the manner which they vsed to liue in their houses: for the vnderstanding wherof, he woulde inquire of the seruaunts, slaues and labourers that brought them victuals, what they did eate, and what they did drinke, & what their maisters spent in their houses.’ Sabina wife vnto Adrian, did write a certeine letter vnto a Romaine gentleman, complaining that he would not come to visite her, through y ^e pleasures of Britaine, & newe loues in that countrey y ^t he had taken in hand, which letter happening by chaunce into the handes of Adrian, & the knight vnder­standing [Page 99] therof, neither went to Rome or abode in Britan. All things set in order in greate Britan, Adrian had intel­ligence, that in Gallia Transalpina, which nowe is named swéete Fraunce, a popular sedition was raised, in such euil maner, that if it were not presently cut off, it might break out into a long & cruel warre. All the contention was rai­sed vpon certein boūds & pastures, in a place called Apim: ‘Presently Adrian passed into Gallia, & personally went to sée y ^e marks & bounds therof: & the one & the other heard, he did diuide those bounds & limits equally betwixt them. When as a Romaine saide vnto Adrian, y ^t it was the of­fice of a poore Iudge, & not of a mightie Emperour, he an­swered: I had rather diuide boundes in peace, then con­quer countries with warre. Now, when Adrian would de­parte from Fraunce, he receiued newes from Rome, howe Plotina wife vnto Traiane was dead: and as shée had béen his onely mistresse, & his special friend, he felt her death so sensibly y ^t besides sighing & wéeping, he grewe so extremly sorrowful, y ^t he did not eate in long time.’ He staide in the place where he receiued these newes many moneths, and presently did write vnto y ^e Senate, y ^t Plotina should be a­dored amongst y ^e Goddessses: and on the other parte, he cō ­maunded costly & generous sacrifices to be offered for her: he did edifie vnto her honour & perpetual memorie, a tem­ple neare vnto Mansin, which he erected vppon pillers of marueilous marble, & did endue with great riches. The affaires of Fraunce being dispatched, he came by y ^e Pyrineā hilles, into Spaine, & staied a whole Winter in the citie of Taragon: which in those auncient times, was the moste strong, riche, & also most estéemed in all Spaine. When the Emperour Octauius did conquer Cantabria, he did builde in Taragon, a most noble house, which by the antiquitie therof was much decayed: y ^e emperour Adrian at his own cost, cōmaūding to be reedified in such wise, y ^t by repairing the decayed edificies, he renued there y ^e name of Romanes. The imperiall house being made, Adrian kept court there with all the mightie and noble men of Spaine: where and with whome he made manye and good lawes: and in [Page 100] especiall, ‘he commaunded that the father whiche had but one sonne, should commit the same vnto the warres, if he had twaine, the second should be committed vnto science, and the thirde shoulde learne some occupation in the com­mon wealth.’

The Spaniardes complained, that the shippes of Italie did transport many thinges out of Spaine, that is to saye, golde, siluer, silke, oyle, yarne, wheate, and wine: and out of Italie, they brought nothing into Spane: whereupon Adrian commaunded, that no straunge ship shoulde lade any thing out of Spaine. Adrian gaue greate rewardes vnto many, and some for company, he caused to goe with him, and others some he gaue offices bothe by Sea and land, of great honour: and generally, he gaue money vnto all cities, to repaire their decaied walles, in suche wise, that all Spaine, of him, helde them selues right well con­tented. There in Taragon, Adrian walking alone in a garden, by chaunce, a young man being madde, brake forth vppon him with swoorde drawne: Adrian, although without armour, did take away his swoord, without com­maundement of correction, either to him or his maister, & also with great pitie, prouided for his cure: of which déed Adrian was praised for valiant and pitifull. Also in the prouince of Taragon, they had cotētion for their bounds, wherein Adrian prouided to plant lande markes of stone, after the maner of pillers, to the ende, that they shoulde neither be stolne or chaunged.

CHAP. XI. ¶Howe Adrian did passe into Asia, and of the things that chaunced there.

ALl the prouinces of Spaine being visited, Adrian made his nauigation, by the Sea Mediterrane vnto the Isle of Sicyl, where he mounted the hill Aetna, to behold the marueilous thinges therein conteined: from whence he [Page 101] descended more in feare and abashed, then either instruc­ted or satisfied. Adrian being descended from the hill Aetna, astonied, wearied and also derided, staide not in that kingdome, but to visite the woorkes of the good Tra­iane, which he did amplifie with buyldinges, and indued with patrimonies. Adrian being resident in Sicyl, vnder­stoode that Asterlike the greatest lorde of Germanie was dead, in whose place he presently created a king, whom he sent to gouerne the same, bothe well receiued, and better obeyed: bycause the Germaines helde them selues escan­dalized, in that they had not kinges to gouerne them, but Consuls to chastice them.

The Mauritans, and the Numidians being diuided in cruell dissention, and vnderstanding that Adrian was in Sicyl, readie to passe into Africa: amongest them selues they cut off all causes of warre, and concluded an assured peace. At that time also the Parthians soudeinly did arme them selues, came into the fielde, made captaines, and fortified their frontiers: and brought their seigniorie to be ouer the Romaines, and not the Romaines ouer the Parthians. Adrian being aduertised of this commotion, prepared a greate armie to passe into Asia, and also did write vnto the Parthians, giuing to vnderstand, that he helde them as his friendes, and the Senate estéemed them as brethren, and not as vassals: wherewith the Barbari­ans were so muche satisfied, that presently they left their armour, and proclaimed peace throughout the lands. Not­withstanding, he was aduertised of the Parthians retire, he alwayes continued his nauigation into Asia: and des­cended first in Achaia, and entred Elusin, a famous citie of that prouince: and leading a great armie, & possessing but little money, he seazed the sacred thinges of the tem­ples, saying, that he did it not, as a Romain Prince, but as a Grecian: for that Hercules and Philip béeing Greeke Princes, had first done and attempted the same. He a­lone did enter the temples of Asia, which was holden for great valiantnesse: because without armour, he entred a­mongest [Page 102] the armed Priestes: and being demaunded, why he would enter to robbe those temples alone and vnar­med, aunswered: because, from our barbarous enimies we take by violence, but from the Gods by request.

Adrian departed also vnto Athens, and curiously did consider the order of their studies, and the maner of their life: and saide, that in Athens, there was nothing perfect, but Agonata the swoorde player: because he had greater readinesse and skill to playe with the swoorde, then the Philosophers in teaching Sciences: Whiche notwith­standing, he did greatly honour the Philosophers: and to some townes, he gaue great liberties: from thence, he re­turned to Rome, where he stayed but to visite, to honour, and also to bewaile and mourne vppon the tumbe of Plo­tina. Which being finished, Adrian againe went into Si­cyl, and from thence into Africa, where he did visit many townes and cities, reedified certeine buyldinges, banished diuers Numidians, and also Mauritanes, for their muti­nies. From thence he did passe once more into Asia, streight vnto Athens, where he finished a certeine tem­ple which he had begonne, dedicating y ^e same vnto the God Iupiter, wherein he did ingraue the Image of Traiane, & did paint with his owne handes the figure of Plotina, his ‘moste especiall souereigne ladye and mistresse. The grea­test exercise that Adrian did vse in Asia, was in buylding, repairing, and consecrating temples: wherein he did place his name, and paint with the pencill, or else in Ala­baster did graue his figure.’

Adrian feasted and made a greate banquet vnto king Cosdroe, at that time king of Parthians, & also did restore him his daughter, which was committed for hostage vnto the good Traiane, and a litter curiously wrought with sil­uer, golde and Vnicorne, and gaue him also many other iewels. Many kinges of Asia and other greate Princes, came to visite and to honour Adrian, who gaue them all so noble entertainement, and so highly rewarded them, that greate was the honour and magnificence he obtained a­mongest [Page 103] them. Pharasmano king of the Albans refusinge to visite the Emperour Adrian, and to renue the league made betwixt him and the good Traiane: not many dayes after, Adrian wanted not occasion to dispossesse him of his estate, and to banishe him all Asia, constrained thereby to craue vpon his knees, which would haue béen giuen him, sitting in his chayre. Adrian, traueiling and iourneying throughout Asia, visiting his presidentes, procurors, and chiefe officers, finding amongest them faultes of great en­ormitie, did punishe the same with moste cruell chastise­mentes. The cause is not vnknowen of the displeasure that Adrian did beare vnto Antioche, which hatred was so greate, that he trauailed to diuide Syria from Phoeni­cia, to the ende that Antioche shoulde not be the head of so many prouinces. Visiting also the whole countrie of Arabia, he came vnto the renoumed citie of Peluno, onely to visite the sepulture of the great Pompeius, which he re­nued and enriched, and also did offer greate and sumptu­ous sacrific [...]s, in the honour of the great Pompeius: wher­of the Romaine people being aduertised, receiued no small delight. He did not onely honour the sepulture of Pom­peius, but also gaue greate rewardes vnto the people of Pelusio, because they had that sepulchre in reuerence, placing vppon the sepulchre with his owne handes this verse as followeth: Ossa viri magni, tenni quam blausa se­pulchro.

CHAP. XII. ¶Of the great liberalitie that Adrian vsed, and some cruelties that he com­mitted.

ONe of the thinges, wherin the Emperour Adrian de­serued most iustly to be praised was, y ^t w ^t al mē he vsed [Page 104] great magnificence and liberalitie: for that naturally, in receiuing he was a niggard: but in giuing very bountifull. There was not euer any thing demaunded, that he gaue not: if it were not preuented by some others suite, which alwayes he did recomfort with hope for time to come. ‘The rewardes of his noblenesse, was the gift of townes, cities, castles, Prouinces, kingdomes, mountaines, riuers, flockes or heardes, salt marishes, milles, offices: and not onely such as hapned in the gouernement of the common wealth: but also he gaue the horsses out of his stable, the garments for his person, the prouision for his dispences, and the money for his chamber: in such wise, that to deli­uer others from necessitie, he brought him selfe in to want of prouision.’ Adrian in his life was noted of di­uers weaknesses and defections, which were both colou­red and couered, with his large and bountifull giftes. Great were the rewardes that he gaue vnto Epiteus, and Eliodorus philosophers: but much more was his liberali­tie towardes Phauorinus, bycause he both gaue him great goodes, and honour in the common wealth. His custome was, when he sent for any to serue him in the warres, to giue him al things necessarie for y ^e same, that is to say, ar­mour to fight, & money to spend. Adrian being aduertised of a noble gentleman of Numidia, named Malacon, a man both valiant & warlike: who refusing to receiue the vsuall rewarde that Adrian gaue vnto suche as did accompanie him in warres, sayde vnto him: It is more reason that I should preuent thée, in doing mine office, then thou shoul­dest precede mée in doing thy dutie: which is to say, that before thou beginne to fight, I shoulde beginne to gratifie thée: for in the end, it is much more that thou doest for me, in aduenturing thy life, then I in rewarding thée with my goods. Many times Adrian would boast him selfe, that he coulde neuer remember that he had eaten alone, but al­wayes did eate in the companie of Philosophers that dis­puted in Philosophie: eyther else of capteines, that did talke and conferre in matters of warre.

[Page 105]He was neate in his apparell, curious and delicate in his diet. ‘Examining the order of the diet of his housholde, and finding the prouision prouided for the honour there­of, to be imbeziled and purloyned by officers, he com­maunded them to be whipt, and turned out of his gates: for notwithstanding, he had a noble mynde, to giue a Pro­uince for a reward, he had not patience to suffer or endure, the deceit or stealth of a pennie. Adrian was a man both seuere, gladsome, graue, courteous, pleasant, suffering, rashe, patient, furious, a sauer, liberall, a dissembler, piti­full, & cruell: finally, he was variable in his vices, and in­constant in vertues: bycause he did not long absteine from euill, eyther long continue in doing good.’ ‘ Adrian vnto his friendes, was bothe gratefull and vnkinde: that is to say, he gaue them much goods, and did not much estéeme their honour. Great inconuenience did followe the Em­perour Adrian, for his infidelitie and want of faith vnto his friendes: which did most clearely shewe it selfe in Ta­tianus, Nietus, Seuerus, and Septitius: whom at one time he helde for friends, & after did persecute them as enimies. Eudemius a noble Gentleman of Rome, he was so great a frend with Adrian, that he offered sacrifices vnto the gods to giue him the Empire: and after Adrian did beare him so great hatred, that he did persecute him, not onely to cast him out of Rome, but also vntill he had brought him to ex­treme pouertie. Polenus and Marcellus, were of Adrian so euil handled and persecuted, that they chose rather to dye with their owne handes: then to liue vnder his go­uernement. Eliodorus, a most famous man in letters, both Gréeke and Latine, was not onely of Adrian per­secuted, but also put to death, and torne in pieces: whose death was much be wailed for that he was profitable vnto the whole comon wealth. Oluidius, Quadratus, Catalius, & Turbon, auncient Consuls, were by Adrian persecuted, although not put to death, bycause euery one séeking to saue his life, were banished Rome and all Italie. The no­ble Consul Seuerianus, husbande vnto Sabina, sister vnto [Page 106] Adrian, of the age of a hundred and ninetie yeares, was constrained to dye, for no more, but for that he had repor­ted to haue liued the death of thirtene Emperours, & that if Adrian should dye first, it should make vp the number of xiiij. the which, when Adrian vnderstoode, he rather de­termined to take him from amongest the liuing, then he should reckon him amongst the deade.’ In all things Adri­an was very wel learned: that is to say, reading, writing, singing, painting, fighting, hunting, playing, and disputing: but that he had therewith a tache or a fault: which was, that if he knewe muche, he presumed much, wherein he was noted of all men, bycause he scorned all men. After he entered into Aegypt, he gaue him selfe vnto Astrologie: and held for custome yearely to write out of that science, of al things that should happen that yeare: which also he did in the yeare that he dyed, but obteined not the knowledge thereof.

Adrian in one thing did séeme to excell, in that he neuer desired the knowledge of any facultie, art, or science: but that he procured to be singular. He ouercame many warres with armes, but he did appease and cut off many more with giftes: bicause vnto diuers peoples, cities, and townes, he gaue libertie and priuileges, and to his Lords and viceroyes, he gaue great rewardes. Although in some particular things, touching both friendes and enimies, he shewed him selfe both affectionate, and also passionate: vniuersally, as touching the weale of the common welth, Adrian was alwayes friend in ministring iustice. When there happened any graue matters, at the souden, he wold furiously be altered: but at the time of iudgement and de­terminatiō, seriously he did both consider & examine them. He did sildome determine matters without counsel, and to this end chiefly vsed the aduice of Siluius and Nerati­us, the most learned of that age, and approued by the Se­nate. Naturally, he was of an vnquiet heart, and of con­dition intermedling. It did happen vnto him many times in reading of histories, when he found of any place or coū ­trie, [Page 107] that was possessed of any extremitie, or singularitie, that he could not come to the viewe thereof, with extreme desire, he did many times growe both sicke and sorrowfull. Notwithstanding he was large and of great magnanimi­tie with Philosophers, with countries, with men of warre, and with his friends: much more was his magnificence to the ministers of iustice: and being demaunded of Fauori­nus, why he was so boūtiful vnto them, answered: I make the ministers of iustice riche: bycause, by robberie of iustice, they shall not make other men poore.

CHAP. XIII. Of the lawes that Adrian made.

MAny and right necessarie lawes were made by A­drian, whiche were approued by the Senate, and re­ceiued of the common wealth, and long time obserued. He did ordeine, that if any man would remoue from one citie to an other, that at his owne libertie he might sell his house, but not to aduenture to pull it downe, eyther to sel or make profite of the stuffe therof: bycause the autho­ritie of a common wealth is impayred, when the buil­dings be ruinated. ‘He did also ordeine, that when any man was condemned to dye for offences of great enormi­tie, and his goodes confiscate, that his children, shoulde in­ioy the tenth part of those goodes: in suche wise, that for that, whiche was taken from them, they had to bewaile the offence of their fathers, and for that which was gi­uen them, they shoulde féele, and also commende the cle­mencie of the Prince.’

Also there were certaine cases forbidden, in whiche if any man did fall, or incurre, he was accused as if he had committed great treason againste the estate Royall [Page 108] of the Prince: all whiche Adrian did remoue and adnihi­late: affirming, that those lawes, were but of small ser­uice, to the behoofe of the Prince, and to the great offence of the common wealth. Also the Romaine Princes did vse to inherite the goods of straungers: wherin Adrian did ordeine, that the children, or the next of the kinne shoulde inioye the same. Also he ordeined, that what so euer he were, that founde hid treasure, in his owne inheritaunce, should inioy the whole: and if it were founde in an other mans inheritaunce, the owner thereof should haue the one moitie: and if it were founde in publike or common place, that then it should be equally parted with the Confiscator. Also he ordeined, that no man what so euer, of his own au­thoritie should kill his slaue, for any offence: but to be re­mitted vnto the Iudge, deputed by the Prince. Also he made a lawe of refourmation, both for eating of superflu­ous meates, and also for wearing of garments, eyther too many, or ouer costly. ‘Also he did ordeine, that none what so euer, should goe or be carried in a litter: and one whiche he had, he commaunded for example, to be burnt, in the market place.’ He also commaunded that Consuls, and Senatours, within the compasse of Rome, should weare their gownes, whiche was a garment of peace. He also ordeined, that yong men that wanted their parentes, shuld haue tutors vnto the age of fiue and twentie yeares: al­though they were married. He also did ordeine, that no slaue should be solde, eyther man or woman, to any ruffi­an, iester, or iuggler: affirming the possession of slaues, to be most vniust, vnto suche as wander in idlenesse all the dayes of their life. Also ‘he did ordeine, that merchants, or suche as dealt with exchaunge, that brake their credite, or were bankrupts without iust cause, but only of couetous­nesse, by defraude to inrich them selues: to be set vpon the pillorie in the market place, and afterwardes to be bani­shed Rome for euermore.’ He did ordeine, that none what so euer, should suffer execution within the citie of Rome: affirming, that so generous a citie, and consecrate vnto the [Page 109] Gods, were not conuenient to be defiled with the bloude of wicked men. ‘Also he did ordeine, that men and women shoulde haue their seuerall bathes, and that who so euer should enter into the forbidden place, to suffer death for the same.’ Also he did ordaine, that neyther for the Prince or Consuls, any victuals should be taken from any man: but that euery man might sell to whome he would, where he would, and how he might. He did ordeine, that no woman shuld aduēture to heale with words, eyther that any man shuld presume to cure with cōpound medicines: but to perfourme all their cures, with simple hearbes. In buildings he did chiefly imitate his Lord Traiane: that is to say, that in all countries, Prouinces, and kingdomes, where he had bene, he erected many and very famous buildings: where­in it is to be noted, that he neuer placed his owne name, but in the temple of Traiane. In Rome, in a manner he wholy renued the temple named Pantheus, dedicated vn­to the Goddesse Berecyntha, and where all the Gods were honoured. The fielde of Mars in olde time was compassed, and by great antiquitie the buildings falne flat vnto the grounde: wherein Adrian did not only renue the decayed wals, but also did furnish y ^e same w ^t very stately buildings. He edified the reall palace named Neptunus, he enlarged the palace of Augustus, he reedified the bath of Tyberius, he much aduaunced the temple of Titus: in all these edifi­ces, he placed the names of the Princes that in times past built them, and not his owne name whiche had reedified them. From the foūdation he built a stately bridge, which was afterwards named Adrians bridge. He made also for him selfe a sepulchre, ioyning vnto y ^e riuer Tyber, y ^e stones whereof were brought from India, and the workemen out of Greece. ‘He translated the temple of the Goddesse of good Fortune, and the figure of Decian the artificer that was placed therein: that was of so great weight, that hardly foure & twentie Eliphants might remoue y ^e same, the whiche figure was dedicated vnto the Sunne: Adrian did erect one other to be dedicated vnto the Moone, [Page 110] of no lesse weight or riches then the other: whereof the great Polydore was workman.’ He built in Rome a cer­taine building, which many yeares after was named, the mole of Adrian: and at these dayes is called, the castle of of Saint Angelo. He remoued many riuers out of their chanels to water the fieldes, brought many fountaines, for prouision of cities. In Greece he edified a citie, which in time past, was named Adrianopolis. In the king­dome of Palestine, he reedified the great citie Hierusalem, which had béene destroyed by Titus and Vespasian, and gaue it for name, Elia, for that his owne name was Elius Adrianus.

CHAP. XIIII. Of some of his gratious and pythie sentences.

THe Emperour Adrian was a Prince, not only sharpe of iudgement, and prouident in his affaires, but also of great vrbanitie, and gratious in speache. And the case was thus, ‘that Fauorinus a very friende to Adrian, ha­uing an olde house, at the enterie whereof, he had raysed a stately porche paynted white, he sayde vnto him: This house of thine, seemeth a gilded pill, whiche outwardly giueth pleasure, but within is full of bitternesse. An other friende of Adrians, named Siluius, very blacke of face, and of euill shape of body, and comming on a certaine day vnto the Palace, all clad in white: Adrian sayde vnto those that were present: That blacke face with that white gar­ment, seemeth no other but a flye drowned in a sponefull of mylke. The Emperour Adrian, vppon a time from his Palace, behelde a Senatour, in a long blacke gowne, wearing vpon the same a short crimson cloake in graine: [Page 111] and demaunding, why he did weare such apparell in that place: the Senatour answered.’ ‘ Syr, I walke here with this red cloake, to see if my good hap may chaunce to fish some faire Ladie. Wherevnto Adrian readily answered: Thou seemest rather a red worme to fish frogs, then as a man enamoured to fishe Ladies.’ A certaine person with a hoarie heade, crauing a rewarde, whiche at that time the Emperour denyed: the sayde hoare headed fellowe, remembring him selfe, pouling his heade, and shauing his bearde, came againe vnto the Emperour, to renue his suite: and Adrian beholding howe he was altered, made fresh, and growne young, did answere: That which now thou crauest, I denyed vnto thy father. They helde in Rome many fierce beastes, to magnifie a daye of greate feasting: and when certaine Senatours sayde vnto Adri­an, that it was somewhat late, and highe time to go chace the beasts, he made answere: Ye might better haue sayd, to be chaced of them, then the beasts to be chaced of men: for if there be ten that dare abide them, there be ten myl­lians that runne away.

‘There was in Rome, a certaine man named Enatius, somewhat entered in age, and of naturall condition, mu­tinous, ambitious, importune, intermedling, quarellous, & full of garboyle: and being aduertised that Enatius was deade, he fell into a greate laughter, and sware, that he could not a little maruell, howe he coulde intend to dye: considering his great businesse both night and daye. A certaine auncient citizen comming vnto the Emperour Adrian, for certaine suites and causes propounding his de­maunde, and also replying an answere without intermis­sion, remouing without all manner, any meane for the Emperour to speake, answered: Friende, if thou feede on both cheekes, we may not eate both together: Sure­ly, it was an answere very fayre, and of great vrbanitie: for, thereby he gaue him to vnderstande, that if he both propounde and answere, he could not giue him iustice.’ [Page 112] ‘There was a Senatour in Rome, named Fabius Cato, of auncient yeares, and amongst the people, in great credite: but ioyntly therewith he was a man of a small stature, which would soone be offended, and as soone be pleased: vn­to whome on a time Adrian sayde: Since your chimney is so small, you must beware to lay much wood vpon the fire: for otherwise it will be alwayes smoakie.’

CHAP. XV. Of the thinges that he did woor­thy prayse, and some other things worthy dis­praise.

THe Emperour Adrian, did vse and intreate such as did serue him, very well and with great affection: but he might not indure them, to presume to be ouer priuate: for he would say, that he held them not to commaund him, but to serue him: and grewe not a little displeased, with such as were not moderate in their déedes, and courteous in their wordes. Being in Spaine in the citie of Taragon, he behelde in a garden, one of his meane seruaunts, walk­ing betwixt two Senatours: vnto whome he commaun­ded to be giuen a great blowe, with this aduertisement: The Emperour commandeth this blow to be giuen thee, bycause thou shalt be ashamed to presume to walke, with such as thou art bound to serue. In his dyet he was ney­ther temperate, much lesse a gormound that vsed excesse: for that he left not to eate of any thing, in respect of health, or vertue: but without dyet, did eate, both what and whē he liked. In wine he had a good rellish, and at times dranke thereof so frankly, that he hindered the health of his per­son, and also the credite of his fame. There was in his dayes great earthquakes, pestilences, dearth, and hunger: in which calamities, he shewed him selfe a pitifull Prince, and of great magnanimitie: bycause in time of hunger, he [Page 113] gaue the people wherewith to be susteined, and in time of earthquakes, money to reedifie. He discharged many ci­ties of their whole tributes, and to others some part he re­leased: in suche wise, that in all his Empire there was no citie, that newly receiued not, some benefite at his hande, eyther deliuered not from some olde payment. In the first yeare of his Empire, the riuer Tyber did so ouerflowe, that thrée dayes damage thereof, was not repayred in thrée yeares. He was of the men of warre much feared, for that he did chastise them: and no lesse beloued, bycause he did pay them. The chiefest cause, of his great prayse in Chro­nicles, or of writers of histories, and the tender affection that the Romaines did beare him, procéeded, that in time of peace, he helde his men of warre in great ciuilitie: and in time of warre, he gouerned the common wealth, as if it had béene in peace. ‘Alwayes when the Senatours repay­red vnto him, eyther to eate, or for affaires, he did alwayes entertaine them standing: and if they were Consuls, he came foorth to receiue them, and if they were Iudges, he did rise when they came before him: and if they were of­ficers of the Senate, he would somewhat stoupe or nod with the head: in suche wise, that with all, he vsed greate courtesie: and in speache and conference, no lesse vrbani­tie. To repaire temples, to prouide priestes, and to offer sacrifices, he was a Prince both carefull and diligent: and ioyntly therewith it is to be noted, he consented not to the inuention of newe deuices, and muche lesse did he admit straunge customes.’

CHAP. XVI. Whome Adrian did adopt to succeede him in his Empire.

AFter the Emperour Adrian had trauelled in a man­ner throughout the world, by sea and lande, and passed both colde and heate, he fell into a grieuous sicknesse: he [Page 114] himselfe, giuing occasion therof, for that in his dyet, either in the time of heate, or colde, did sildome or hardly vse any order. Presently vpon his sicknesse, his heart was tou­ched with great care, vpon the determination, whom he should adopt to the succession of the Empire: bycause ma­ny did followe him, that did much desire it, but verie fewe that did deserue it. The death of Seuerian, Dion doth re­port, was after this manner. ‘ Adrian on a certaine daye at his dinner, sayd vnto the Consuls that sate at his table: I would haue you name me ten men, in science learned, and sincere of life: vnto one of which I may commend, af­ter my dayes, the estate of the common wealth. They all vsing silence vnto that demaund, Adrian sayd: reckon me but nine, for I haue one, and such a one, as is my brother in lawe, Seuerian: for that he hath both age, and grauitie, After a fewe dayes, that these things did passe, Adrian be­ing in great daunger through a fluxe of bloude, that brake foorth without ceassing at his nose: doubting that first his life shoulde haue finished, before the bloude would haue staunched: did point with his finger, Lucius Cōmodus to be his successour. And after recouering more health, he was aduertised, that Seuerian and Fuscus his nephew, con­tinued murmuring, at that whiche he had commaunded: and that vnto him the Empire was not directed: Adrian beganne to disdaine and abhorre him with great hatred. This Seuerian of the age of ninetie yeares, Adrian com­maunded to be slaine: bycause he set him selfe in the im­periall chaire, and gaue vnto such as were in fauour with the Emperour, a solemne supper, and bycause in secrete, he had conference with the capteines of warres. Be­fore that Seuerian dyed, hée determined to haue giuen the Empire vnto the Consul Fuscus, which was his nephewe: but when Adrian vnderstoode, that Fuscus had conference with Magicians and Soothsayers, to be aduertised, if he should inioy the Empire, he put him to death: in suche wise, that he both lost the inheritaunce, and also his life. Pletorius Metus, came to visite Adrian in his sicknesse: [Page 115] which being his great frend, he would neither heare nor sée: bicause he did imagine, y ^t he came not to visite, but to inhe­rite. Gentian the Consul, a noble and auncient Romaine, also he persecuted, for no other cause, but for that he vn­derstoode, he was both liked and honoured of the Senate: and that all men did hope hée shoulde succéede him in the Empire. The Emperour Adrian did neuer shewe him selfe so cruell in his life, as he did somewhat before his death: bycause all those that he thought, did hope to suc­céede him in the Empire, he commaunded to be banished or slayne. Being sicke in a village, named Tiburtina, of a fluxe of bloude, where he remained many dayes bothe desperate, vnruly, and out of temper: for that he had no patience, to thinke that he shoulde dye, and an other shoulde succéede him.’

‘There was alwayes some vnkindnesse betwixt him, and the emperesse Sabina, but in the end, Adrian vsed such skill, that secretly he gaue poyson vnto his wife Sabina, whereby she finished his life, and he lost his suspicion. When Adrian perceiued that of necessitie he must néeds dye, and that an other must haue his Empire, he appoin­ted Cenoio for his successour, sonne in lawe vnto Niger: and this he did against the mindes of all them whiche did serue him, and also of all such as did best loue him: bicause many others séemed to be of more deseruing, and also of more abilitie to gouerne the Empire. Vnto this Ce­noio he gaue the name of Elio vero Caesar: and to the ende it should be gratefull vnto the people, and confirmed of the Senate: he gaue them the Circen playes, which was vnto them very acceptable, & did distribute throughout Rome, foure thousand Sextercies. Presently vpon the adoptiō of Cenoio, he gaue him the Pretourship, he placed him be­fore the Panoniaes, which were admitted to goe next his person, did create him the second time Consul, did set him at his owne table, and did permit to accompanie him in the litter: finally, Adrian did intreate him as his sonne, and all did serue him as their Lord.’

[Page 116]Presently after that, Cenoio was adopted, he fell sicke, of the disease of death: in suche wise, as he had not leasure to giue thankes vnto the Senate: whereof Adrian being aduertised, sayde vnto the Senate: Vnto a weake wall were we stated, that day when Cenoio was elected. ‘ Cenoio dyed in the Kalends of Ianuarie, for which cause he was not bewailed of the people: for that moneth being dedica­ted vnto the God Ianus, no Romaine durst bewaile the dead, eyther vtter any sorrowes for the liuing.’ Adrian finding him selfe more oppressed with infirmitie, did adopt and declare Antoninus Pius his successour: vpon conditi­on, that he should adopt the good Marcus Aurelius, and his brother Annius Verus. The adoption of Antoninus, was displeasant vnto som, but especially vnto Attilius Seuerus who with great care did solicite the Empire for him selfe: and at that time being Prefect of the citie, some he did corrupt with money, and some with faire promises: but A­drian being aduertised of y ^e web that Attilius had in hande, did not commaund him to be slaine, but to be banished all Italie.

CHAP. XVII. Howe and where the Emperour Adrian dyed.

ON the day that Adrian commaunded the olde Seueri­an to be put to death, before the executioner came to cut his throte, in a vessel he put certaine coles, adding ther­vnto some incense, lifting vp his eyes vnto heauen, he said: You immortall Gods I take to witnesse, if I be culpable wherein I am accused, and for which this daye I am con­demned and put to death, and ioyntly therewith I request and beseech you, that in testimonie of my innocencie, ye giue me no other reuengement: but that when Adrian shall desire to dye, he may not dye.

For the time that the Consul Seuerian was executed, Adrian neuer inioyed one day of health, but many times desired to dye, and sought occasions to kyll him selfe: [Page 117] but Antoninus Pius vnderstanding thereof, commaunded him to be guarded by daye, and watched by night. ‘Be­ing assayled with extreme infirmitie, and not able eyther to eate, or sléepe, he many times sought venome to drinke, sometimes he would haue a knife to kill him selfe, some­times he wold not eate, by pure hūger to hasten his death: whereof the Senate being aduertised, they did humbly craue, that it might please his excellencie, to haue patience in that infirmitie, since the Gods were pleased to lengthen his life. Adrian was much despited, with this suite of the Senate: and so much displeased with him that sayd it, that he should be taken and put to death. Adrian had a Bar­bar named Mastor, both faithfull and valiaunt, that did attend on his person when he did hunt, being his auncient seruaunt: whom he did most instantly desire, and secretly threaten, to dispatch him of his life: but the barbar being terrified, to heare such wordes, fled out at gates.’ By chaunce he recouered a knife into his handes, wherewith he would haue dispatched him selfe: but by force it was ta­ken from him, but therewith and from thence forwarde, more desirous to dye, and his life more hatefull vnto him. ‘ Adrian had also a Physician borne in Africa, this man he did most instantly request, to minister vnto him some poy­son, to finish his sorrowful and most wretched life: so hate­full vnto him selfe: but the Physician was so faithfull vn­to his lord, & not able to resist the suit of his souereigne, de­termined to drink y ^e same, & to die. Adrian holding him self,’ for y ^e most vnfortunat, & the extremest wretch in distresse, that so much desired death, and could not but liue: & most truly y ^e suit of Seuerian vnto the gods, was most through­ly perfourmed in him: that is to say, that they woulde in­large his life, when he should desire to dye. Antoninus Pi­us being now declared, and confirmed for Caesar, and Adri­an euery day finding him selfe to growe in weaknesse, de­parted from Rome, vnto the port of Baias, where he re­mained, vsing many experiences in medicines and Phy­sicke: which for his health did little profite, and to shorten [Page 118] his life, gaue some assistaunce. Adrian dyed in that port of Baias, the sixt day of Iuly: and was buried in a village na­med Ciceroniana. He liued thréescore and two yeares, and reigned one and twentie yeares, sixe monethes, and sixtene dayes. Before Adrian dyed, he commaunded this verse to be placed vpon his sepulchre. Turba medi­corum, Regem interfecit. Which is to say, The Emperour Adrian by trusting Physicians, gaue so hastie an end vn­to his yeares.

CHAP. I. ¶ Of the lineage and countrie of the Em­perour Antoninus Pius.

THe naturall countrie of the Emperour Antoninus Pius, was of Gallia Tran­salpina, whiche is as muche to say, of swéete Fraunce: and was borne in a ci­tie named Nemesa, whiche from the time of Iulius Caesar, was established a Colonell of Rome. His grandfather was named Titus Fuluius, a man both generous and vali­aunt, who in the times that Iulius Caesar did conquer Fraunce, did vtter his greate parcialitie in the behalfe of the Romaine Empire: for whiche cause after the warres were ended, he came to Rome. Titus Fuluius in passing [Page 119] into Italie, and setling in Rome, had happie and great suc­cesse: for the Fathers of the Senate, besides their re­compence for seruice, they made him a citizen of Rome. He had suche skill to profite him selfe by that libertie, and proued so cunning to content the people, that within the space of foure yeares, he was twice Consul, once Gouer­nour of the citie, and once Iudge: in suche wise, that his vertue was more beneficiall then others, to be naturall of the countrie.

The father of Antoninus Pius, was named Fuluius Aurelius: a man vertuous and learned, and no lesse then his grandfather Titus, was twice Consul: his grandmo­ther of the mothers side, was named Bobinia, and the father of his mother, whiche was, Arrius Antoninus, was no lesse estéemed in the Romaine Empire, then was his other grādfather: for he was Iudge two yeres, Master of the horsse men one yeare, Tribune of the people an o­ther yeare, and in the ende, two times Consul. This Arrius Antoninus, was a great persecuter of Domitian, a great friende of Nerua, and verie priuate with Traiane: whiche when he perceiued Nerua to accept the Empire being so olde, he had greate compassion of him, and sayde these wordes: My friende Nerua, I giue thee to vnder­stande, eyther it is some cursse from thy predecessours, or some vengeaunce that the Goddes will take of thee: since they permitte thee to take the Empire, and at the time of most neede, to haue counsell, they depriue thee of thy sound and good iudgement.

The good olde Nerua, did so sensibly féele these wordes, spoken by his friende Antoninus, that had it not béene by the great importunitie of Traiane, he had presently re­nounced the Empire: which if he had done, as afterwards he did, he had not erred: bycause his age was too greate, and his strength but weake. Antoninus Pius had a father in lawe, named Iulius Lupus, which long time was a Senatour, that desired not to beare office, but with his patrimonie to liue in quietnesse.

[Page 120] Antoninus Pius married with the daughter of Annius Verus, who was named Annia Faustina, a woman of ex­celling beautie, and this was mother vnto the famous Faustine, wife vnto the great Emperour Marcus Aure­lius. Antoninus Pius, and Faustine his wife had two sonnes, which died in their youth: and also two daughters, of which the elder was married vnto the Consul Sillanus, which also died in their youth. The second daughter (as the mother) was named Faustine, & married vnto Mar­cus Aurelius, in whome the succession of the Empire did remaine. Antoninus Pius had but one sister, named Iu­lia Fadilla, whome he tenderly loued: not onely, for that he had no more, but because they were twinnes and borne both at a birth, Antoninus Pius was borne the xiii. daye of October, at a certeine place named Laurina: which af­terwardes he did nobilitate with stately buyldinges, and indued with great priuileges, and also did amplifie the boundes thereof, which were but short and narrowe. In the moste time of his infancie, he was nourished with his fathers father: and being more entred into yeres, he con­tinued with his other graund father by the mothers side: and was so vertuous and so well inclined, that he was pleasing vnto all men, and beloued of all persons: he attai­ned to be knowen vnto all his grandfathers both of father and mother, who all fixed their eyes vppon Antoninus, as well to inuest him with learning, as to endue him with ri­ches and wealth: for, as he afterwards reported of them, they vsed to saye, that they fauoured him more for his ver­tue, then for affinitie. With his graundfathers he lear­ned both tounges of Greeke and Latine, he gaue him selfe more to Cosmographie, then to any other science, and did muche delight to talke with men of straunge nations, to giue them to vnderstande, that he did knowe all the par­ticularities of their countries, by science, as they did by experience. Being so intirely beloued of his graundfa­thers, they helde him alwayes in company with Philoso­phers: who of his owne natural: condition, delighted not, [Page 121] but in the company of the vertuous: whereof it procéeded, that after he became so cruell an enimie vnto the wicked, and so perfect a friend vnto good men. The customes and companies that Princes do take in their youth: they loue and followe afterwardes when they be men.

CHAP. II. ¶Of the inclination, proportion, and naturall fashion of his bodie.

ANtoninus Pius was of an high stature, slender and ve­ry streight, his eyes somewhat outward, black hayre, thicke bearde, white, rare, and gaptothed, his face white, merrie, gladsome, and faire, in such wise, that he did rather prouoke, to be loued, then feared. Naturally, he was of great health: his téeth excepted, which he lost be­fore he came to age. ‘When a certeine cunning man made offer to be bound to place him téethe wherewith to speake and eate: Antoninus made him aunswere: Since neuer from my harte proceeded fained or double woords: there shall neuer enter into my mouth, counterfete teeth. The want of his téeth, made him to eat with paine, and stutter in his spéeche. Being touched with a Iester for his stam­mering, Antoninus aunswered: I recke not greatly to stumble in wordes, so that I erre not, and stand vp right in deedes. In Rome there was a Senatour named Tau­rinus, liberall in spéeche, and not sober in diet, who re­prouing Antoninus for that his téeth failed him, bothe to eate and speake, aunswering, saide: I consent to that which thou saiest: for that I, if I woulde, may not be a glutton: but thou maist, and wilt not leaue to be malici­ous. Many Princes did excell Antoninus Pius in science, but none did matche him in eloquence: for that ordinari­ly, he did talke in the Latine tounge, & did dispute in the Greeke.’ He was naturally very well conditioned, which had in him moste apparance, for that alwayes his woords [Page 122] were without malice, and his thoughtes without suspi­cion. Although he were of complexion cholerike sanguine which giueth men occasion to be rashe and soudein, it had no place in Antoninus Pius, for that he was constant in aduersities, and patient in iniuries. When in his presence they saide any woordes that did grieue or offende him, or brought him any sorrowfull newes: in biting of his lipp, in casting downe his eyes, and laying one hand vpon an­other, they vnderstood his great sorrow: but ioyntly here­with, he was neuer séene of any man, soudeinly to chaunge countenaunce, muche lesse to speake any cruell or iniurious woorde. Before he was Emperour, he was the welthiest man of all the Empire: for that he did inhe­rite from his foure graundfathers, greate and ample patrimonies: vnto whome he was sole inheritour. He was giuen to gather, conserue and augment his goodes, riches and wealth, but without all oppression to any person, for that he liued onely of him selfe, defrauding no man of his suite. After he obteined the Empire, when by chaunce a­ny talke was moued of the couetousnesse of men, and of the necessitie of Princes, many times he woulde saye: I giue thankes to the immortall Gods, that since I haue beene Emperour, I haue not taken any thing from any man: either before, that euer I was benighted with debt. ‘He had great affection to the woorkes of the fielde, and therein had not onely the tooles and thinges necessarie for the purpose: that is to saye, buffes, oxen, cartes, ploughes, but he him self would be occupied in sowing corne, cutting vines, pruning trées, and at times would take the plough, and make a dozen of furrowes.’ He was extreme in no­thing, but that in, and for all thinges, he placed him selfe in the middest: which he did very well discouer in the go­uernement of his person and estate: wherein, neither for his prodigall expence, he was noted proude: either for want of a noble minde, estéemed a niggard. Many times the Heauens being cleare, and a settled faire weather in apparance, he would saye: vppon suche a daye wee shall [Page 123] haue raine, or chaunge of weather, wherein he neuer er­red: and manye times did aduouche, that the know­ledge thereof procéeded not of science, either of Philoso­phie, but of certeine experiences, which he gathered, when he vsed the labour of the fielde. ‘When on a certeine time, with his knife he was pruning of a plumb trée in his orcharde ioyning vnto the high way, a Senatour saide vn­to him: since you are an Emperour, ceasse to vse the office of a labourer, vnto whome Antoninus aunswered: it is lesse euil for an Emperour to prune trées in his orcharde, then to consume lost time in his palace. He was very at­tentiue to that which was saide, and curiously he did con­sider, what others did: chiefely to the ende to attaine knowledge: for that naturally, he was sharpe and of de­licate iudgement.’ He was alwayes occupied, either in reading, studying, disputing, or doing somethinge with his handes: and wherein he wanted skill, he disdained not to craue to be taught. Alwayes for the more parte, he went bare headed, through much heate he had therein: and one aduising him, the ayre of Rome to be very hurt­full, and therefore right necessarie to haue his head coue­red, aunswered: assure mée from troubles of men on earth, and I am assured that nothing shall offende mée, which the Gods shal send mée from Heauen. He was of him selfe excellent in Musike, delighted therein, and a greate friende to Musicians. Antoninus Pius, was suche and so good, that all heartes did loue him, all toungs did praise him, and all suche as did not knowe him, but by re­porte, had him in admiration: finally, he was compared vnto Numa Pompilius, because in him there were not more vertues to be desired, either one onely vice to be re­prehended.

CHAP. III. ¶The workes of pietie which he did, and the cause, why he was intituled An­toninus Pius.

ANnius Verus, father of the first Faustine, and father in lawe vnto Antoninus Pius, became so olde, that he was not able to sit on horsebacke, either to go on foote, but that he was led and staide by the arme, to saye his opini­on in the Senate: because, from olde putrified men, ripe and found counsels do proceede. Antoninus Pius beeing the man that delighted to leade his old father, did not on­ly giue him way in foule places, but in going vp of staires, did rather séeme to beare him, then leade him. ‘Passing on a certeine day, and beholding an olde man named Iulianus led vnto prison for debt, and vnderstanding the cause, he presently payed the same, and added a worke of more pit­tie, that payde not onely all his debtes, but gaue him also to susteine him & his house. For that a penall lawe, proui­ded in that behalf, that by iustice or otherwise, none shuld shead bloud within the compasse of Rome:’ for his cause at the gate Salaria, a place deputed for execution of offen­ders, and maisters also did there chastice their seruaunts: and thus it chaunced, that Antoninus Pius, passing that way, found there, many slaues bounde and beaten moste cruelly: he conceiued so great pitie, to sée them so beaten without pitie, that presently he bought them all: and the same daye he bought them, the verie same daye he made them frée. ‘From his youth it was his inclination to visite the sicke, and to accompany suche as were in sorrowe, di­stresse, and out of comfort: wherein the good Antoninus did so muche vtter the griefe, that he had of their griefe, & he so much sorrowed of their sorrowe, that no man did so sensibly féele his owne griefe, as he did bewaile the mis­fortune of others.’

[Page 125] ‘An auncient Romaine widowe, which had but one sonne, whose misfortune was to kill another young man, and be­ing condemned to dye, the sorrowfull mother came lamē ­ting, wailing, and crying vnto the Emperour Antoninus: with whome he did so earnestly and so grieuously wéepe, as if it had béene his owne sonne. And being aduertised by his friendes, and his most speciall and priuate seruaunts how euil it became him to wéepe with and like a woman, aunswered: that sorrowfull woman came to craue helpe and succour for her sonne: and for that I may not relieue her with some remedie, I did assist to bewaile her mis­chaunce.’

‘The Romaines had a custome, to leaue the dead bodies of men executed in the fieldes: but Antoninus Pius was the first that gaue order for such bodies to be buried: af­firming it sufficient, to take from men their liues, and not to féede beastes with their carcases. From the time of the proude Tarquine, the Romaines held for custome, to giue malefactours great tormentes: the good Antoninus did take away all tortures, wherwith the members of mans bodie was put in daunger: saying, that the torment was sufficient that were to chastice, but not to dismember. Fa­batus, Dioscorus, Lipolus, Macrinus, Fuluius, Torqua­tus, Eucenius, Bruscos, and Emilius, whereof foure being Consuls, thrée Iudges, and two Pretors, and banished by Adrian, Antoninus gaue them all pardon: and for that many did mislike this déede, affirming it to be done to the preiudice of the fame and memorie of Adrian, he aunswe­red: Adrian my Lorde did not erre in that which he then did: and I thinke I do not erre in that which I nowe doe: because then, he did it to profite him selfe by his iustice, as I nowe doe to obteine aduauntage by clemencie.’ Whe­ther so euer he went, either in Rome or other places of Italie, wéekely he did visite the prisoners, and the poore which he found there for debt, he commaunded the credi­tours with his owne money to be payde: and after that he had thrée times paide for one man, and the fourth time [Page 126] found in prison for debt: he commaunded him to be deliue­red vnto his creditour for his slaue. A fewe dayes after this commaundement, his clemencie not able to endure so rigorous Iustice: notwithstanding the sentence was moste iust, he prouided at his owne cost once more to buy and to giue libertie vnto that poore man. As before reci­ted, when Adrian was sicke, and so distempered with his infirmities, that some he commaunded to be taken, some banished, and some put to death: but Antoninus Pius being adopted Augustus, and being inuested with the whole gouernement, did neither arrest, banishe, or kill them: but onely commaunded to absent them selues, and not to appeare in his presence. Amongest all the notable workes of pietie that Antoninus did perfourme, was, that Adrian striuing and watching to kill him selfe, Antoni­nus did ouerwhatche to preserue a liue: being moste true according to sensualitie, he shoulde haue procured, and not haue giuen any impediment to haue finished his life: since vnto him, bothe house, goods, and estate shoulde succéede.

The Senatours, & many other magistrates of Rome, did attempt to adnihilate the lawes, and monumentes of Adrian: whiche Antoninus did most stiffely denye, with­stand and repulse: and in the ende not onely did cause all his actes to be ratified, confirmed, and allowed: but also did frame and bring to passe with the Senate, that Adri­an should be accompted amongest the Gods. He built in the honour of Adrian a moste solemne temple in a cer­teine place, named Pusoll, and did furnishe the same with Priestes to serue him, and endued them with rents to find them, and were commonly named Adrians priests. In the honour of Adrian, he did institute certeine pla­yes, intituled Lustra, to be played euery fifth yere, for the maintenaunce whereof, he gaue great rentes.

‘Before Adrian died, he had made for him selfe a sump­tuous sepulchre neare vnto the riuer Tiber, whether Antoninus brought him to be buried, and brought to [Page 127] passe with the Senatours, and the people of Rome, to receiue him with no lesse honour, then if he had béene a liue. No Prince had reigned in the Empire, that had not béene noted either cruell, or of small pietie, Antoni­nus Pius excepted: whoe with his tounge, neuer com­maunded man to be slaine: either woulde euer firme sen­tence of death, or euer woulde beholde any man executed: because so greate was his clemencie, that he might not be­holde the sheading of bloud.’

CHAP. IIII. ¶Of the woordes that Adrian saide vnto the Se­nate, when he did adopt Anto­ninus Pius.

AFter that the Emperour Adrian was recouered of a certeine great surfet, it hapned afterwards as he sate at his dinner, he was taken w ^t an incessant cough, where­of followed a bléeding at the nose, in suche abundance, and with such continuance, that both him selfe, and others thought, first to haue seene him dead, yer the bloud woulde haue ceassed to runne. Adrian perceiuing, the greater that his fluxe of bloud did increase, so muche the more his life did shorten: desiring like a good Prince, to prouide for the weale of his subiectes, comaunded all the Senatours, Consuls, and all other the notable officers of Rome to come before him, vnto whome he briefely saide certeine woordes, right worthie to be committed vnto memorie, as followeth.

These wordes being saide by Adrian, he drewe a ring from his finger, and put the same vppon the fingar of An­toninus Pius, and after that houre he was holden, serued, and obeyed as Romaine Emperour: notwithstandinge that Adrian liued some time after. Perfect was the elec­tion of the Emperour Nerua, in the good Traiane, and no lesse of Traiane in the adoption of Adrian, and moste iust of Adrian in the election of Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius, which fiue Emperours were such and so good, one after the other: which séemed a Prognostication, that the felicitie of Romaine Emperours, should in them take an ende.

CHAP. V. ¶Of the offices that Antoninus helde before he was Emperour.

‘BEfore Antoninus Pius came vnto the height of y ^e Em­pire, he did oft put foorth his money to vsurie, but all the gaines of that trade, he spent in succouring the poore, and redéeming captiues. He was sent on a time by A­drian to visite the Isle of Sicyl: in which visitation he re­formed many people, chasticed many tyraunts, depriued many officers, remoued many enimities, repaired rui­nous buildinges, did melt manye counterfeit coynes: but moste of all in suche manner did gouerne the common wealth, that no man remained discontented.’

He was iiij. yeares Pretor within Rome, he was Consul in Campania, with Catilinus Seuerus, he was Iudge thrée yeres together, in al which offices he was ne­uer noted, either rashe in commaundements, or rigorous in his chasticements.

[Page 131] Adrian diuided all Italie into foure iurisdictions, pla­cing in euery one a Consul for gouernement thereof, and established Antoninus supreme gouernour of them all: in such wise, that he helde such authoritie and credite, that in Rome all was gouerned by his counsell: and in Italie all did obey his commaundementes. Were his person farre distant, alwayes Adrian and the Senate had his counsell present: the cause whereof procéeded of his cleare iudgement, in the foundation of that which he saide: and through the bountie of his vertue, he frankly did speake his opinion.

Wée saide not without iust cause, that by his vertue, he did fréely saye his opinion: for speaking the very truth, he is not onely vniust, but verie wicked, that hath liber­tie in his speeche, and hath not vertue in his life. Exerci­sing in Asia the office of Proconsul, he vttered so greate wisedome in his commaundementes, and so much with­out couetousnesse in his dealings, that he was intituled, the holy proconsul, which gouernement amongest stran­gers, by a straunger, was a case somewhat straunge, be­cause detestation alwayes accompanieth such gouerne­ment.

Comming from Asia vnto Rome, in Antioche he bu­ried his eldest daughter: whoe had such fame in her life, that after her death she left behinde a slaunderous memo­rie. Wée haue saide howe the wife of Antoninus was named Faustine, which was mother vnto the faire Fau­stine wife vnto Marcus Aurelius: and moste truely, both mother and daughter were touched with infamie, by the meane of too muche libertie, and too little vertue.

It was neuer séene in the Romaine Empire, that two so vertuous Princes, had wiues so licentious: notwith­standing the one was sufficiētly aduised, the other correc­ted: but for that they were so gratious in their conuersa­tion, and so perfect beautifull of their persons: it was ve­ry little which was saide vnto them, in respect of that which was dissembled.

[Page 132] Antoninus was so limitted in that which he saide, and so aduised in the counsels which he gaue, that he neuer re­pented that demaunded the same. Before Antoninus came vnto the Empire, he was couetous, but after­wardes very liberall: and his wife reprehending, that he vsed no order in giuing or spending, he aunswered: Fau­stine, simple is thy iudgement, since thou vnderstandest not, that after we were aduaunced vnto the Empire, we lost all that euer we had, because all Princes of noble mindes be bounde to giue, but haue no licence to kéepe or hoorde.

The tribute coronall, that is to saye, the money that was giuen vnto the Emperours for their coronation: the one halfe therof he gaue vnto the cities of Italie, to relieue the charges of the common wealth. His wife he did both honour, and cause to be honoured: and it was in such ma­ner, that he obtained and brought to passe with the Se­nate, that shée shoulde be intituled Augusta Faustina, and in her owne name to graue and stampe certeine mo­ney, the whiche is séene at these dayes. Antoninus was imbraced with so ardent affection of the Senate, that without his request, they erected the pictures and coun­terfeits of his father and mother, his graundfathers, and graundmothers, his brothers and sisters, notwithstan­ding they were all dead.

The Circene playes, which were vsed euery fifth yeare, the Senate did ordeine to celebrate euery yere on the daye of his natiuitie. And after that he therefore had greatly gratified the Senate: by greate request he obtey­ned the celebration of them, to be perfourmed on the day of Adrians death.

The Senate to satisfie Antoninus, consented that his wife Faustina, shoulde be intituled Augusta: and al­so in the coynes whiche they made, vnto her honour, there shoulde be ingrauen, Augusta Faustina: whiche excellencie, was neuer graunted to anye Woman [Page 133] of Rome: for that in giuing her the title of Augusta, they gaue her authoritie to set her hande to the thinges of the common wealth.

CHAP. VI. ¶Howe he helde all prouinces in peace, not by armes, but with letters.

AMongest al the Romaine Princes, there was none, that performed so great constancie in his affaires, as Anto­ninus Pius: which procéeded, for that he was not rashe in his commaundements, either variable in his determi­nations, but that exactly he considered and examined, what he did commaunde: and after, for no importunitie would reuoke the same. Antoninus being resident in the prouince of Campania, sending vnto the Senate to re­quest a certeine matter, which notwithstanding the diffi­cultie thereof, was graunted: Gaius Rufus a Senatour, saide vnto him. Serene Prince, I beséeche thée to giue mée to vnderstande, by what reason it is brought to passe, that in all thy enterprises thou doest neuer repent: in all thy requestes thou art neuer denied: either in al thy com­maundements thou arte neuer disobeyed. To whome Antoninus made aunswere: If I repent mée not of any my déedes, it is because I do them according to reason: and if my requests are not denied of the Senate, it is because I craue not but that which is iust: and if in my com­maundements I am not disobeyed, it procéedeth that they are more profitable vnto the common welth then for mine owne person.

Most truely these were words right worthie of such a mā, and to y ^e memorie of Princes most chiefely to be commen­ded. It was an auncient custome amongst y ^e Romaines, to haue the time limitted for their residence in their offices, [Page 134] that is to say, the Dictatour, sixe monethes, the Consul one yere, the Pretor two yeres, the Censour three yeres, the maister of the horssemen halfe a yeare, and so of the rest.

Antoninus woulde not consent vnto this custome, but in euery respect did alter the same, in such wise, that with some that shoulde haue continued but two or thrée yeares, he helde them in office seuen or eight yeares: and others that shoulde haue continued thrée yeares, hee displaced them in thrée monethes: affirminge, that the good officer ought to be conserued all the dayes of his life, but the euill, not to be suffered one onely daye.

‘He sent Fuluius Tusculanus, as Pretor into y ^e prouince of Mauritania, whome w ^tin half a yere he depriued of his office: for y ^t he was bothe impatient & some what coue­tous: and complaining of the iniurie, saide and alledged, that in times past, he had béene friend vnto Antoninus, which nowe was forgotten. Whereunto Antoninus Pius did aunswer: thou hast no reason thus vniustly to blame mée, because the office was giuen thée by the Em­perour, and not by Antoninus: and since thou diddest of­fende, not as Fuluius, but as Pretor: euen so I dischar­ged thée of thine office, not as Antoninus thy old friende, but as an Emperour of the Romaine Empire.’ He was not inclined to beginne warres, either in his owne per­son to prosecute the same: for he holde opinion, that the Prince with more sounde counsell shoulde commend his warres vnto his Captaines, to the ende in his owne per­son to gouerne the common wealth, then to goe to the warres him selfe, and leaue his common wealth vnto others.

Talkinge on a time in his presence, of warres and battels, that Iulius Caesar, Scipio, and Hanibal, had fought and ouercame in the worlde, Antoninus Pius aunswered: Let euery man holde opinion what he [Page 135] thinketh good, and praise what it pleaseth him: but for mine owne parte, I doe more glorie in conseruing peace many yeares: then with warres to conquere many battailes.

In the seconde yere of his Empire, the Britains re­belled, against whome he sent the Consul Laelius Vrbi­cus, whoe subdued that Islande, although afterwards by mischaunce he lost his life.

In the thirde yeare of his Empire, the Mauritanes also rebelled, whiche are a people of Africa: againste whome he sent the Consul Murus Cespitius, whoe vsed so greate policie in those warres, that hée constrained them to craue peace. In those dayes the Germaines and the Datians had greate warres amongest them selues, vppon the diuision of certeine territories: but in the ende, after their owne destruction, amongest them selues, they came to suche concorde, that they bent their whole force, as cruell enimies against Rome, and the countries thereof: protesting and affirminge, their charges to bée muche more in paying so greate, and so continuall tribute, then might arrise by defence of their persons against the Romaine power.

Antoninus vnderstanding of this rebellion, hee woulde not presently sende foorth an armie, but a Iudge with greate power, to visite those countries, to mitti­gate and vnfolde all griefes, and to remoue all vniust tributes, and ioyntly therewith did write suche and so good woordes, that at the instant those Barbarians left their armour, and did yeld their countries vnto the obe­dience of Rome.

Of this example, all mightie Princes haue to take example, to the ende, that with furie they vndertake not to tame a furious people: because manye times, hartes be more tamed with swéete woordes then with cruell armes.

[Page 136]The Iewes that were in the prouince of Pentapolis, also he did represse and tame, which was don by the hands of the president that was in Assyria, whom he commaun­ded first to offer them peace before he made them warre. In Achaia and Aegypt also certeine people did rebell: vnderstanding the occasion to procéede of the Romaine Pretors, whiche were rigorous in their commaunde­ments, and couetous in their dealings, gaue order, that his officers were chastised and the people pardoned.

The Pretors that were resident in the countries of the Alanes, sent to complaine at Rome, howe daily they were threatened to be slaine, onely for demaunding tri­bute: vnto whome Antoninus aunswered. We haue re­ceiued your letters, and be grieued with your perils, and no lesse sorrowe your trauailes: if these people do paye their tribute which they doe owe: suffer their threate­ninge which they make: because it is néedelesse to thinke that any man which is a tributarie, shall liue contented. In any wise, aduenture not to giue them iniurious woordes, to committ briberie, or to do them wrong: be­cause in suche cases, wée haue to heare their complaintes, and to correct your offences. The Gods haue you in kee­ping, and guide well your Fortune.

CHAP. II. ¶Howe he did visite the officers of his common wealth, and the reformation of his house.

WHen Antoninus sent any Pretor to gouerne any prouince, he was not satisfied that he were wise, prudent, and valiaunt: but also without any infection of pride, or couetousnesse: for he helde opinion, that he may euill gouerne a common wealthe, that is a [Page 137] subiect to pride or couetousnesse. ‘Vnto Pretours, Cen­sours, and Questours, before he gaue them any gouerne­ment of any countrie, first, he caused them to giue an in­uentorie, of their owne proper goods: to the end that when their charge were finished, the increase of their wealth might be considered: and ioyntly therewith he did both say and warne them, that he sent them to minister iustice, and not by fraude to rob countries. In all thinges that Antoninus commaunded, prouided, and chastised, he was very pitifull: such excepted, as did offend in the execution of iustice: with whom he was both rigorous & extreme: in such wise, that other offences, were they very great, he did pardon them: but as concerning iustice, the smallest of­fence was grieuously punished. On a time certaine officers of his treasure, brought him a memoriall: wherein was conteined the manner and fourme, yearely to increase his rents, which being séene and read, in the backe thereof, he did write these wordes: the order and fourme that you haue to searche, ought not to be to the augmentation of my rents: but for the aduancement of my common welth: eyther to impose newe tributes, but to deuise with order, to auoyde excessiue expences: for if Romaine Princes vse no rule to moderate their charges, eyther we shall lose our selues, or rob our common wealthes. Amongest all the Princes past, onely Antoninus did neuer permit, the rents of his estate, eyther more or lesse to be augmented: but rather did pardon many common wealthes, of their olde debts, and also relieued others of some newe im­positions.’ Presents that were brought him, of siluer, golde, silke, purple, iuels, or other riche things, he woulde not receiue them, were it not of the kings that payde tri­bute vnto the Empire: for he helde opinion, that the com­mon wealthes, rather then him selfe, had néede thereof. The things that he vsed most commonly to receiue, were bookes to reade in, horsses to runne, and fruite to féede on: which he forgate not, gratefully to recompence. In af­faires he vsed great expedition, that is to say, that if he [Page 138] once did vndertake any businesse, he neuer withdrewe his hand, vntill it were finished. ‘Euery yeare he caused his house to be visited, as concerning excessiue expences: if ex­action or briberie were committed by any of his houshold, against straungers: if they did serue, which receiued wa­ges: if amongest them, there were any that were notably vicious: finally, all that whiche the visitour for the reme­die hereof did set downe, presently was perfourmed.’ For the time of Domitian, the Emperours officers had a cu­stome, to receiue many & chargeable fées of al men, that by warrant of the Princes liberalitie receiued reliefe: which the Emperour Antoninus, as a vile custome, did vtterly take away: affirming, that a gratious rewarde, ought gratis to be dispatched. The pryde, the presumption, the hautinesse, and also the tediousnesse of the whole Empire, he brought, placed, and restored vnto the plat of great hu­militie: in suche wise, that as easily they dispatched af­faires, with the Emperour Antoninus, as with a citizen of Rome. A matter surely to be noted, to beholde the Court of Rome, in the dayes of this good Prince, howe per­fect the refourmation thereof was established: for surely, whether their affaires, were eyther with the Prince, or with the Senate, ‘neyther did they beginne their suit with feare, or were dispatched, with iust cause to murmur. The officers of his house, and also of the Senate, by whose han­des matters were dispatched, some he aduaunced, and to o­thers he gaue double fée: to no other ende, but to remoue them from aduenturing to take any bribe.’ Being (as he was) a great friend vnto the common wealth, and not a little delighted to be in the grace thereof, and to this ende, with the good he vsed great liberalitie, and with the euill great clemencie: in such wise, that of all men he was be­loued, and also praysed: as well for that he pardoned the one, as gaue vnto the other. All that euer he sayde or wi­shed, to be vsed of good Princes, the same did he perfourme after he was Emperour: and refourmed all things, that he thought were to be amended.

[Page 139] ‘In the third yeare of his Empire, Faustine his dearely beloued wife dyed, in whose death he did vtter so great sor­rowe, that it exceeded the authoritie of his estate, and also the grauitie of his person. In the memorie of Faustine, he placed hir picture in all the temples, and perfourmed with the Senate, that she should be recounted amongest the Goddesses, which was, as to canonize hir: all whiche was truely agréed by the Senate, more at the request of An­toninus, then for the deseruings of Faustine.’

CHAP. VIII. Of certaine notable buildings erected by Antoninus.

THe buildings which he made were not many, but excée­ding stately and sumptuous: for in them appeared and were represented the greatnes of his estate, and the mag­nanimitie that he had in spending. He built a temple in the reuerence of his Lorde Adrian: wherein he erected a picture of siluer, with a Coronet of golde, and a chaplet of Nacre: a worke most certainly, no lesse curious then cost­ly. He reedified a certaine building, called Gregostasens: which serued to lodge all straunge ambassadours: bycause the Romaines did vse to giue ambassadours, an house to dwell in, and a stipend for their dyet. He did amplifie and nobilitate the sepulchre of his Lord Adrian: wherevnto none durst approch, but on their knées. The greatest ses­sion house of al Rome, was burnt in the time of Domitian: which the good Antoninus, built from the foundation. He built the temple of Agrippa, and indued and dedicated the same, in the reuerence of the Goddesse Ceres. Ouer the riuer Rubicon, he built a sumptuous and a stately bridge, and also not a little necessarie: bycause afore time many were there daungered, and aftewardes that way muche victuall, and prouision was carried.

[Page 140]Not farre distant from the port of Hostia, neare vnto the sea, he built a right strong tower, for the safetie and defence of the ships of Rome: which a foretime might not bring in any victuall or other prouision, but were distres­sed of pyrates. The hauen or port of Gaieta, whiche had bene long through great antiquitie forsaken, he freshly re­edified, that is to say, built newe houses, erected a mightie tower, made a strong wall, placed inhabitants, and gaue them great priuileges: in such wise, that whereas afore time, it was a thing vtterly forgotten, it was from thence foorth most estéemed. That whiche he did in Gaieta, he per­fourmed in a porte of Spaine named Taragon: whiche he reedified, & amplified, with great buildings and priuileges. A myle from the port of Hostia, he built a sumptuous and a curious bathe, and indued the same in suche manner, ‘that in all Italie it was the onely bath, that was vnto all men frée without charges. A myle without Rome he built thrée temples, naming them Laurianos, for that many bay trées grewe there, to this ende: that the dames and ma­trones of Rome, walking according vnto their manner, should encounter with some Church to pray in.’

CHAP. IX. Of certaine lawes which the Emperour Antoninus Pius made.

IT was a law amongst the Romaines, that such as were put to death by iustice, might make no testament: but that in loosing their life, they lost also their goods. Antoni­nus moued with pietie, did ordein, that none for any fault, what so euer, should ioyntly loose both life and goods: but if any were put to death, he might frankly make a testament of his owne proper goods. Where he had placed any good and sound Iudge in any common wealth: he did not onely permit him not to be remoued: but also with giftes and re­questes he did susteine him. This good Prince made a law, [Page 141] that none should presume to sue to the Prince or Senate, for the office of iustice: vppon paine to be banished Rome. There was in Rome a Iudge, named Gaius Maximus, who in Rome continued a iudge twentie yeares: of whom Antoninus wold oft say, that he had neuer séene, heard, or read of a man more cleare of life, eyther right in iustice. In the place of Gaius Maximus, there succéeded Tatius Suc­cinus, a man surely of many hoare haires, and of muche learning: but the office of Pretour being so tedious, and he of yeares so auncient, dyed immediately vpon the bur­then thereof. Antoninus being infourmed, that the good olde Tatius dyed with the burthen of his office, diuided the same betwixt Cornelius, and Repentinus: but after the Emperour being infourmed, howe the Senate had giuen the same vnto Repentinus, not for his deseruing, but at the suite of a Gentlewoman of the Courte: he commaunded him publikely to be banished, declaring by the voice of a cryar throughout all Rome, that he was banished for ob­teining the office of a Iudge, by the suit of a woman. This was the first officer of Rome, that in the dayes of Antoni­nus, suffered punishment, which correction gaue so greate feare throughout the Romaine Empire, that from thence­foorth the Emperour Antoninus was as muche feared of the euill, as beloued of the good. ‘A mightie Senatour na­med Tranquillus, confessing to haue procured his fathers death, of extreme desire to inherite: he commaunded to be remoued into an Island, onely to passe his life with the breade of sorrowe, and the water of teares. All the time of his Empire, he gaue wheate and oyle vnto the citizens of Rome.’ The people of Rome in those dayes, being giuen to drinke wine without measure: he commaunded that none shuld presume to sel wine, but in Apothecaries shops for the sicke or diseased. He established a lawe for him self and his successours, that openly thrée dayes in the wéeke, they should shewe them selues in Rome: and if by any weightie cause, there happened some impediment, that on suche dayes their gates should stand wide open, without [Page 142] porters, that fréely the poore might repaire to follow their suits. In deare yeres he did ordeine through Italie, that no gardener should dare to sowe in his garden any féede, but wheate and barley: whereby the poore of the common wealthe might be relieued of their penurie. He made an vniuersall lawe, throughout the Empire, that gouerners and rulers of the people, should not aduenture to spende the goods of the common wealth, in matters eyther vnpro­fitable or superfluous: but to the defence of enimies, or repayring of fortifications, eyther else for prouision of the common wealth in time of deare yeares. There was in Rome certaine stipendarie interpreters of all languages, to manifest the meaning of straunge ambassadours: whose fée and office Antoninus commanded to be forbidden, and taken away, affirming it to be verie conuenient vnto the greatnesse and maiestie of Rome, that al nations and king­domes should learne to speake their speache: and that it were abasement for them, to learne any straunge toung. ‘Also he did ordeine, that al the old, impotent, & blind people in Rome, should be susteined at the charges of the common wealth: but such as were younger and more able, shoulde be constrained, eyther to boult meale at the bakers, or to blowe the bellowes at the smythes.’ By chaunce on a certaine day, he founde an olde seruitour, whiche he had knowne long in the warres, rubbing and clawing him selfe against the pillers of the Churche: Adrian demaun­ding why he did so rubbe him selfe, and weare out his clothes: the olde man made answere, I haue no garments to clothe my selfe, neyther any man giueth me to eate: yet if it may please thée, Adrian, I haue founde meane to rub my selfe. Adrian tooke great compassion of that whiche he did sée, but much more of that which he heard: and present­ly he commaunded goods to be giuen him, and slaues to serue him. And as enuie, is naturall vnto the poore, as pryde is common among the riche: The next day other two poore men came before Adrian, rubbing them selues amongst the pillers, in hope to receiue the like liberalitie: [Page 143] whom he willed to be called vnto him, commaunding the one to scratch the other, and by turne to ease each other of his itch. Vnto king Pharasmaco of the Parthians, Adrian gaue great giftes: that is to say, fiftie Eliphants armed with their towers, and thrée hundred men of Hiberin in the countrie of Spaine, which were of his guard.

CHAP. XI. Of the prodigious and monstruous things that happened du­ring the Empire of Antoninus.

MAny trauels and hard aduentures followed the Em­perour Antoninus while he liued, and also in all his kingdomes, in the time of his reigne: bicause Fortune is so variable, that she neuer stayeth her wheele, or euer ceaseth to be turning thereof. ‘In the second yeare of his reigne, hunger was so great, so sharpe, and so generall through­out all Italie, that thereof there dyed no lesse, then if it had bene of a fierce pestilence. There was in Asia, so cruell, and so generall an earthquake, that many houses and buildings were subuerted, many people slayne, and not a fewe cities disinhabited: for the repayring of which great hurtes, he sent not onely money from the common wealth of Rome, but also plentifully sent his treasure out of his owne coffers. In the moneth of Ianuarie, there was in Rome so furious a fire, that it burnt ten thousand houses, wherein there perished of men, women, and children, more then tenne thousande. In the same yeare was burnt the stately place of Carthage, the one halfe of Antioche, and in a manner the whole citie of Narbona. In the mo­neth of August, there was at Rome great floudes: and be­sides, losse of their corne, both reapt and vnreapt. The riuer Tyber did so swell and ouerflowe, that one dayes losse was not repayred in thrée yeares. On the fourth of the monethe of Maie, there appeared a starre ouer Rome, conteyning the quantitie of the whéele of a myll: [Page 144] which threw out sparkes so thicke and so continuall, that it séemed rather the fire of a forge, then the shining of a starre. In the sixt yeare of the Empire of Antoninus, in Rome was borne a childe with two heades, the one like a man, the other like a dogge: but the straungenesse of the matter did more excéede, in that, with one head he did cry and barke, as a whelpe: and with the other did wéepe as a childe. In the citie of Capua, a woman was brought a bed and deliuered of fiue sonnes. At that time was séene in A­rabia, a great and a most huge serpent: which being séene of many persons, vpon the height of a rocke, did eate halfe his owne tayle: in which yeare, there was throughout all Arabia, & maruellous greate pestilence. In the ninthe yeare of the Empire of Antoninus, in the citie of Mesia, barley was séene to growe in the heads of their trées: in such wise, that no trée bare fruite that yeare, but eares of of barley. In the same yeare, there happened in the king­dome of Artenitos, in a citie named Triponia: foure wilde and vnknowne Lions to lye downe in the market place: which became so tame, that they made them packehorsse to the mountaines for wood, and boyes became horssemen vppon their backes. In the kingdome of Mauritania, a childe was borne, which had the heade turned backwards, which liued, and was bred vp, and also suche as would ey­ther sée or speake with him, most conueniently did place them selues at his backe: which notwithstanding, coulde both sée, speake, and go, but with his hands might not féede him selfe. There died in Rome a Senatour, named Ru­fus, a man of great wealth and credite, whiche after his death did many times come to the Senate: sitting in his wonted place, and clad with garments, after his olde fa­shion, but was neuer hearde speake one worde: and this vision continued in the Senate, full two yeares.’

CHAP. XI. Of the warres that happened in the reigne of Antoninus Pius, and other his actes.

IT chaunced vnto no Romaine prince, as it did vnto An­toninus: which alwayes remaining within the bounds of Italie, and commonly within Rome, was so beloued, feared, and serued of all straunge kings and kingdomes, as if personally he visited & had conquered thē. In the fourth yeare of his empire, king Pharasmaco came to Rome, but onely to sée Antoninus, and brought and presented vnto him, so muche and so maruellous thinges, that the eyes of men were not satisfied in beholding, eyther their hearts in wishing them. The king of Parthians, had taken awaye much landes from the king of Armenia: who sent to com­plaine vnto the Romaines, as vnto their friends, alies, and confederates: for whome the Emperour Antoninus did write his letters vnto the king of Parthians, to cease to do wrong, and also to make restitution vnto the Armenians: whose letters being receiued and read, was presently obei­ed and perfourmed. King Abogarus one of the mightiest and most notable kinges of the Orient, the Emperour Antoninus did force to come to Rome: bycause that owing a great summe of money vnto one of his vassals, he would not come to account. The good Emperour Traiane, had constrained the Parthians to receiue their seate and royall crowne, at the handes of the Romaines: which subiection, the Parthians both denyed and refused: but Antoninus not only by letters, but also by apparant threatnings, did force them to yealde and consent vnto the obedience of Rome. Rometalce king of the Pindaroes, was accused in y ^e Senate, of disloyaltie vnto the Romaines, in the warres they helde against the Rhodes: who cōming vnto Rome, to quite him selfe, the good Antoninus did not onely con­firme him in his kingdome: but also did not permit, that [Page 146] for any thing past, any motion should be made: affirming that his offence might not be so great, but that his submis­siue apparance did reforme the same. The Olbiopoli­tes a people in Asia, held warre with y ^e Taurocistes, alies of Rome: vnto whom Antoninus sente succour by sea, and with assistance of the Romanes, subdued the Olbiopolites, who not only paid all charges of the warres, but also gaue hostages to maintaine peace. Antoninus neuer raised warre, but that first he sought to conserue peace, and prai­sed not a little that saying of Scipio: that is to say, Hee ra­ther wished the life of one citizen of Rome, thē the death of a thousand enimies. When hée married his daughter Faustina vnto Marcus Aurelius, he made a sūptuous feast, and gaue great rewards vnto his men of warre. He held his sonne Marcus Aurelius in great reuerence, and would haue made [...]im Consul, which hee refused, holding it for more happie, to turne bookes, then to appease nations.

After he had sent vnto Calcedonie for the great Philo­sopher Apollonius, and had giuen him an house to dwell in solitarilie, neare vnto the riuer Tiber: Antoninus sent for him, who refusing to come sent answeare, That schol­lers do vse to come to their maisters, and not maisters vn­to their scholers: whereat Antoninus laughing said: A trim ieste, that Apollonius hath paste so many seas, from Calcedonie vnto Rome, and now refuseth from his house to come to mine. Although Apollonius were learned in Philosophie, yet was hée in his life very couetous: where­at when certaine in presence of the Emperour did mur­mur, hée aunsweared: for very deare that Philosophers sell vs their Philosophie: alwayes their science is more worthe which they teach vs, then the goodes which wée giue them.

CHAP. XII. ¶ Of the succession of the Empire, and the occasion of his death.

AS y ^e Emperour Antoninus in his youth was alwayes a frend vnto the vertuous, euen so in his age carefully hée did séeke the conuersation of the wise: and therewith had no lesse care of publique matters, then of his owne pri­uate affaires. Generally hée was so liked and loued of al nations, that in all temples, in all walles, gates, and buil­dings, these foure letters were placed, namely V.A.C.R. whiche is to saye Vita Antonini Conseruatur Respublica: which is to saye, On the life of Antoninus, the whole weale of the Romane Empire dependeth. Leauing a part many good lawes, which he made for the Common wealth, for which purpose, hee had alwayes attendant about him, men in the lawes singularly learned, who among y ^e chiefe was Vindemius Verus, Siluius Valente, Abolusius Me­tianus, Vlpius Marcellus, and Iabolinus: before whome hée set the lawes of all kingdomes, and of the most neces­sarie and approued, to take the choice to be established in his kingdomes. When he did institute any lawe, either or­deine any proclamation, he alwayes expressed therein so great reason, that his commaundements were neuer dis­obeyed, either his lawes reuoked. ‘The cause of his death they say was after this maner: from Gallia Transalpina, that is to say, swéete Fraunce, they did present him cer­taine chéeses, whereof he eating at his supper more then was conuenient, they ministred vnto him a perillous vo­mit, whereby they discharged his stomache not onely of meate superfluous, but also of bloud righte necessarie, which bredd in him a furious feuer, and finding himselfe [Page 148] in great weaknesse, without disposition to sléepe, either ap­petite to eate: he commaunded al the Senatours and chief gouernours, to be called vnto his presence: and before thē all did commende the common wealth vnto Marcus Aure­lius his sonne, and Faustine his daughter. And making his testament in verie good order, wherin he gaue vnto his ser­uants great gifts, which being finished and perfourmed, he gaue vnto his daughter Faustine, the inheritaunce of all his lands which he possessed before he came vnto the Em­pire. His feauer increasing, and his strength and life wa­sting, the fourth day of his sicknesse about noone, beholding and viewing all the circumstants, and shutting his eyes as if he would sléepe, gaue vp the ghost: who was no lesse bewailed at his death, then he was beloued in time of life: and presently by conformitie of the whole Senate, was in­tituled Holie: and all the people at the newes of his death, a vie in euery streate did grite, skrich, and cry, aduauncing and magnifying his bountie, clemencie, benignitie, libera­litie, iustice, patience, prudence, and prouidence. Al the ho­nours were done vnto him, and all the famous titles were giuen him, that vpon any noble Prince had bene imployed. And deserued that in the temple of Iupiter, a priest of his owne name should be institute. Also they built him a tem­ple, and dedicated vnto his honour the Circene playes, and a fraternitie: where they were all called Antonines. This Prince onely amongest all Princes, liued and dyed without sheading of bloude: and for likelinesse, compared vnto Numa Pompilius, not onely in good gouernement of the common wealth, but also for sinceritie of life.’

CHAP. I. ¶ Of the byrth of the Emperour Commodus,

THe Emperour Commodus had to his grandfather Annius Verus, and his fa­ther was the good Emperour Marcus Aurelius: and his mother was the right faire and renouned Faustine: on whose side, he was nephewe vnto the Empe­rour Antoninus Pius, a man of a refour­med life, and very beneficiall vnto the common wealth of Rome. He was borne in a certaine place named Lodie, on the eight day of September: at the time that his father, and Drusius his vnckle, were Consuls: the one gouerning matters of warre in Datia, and the other in refourmation of causes in the common wealth. The Empresse Faustine being great with childe, and neare vnto the time of her childe byrth, dreamed that she was deliuered of certaine serpents, but especially of one, more fierce then the rest: of which dreame, when his father Marcus Aurelius was in­fourmed, they say, that he sayde: I feare me Faustine, that the sonne of this birth, shall proue so fierce a Serpent, that shall be of power to commit a murther of our fame, and to poyson the whole common wealth of Rome. The Astro­nomers and Nekromantiques, which in those dayes were [Page 150] resident in Rome, they sayde and prognosticated many things of the byrth of the Emperour Commodus: and as it appeared afterwardes they sayde very little, in respect of that which followed: bycause this miserable and vnfor­tunate Prince, in his manners, did rather resemble the infernall furies, then reasonable creatures. From his in­fancie his father Marcus Aurelius, carefully did trauell, in the learning and instruction of his sonne Commodus: for whiche purpose, he made inquisition throughout the whole Empire, for men learned in science, and of life and manners refourmed. His first scholemaisters were, O­nesicrates to teach him Gréeke, Capilus to instruct him in the Latine, Teyus to instruct him in the Art of Oratorie, Pulion to infourme him in Musike, Calphurnius to giue him order for behauiour on horsbacke, and Marcius to giue him rules for good manners: for that his father ha­uing no more sonnes, did not a little trauell, to frame in him suche perfection, as was due vnto a most noble and perfect Prince. But alas for pitie, that so many and so excellent men, neyther could persuade him to followe or imbrace vertue, eyther seperate him from his detestable vices. Right happie may we call those fathers, whose hap is to haue children inclined to vertue: for if they natural­ly be euill inclined, neyther doth it profite, that whiche their maisters teach them, eyther wherefore their parents do correct them. ‘After Faustine was conceiued with Com­modus, she neuer ceassed to say, howe painefull he was in bréeding, and howe daungerous in his birth: and his nour­ses for his byting when he did sucke, alwayes complained: in suche wise, that from the time of his first conception he was painefull, and tedious in conuersation. After Com­modus was weined, and began to féede him self and learne to talke: presently it appeared, that he was harde of con­dition, intollerable to serue, ingrateful of benefites, a glut­ton in féeding, malicious in countenaunce, cruell in re­uengement, impatient in iniuries, proude in commaunde­ments, and aboue all, filthy, double, and vncertaine in his [Page 151] talke. At the sixte yeare of his age, it was maruellous to sée howe in so tender yeares, he was giuen to all manner of vice: that none whatsoeuer in times past, had vsed such industrie to proue eyther valiant or learned, as the vn­fortunate Commodus did trauell to be vicious. He was sharpe and of a delicate wit, and of excellent memorie: he was also, quarelling, valiaunt, and doughtie: most appa­rant in him from his infancie: for he was neuer séene to feare eyther water, or fire, sworde, or wilde beastes. Na­ture also had indued him with naturall abilities, whiche valiauntnesse if he had imployed in warres, eyther his me­morie vnto learning, or his wit vnto vertues, he might haue proued an other Alexander in prowesse: or Plato in science, eyther Traiane in iustice: but by euill conuer­sation, he rightly resembled Brute the traytour, Nero the cruell, and Catiline the tyrant.’

CHAP. II. Of the honourable titles, giuen vnto the Emperour Commodus, in time of his youth.

NOtwithstanding that Commodus was as yet but young, he was ouerthwart, quarellous, hatefull, and generally of the people not well liked. At the age of four­tene yeares, the Senate gaue him the title of Caesar: not for the merite of the sonne, but to yealde to the vertue of the father. The Emperour Marcus Aurelius, séeing his sonne increase in age, and decrease in vertue, aduised to place him in a college of priestes, with whom many sonnes of noble men were bred: but in the end, he as little profi­ted, by the companie of priestes, as by the doctrine of his scholemaisters: for he helde alwayes, enimitie with other mens counsell, and great friendship with his owne will. When his father came from the Parthike warres, in to­ken of gratefulnesse, the Senate gaue vnto Commodus the title of Prince: which name vnto that day, was neuer giuen vnto the sonne of any Emperour.

[Page 152]The Romaine Princes held a custome, yearely to giue vnto the people for their sustentation, wheate, wine, and oyle, and other thinges, on which day alwayes in Rome they made great feastes. Commodus being then of fiftene yeares of age, and also placed in the temple of Traiane, gaue and diuided vnto the people, their accustomed shares of wheate, oyle, and wine: on that day Commodus was so feasted of all the Senate, as his father was the day he en­tered triumphing into Rome. When the Emperour Mar­cus Aurelius came from the warres of the Argonautes, he was receiued into Rome with great triumphe: and the more to honour and to do him pleasure, the Senate did or­deine, that his sonne Commodus, should with him be pla­ced, in the chariot triumphant: & further & beside this, they did inuest him with the garment imperiall: that is to say, they did abilitate and elect him, that after the death of his father, his sonne Commodus should be Emperour. Mar­cus Aurelius went into Aegypt, and also into Assyria, to visite those countries, and lead with him his sonne Com­modus. The Senate vnderstanding the noble works and déedes which he performed in al those countries and pro­uinces, sent him a dispensatiō of the law Annuaria, which did prohibite, that no young man might be admitted to be Consul: to the end that fréely he might establish his sonne Commodus, Romaine Consul. Commodus was but xvij. yeares of age, when he sawe him selfe clad with the impe­riall garment, when he diuided shares of reliefe vnto the common people, when he was elected a Romaine Consul, and was placed with his father in the chariot triumphant: which foure titles and honours, were not giuen to honour the sonne, but to please the father. His proportiō was after this manner: ‘his body long and slender, his face faire and well bearded, his eyes great and blacke, his handes white and long fingred, his haire yellow & thicke: finally, he was so faire and so gratious, that in his person there was no blemish, either in his life any thing to be praysed.’

‘It was monstrous and also lamentable to sée, howe [Page 153] this Prince was naturally endued with so high a witt, and of such perfect singularitie of proportion, and further, being named Commodus, howe to all purposes, he was incommodious, that according to the iudgement of al mē, he was not onely vnworthie of so great and singular gra­ces, but possessed his life with great indignitie.’

‘ Commodus had his lockes so perfect yelow, that when they were moued in the sunne with the ayre, they séemed not hayres, but thredes of golde: and many helde opinion, considering the incomparable beautie & finenesse of his person, and the liuely freshenesse of his face, that he had not béene ingendred by mankinde, but that the Gods had made him with their owne handes. At all times when he did ride through Rome, a vie both men & womē left their businesse, placing them selues at windowes, vppon hou­ses, and all stréetes, to beholde him, as though they had neuer séene him: but as much as they praised him for his beautie: so muche did they dispraise and abhorre him for his wicked life. Commodus was farre out of fauour with his father Marcus Aurelius, and too muche cheri­shed of his mother Faustine: wherein bothe the one and the other had great reason: for doubtlesse, he gathered too small profite of his fathers counsell, and folowed too much the libertie of his mother.’ Commodus had another bro­ther named Verissimus, vnto whome, if he had not dyed young, the father had left the Empire: but so the desti­nies did ordeine, that he died which deserued to liue, and that he liued which deserued to dye. When in the pre­sence of Marcus Aurelius, talke was moued of Princes that had béene honourable and happye: some praising A­lexander, that ouercame Darius: others, Scipio that sub­dued Haniball: others, Iulius Caesar that conquered Pō ­peius: others, Augustus that defeated Marcus Antonius: Marcus Aurelius made this aunswer: I holde the Empe­rour Nerua more happie then all the rest, and for no other cause, but for that he adopted Traiane for his sonne, in such wise, that he elected whome he liked, and [Page 154] not as I moste sorrowful, that must take such as they haue giuen mee.

CHAP. III. ¶Howe Commodus did inherite the Empire of his father Marcus Aurelius, and of a certeine speech which he v­sed vnto the Senate.

JN the xvi. yere of the reigne of Marcus Aurelius, and in the 63. yere of his age, warre was raised in Pano­nia, which at these dayes is otherwise named Hungarie: in which warres the good Emperour woulde goe in his owne person, leading also with him his sonne Commodus, according vnto his accustomed manner, that by the taste of trauels in the warres, he should bende and yelde him selfe to conserue peace. The Emperour in the greatest heate and furie of those martiall affaires, was soudeinly striken with a deadly sicknesse, and in fewe dayes depri­ued of his life: Commodus being then in so tender yeares, that he neither felt what he lost, either the daunger wher­in he stoode. At the death of Marcus Aurelius, his sonne Commodus was elected Prince, and confirmed Caesar, whereof procéeded (but chiefely for affection they bare vn­to his father) that presently he was obeyed of all the ar­mies, as true Emperour: notwithstanding they all sus­pected, he should be the losse of their common wealth, and procure to his person some euil conclusion. Before the em­perour Aurelius died, he left his sonne Commodus com­mended vnto certeine tutours, as well fortunately to fi­nishe those warres begonne, as also to assist and counsell him in the gouernement of the common wealth, because y ^e father comprehending the sonne, did feare, that leauing y ^e enimies, he would abandon him selfe vnto vices: and al­though the common wealth were forgotten, would dedi­cate him selfe vnto the pleasures of his person.

[Page 155]The exequies for the good Prince Marcus Aurelius be­ing celebrated, and sumptuous sacrifices also offered for him vnto the Gods, Commodus was aduised by his coū ­sell, to vse some speache vnto all his Senatours, and cap­taines attendant in those warres: who being aduaunced vppon an high skaffolde, began after this manner to make his Oration.

‘This talke being finished, much money was throwen out amongest the armyes because, on such dayes, it was amongest the Romaines muche vsed. The Romaine Princes did not muche varie from reason, to giue and promise muche money in the beginninge of their Em­pires: for as muche as the malice of man is greedie and couetous: they are more persuaded withe a little money which is giuen, then with many wordes that are spoken vnto them.’

CHAP. IIII. ¶Of a certeine famous and notable speeche, vsed by one of his tutours: for that he would leaue the warre of Panonia vnfinished.

ALl the officers of the Senate, and all the captaines of the armie did marueilously mitigate their sorrowe, for the death of their moste louing Lorde Marcus Aure­lius, when they hearde his sonne Commodus talke with so greate singularitie: not onely for that he confirmed, whatsoeuer his father had done, but also because he pro­mised by imitation most naturally to resemble him.

But what and howe great difference was betwixt the wordes of this Prince at that instant, & the workes which after he perfourmed in his life, was muche & too muche: for nothing was more aparant, then that al his good words [Page 160] and woorkes, vppon that day did finishe and take an ende, because from that day, he did not onely speake euil, and do euill: but that which is woorst of all, it was neuer séene, that euer he had any motion or desire to do good. Many be wicked, and desire to amende: but this person so vnhappie and solde to sinne, was not to day so euil: that he desired and procured not to morrowe to be woorse. Certeine dayes after he had vsed this talke vnto the ar­my, he permitted to be gouerned by the aduise of his tu­tours: but euen shortly after he both forgate the commaū ­dement of his father, and his promise made vnto his men of warre: for that he lost not onely the feare of his tutors, but also the loue and shame vnto his friendes. ‘ Commo­dus when he did inherite the Empire, was weake, deli­cate, and of tender yeares: but notwithstanding did vse such licence and libertie of life, that decayed his person, and damnified his inclination and manners. His tutors and gouernours finding the offence that insued therof, ad­uised to remoue the mischiefe by information and counsel in secrete: but so peruerse was his condition, that for their gentle admonition, he did presently abhorre them. Nowe when Commodus had publiquely lost his feare vnto tutors, his obedience vnto gouernours, and reue­rence vnto his friendes, he woulde neither beholde the one, or speake with the other: but that all his commu­nication, and conuersation was with persons light, young and vicious, vnto whome he committed all his secretes: who began to persuade him to leaue the warres, to go to Rome, renuing his memorie with the opulencie of Italie, and the beautie of Rome: and ioyntly did murmur at the land of Panonia, saying, it was barren, drye, colde, poore, and contagious: and that to drinke a pitcher of water, they were first constrained to breake the Ice.’

With these and suche like woordes, Commodus was easily persuaded to leaue the warres of Panonia, and take his waye into Italie: and to bring the same to effect, calling his tutours and gouernours into his presence, [Page 161] fained to haue greate suspicion, that while he remained in y ^e warrs, some others should cōspire & rebel in Rome: in respect whereof to avoyde y ^e woorste, he was determined first to assure him selfe of his owne countries, before hée conquered straung kingdoms. So greate sorrowe entred the harts of the gouerners and capteines, that were pre­sent at that assemblye, that heauily castinge their counte­naunces on the grounde, they were not able to aunswere one woord. A Senatour named Pōpeyanus being present at that counsell, who had married Lucilla, daughter vnto Marcus Aurelius, and elder sister vnto Commodus: be­sids his aliance in marriage, he was a man both rich, wise, valiaunte, and aunciente: and therewithall had greate boldnesse in that which he did, and no lesse credit in that which he saide. This Consul Pompeyanus, beholding all the assembly in great silence, thought good to take in hand, to aunswere the Emperour Commodus after this man­ner.

CHAP. V. How Commodus left the warres of Panonia to go to Rome.

After that Pompeyanus had ended his Oration, Com­modus did shew him selfe offended, for the opening thereof in so common assembly, and pleased for the inte­gritie of his woordes, giuing for an answere, that for the present he woulde deferre his departing: vntill ripe coun­sell, should determine some other matter. Not withstan­ding his small age, he was of suche dissimulation in mat­ters he woulde bringe to passe, and so double in his words which he did speake, that the aunswere which he made, was not to the intente to stay his departing, but to con­firme them in negligence and want of prouidence. It was published in the whole armie, what Pompeyanus had sayd vnto Commodus, and that the departing into Italie was deferred vntill the warres were finished: of which newes some were pleased, and some displeased: because the aun­cient and vertuous wished all thinges to be done to the honour of the common wealth: but the younger persons and suche as were vitious, had desire to go the vices of Rome. Some remaining quiet, and others negligent, Commodus determined to procéede with his purpose: and wrote certeine letters vnto Rome, wherin he commaun­ded, they shoulde order his house and prepare for his com­minge: and he did also write, that they shoulde relieue him with some monye, for that with the warres he was much consumed. His letters being dispatched vnto Rome, Com­modus commaunded all the valiant capteins to come vn­to his presence, with whome he did communicate the [Page 167] manner and fashion which he woulde vse with those bar­barous people, to frame them to yeald to some honest truce: & if a better cōclusion might not be obteined, to finish the same with a peace dearly bought. After that messen­gers had passed betwixt Commodus and the Barbarians diuersly to and fro: in the ende it was resolued, that hee rendered many countries, that had bene taken from the enimies, and also gaue thē a great summe of money: and they promised to continue friendes, but not vassals vnto the Romaines. This conclusion being knowne and publi­shed, was not a little grieuous vnto all noble minds of the armie: because most truely the capitulation thereof was too too infamous, that in respect of the state of those warrs it was not onely not to be done, either as much as to be talked of. Of these infamous conclusions, and y ^e paimente of so greate summes of money, he gaue no parte therof vn­to y ^e Senate or gouernours to vnderstande, but vnto such men of warre as he vnderstoode had desire to be gone, and such as he thought durst not repugne. The fame beinge published that Commodus would depart towards Rome, the whole armie was so altered, that none would remaine in the frontiers, but that euery man without order, pre­pared with greate hast to returne into Italie: in such wise that Commodus, not onely ceased to continue hostilitie a­gainst y ^e Barbarians, but also left no garrisons, to guard the Romaine people. The Emperour Commodus par­ted from Panonia to go to Rome, y ^e tenth day of y ^e moneth of Februarie: and so greate was his desire to come to Rome, that in many cities which were in his way, where they came foorth to receiue him, he would not onely stay to heare what they would say, either receiue y ^t which they would present: but also alone and disguised, in poste woulde passe theire stréets.

Incredible was the pleasure which they receiued in Rome, when Commodus did write of his partinge from Panonia: but muche greater was their ioye, when they vnderstoode that he was at hande: for remembringe [Page 168] that he was borne amongest them, and that they had bred and nourished him, and that he was the sonne of so good a father: they helde it for certeine, that in his time Rome (more then euer it did) should flourish, and that euery man in particular, should augment his estate. In respect of the greate loue and reuerence they did beare vnto the father Marcus Aurelius, and the reporte blowne amongst the Romaines of y ^e singular beautie of his sonne Commodus, they did so extremly desire to sée him, that he held him selfe most happy that came furthest off to receiue him. Marche was halfe past when Commodus came to Rome, at which time trées do yealde foorth their flowers, and fields their fragrant smelles: against the day that he shoulde enter Rome, the Romains had made all wayes euen and cleane, and banqueting houses deckte with boughes to eate and drincke in: the Senatours came forth in great order, the women of Rome in sumptuous apparel, & the townesmen all with boughes and greene braunches, in such manner they receiued him that day with as greate pleasure and ioy, as if he had entered in his chariote triumphant trium­phinge of all Asia. After he entred the citie, that whiche he firste did, was, in visitinge all the temples within the same: chieflye he stayed in y ^e temple of Iupiter, where he offered sumptuous sacrifices, all the noble men of Rome being present. Also he did visite certaine auncient sepul­chers, especially y ^e sepulchre of Adrian, of Traiane, of An­toninus Pius his grandfather, of Faustina his grand mo­ther, & Faustina also his mother: and some thinges y ^t were in them euill handled, or decayed, he cōmaunded to be re­paired and made better. Ioyning vnto the sepulchre of Adrian, he commaunded another sepulchre to be made, riche and sumptuous, wherein the bones of his father Marcus Aurelius shoulde be translated, which sepulchre being finished, and hauing in remembraunce howe greate loue Marcus Aurelius did beare them, and the good & sin­cere dealing he vsed with them, the Romaines did visite, honour, and helde his sepulchre in as greate reuerence, as [Page 169] their chiefest temples. This done, Commodus on a day went vnto y ^e Senate, saying and giuinge them warning, that in all and for all thinges, they shoulde followe the or­dinaunce of his father, and performe and execute all that he had commaunded them: because after this manner, the imperial state should be conserued as concerning straunge nations: and the common wealth wel gouerned amongst them selues. Also hee commaunded all Iudges of Rome to come before him, charginge and commaundinge them, that without all exception of persons, equally to giue sentence accordinge to iustice: with a warninge, that if any of them shoulde presume to attempt the contrarie, to haue his sentence reuoked, and his person chasticed.

The Romaines receiued greate delight, to sée how Com­modus was obedient vnto the Gods, a louer of temples, grateful vnto his friendes, and zelous of the cōmon welth: but alas for sorrowe, so fewe were the monethes, and al­so the dayes, that this gratious heate endured, that it se­med rather they had dreamed it, then that he had done or performed it.

CHAP. VI. Howe Commodus was cruell, and of the cru­elties which he vsed.

‘IN the nintéenth yeare of his age and the thirde yeare of his Empire, he aduertised the Senate, that he would vi­site all the cities in Italie: at his departinge from Rome he went vnto the mountaines to hunte, on whiche chace, many were the dayes that he imployed, much mony hee spente, but muche and many more were the vices which he there committed.’

‘Thrée monethes and odde dayes he went a fishing at ri­uers, passinge the fieldes, and huntinge in mountaines: in all whiche time he neuer entered citie, towne, or vil­lage, either slepte in anye house: and then sent his [Page 170] commaundement vnto the Senate to prepare a triumph, for that he woulde enter triumphinge into Rome: affir­minge, that he better deserued triumph, for killing beasts that did eate corne, then other Emperours for killinge of men that liued in townes. The Senate neither might or durst, but to receiue him with great triumph: & the abho­minable Commodus, most odiously in the chariot trium­phant, placed a younge man named Anterus, and o­pēly, after the manner of man and wife, did imbrace eche other. In his progresse and pastimes whiche hee vsed in those mountaines, he lost no parte of his euill customes: but rather added euill vpon euill: that is to say, the fierce­nesse which he recouered in slaying of wilde beastes, after his comming to Rome he imploied in murdering of ma­ny honourable personages. As touchinge the first, it is to wéete he banished xxiiii. Consuls, possest their goods, and made a rewarde therof vnto his strumpets, & other infa­mous persons: whereof fiue by importunate suite, of his gratious fauour were restored to their houses, and short­ly after he cutt off their heads. There was in Rome a Senatour named Birrius, a man in y ^e days of Marcus Au­relius much estéemed, who deserued to marry with a sister of Commodus: who for that he warned and informed Commodus of his euill and foule life, he commaunded him and all his friends to be slaine: and also al the alies and seruants vnto his sister.’

‘From the time of Commodus father, there was re­maining a certaine prefect named Ebutianus a man moste truely auncient in yeares, and no yonglinge in vertues: Commodus being aduertised that Ebutianus had much la­mented the death of the Consul Birrius: vnto whom Com­modus sent a messenger to say vnto him: that he woulde vnderstand of him, if he woulde wéepe for the death whiche he sente him, as he had wéept with the life which he possessed: whiche being saide, by the commaundement of Commodus he cutte off his head.’

‘Another Senatour named Apolaustus, who also sorow­ed [Page 171] the death of Ebutianus, Commodus commaunded to be slaine.’

‘The daye that Apolaustus was executed certeine young gentlemen of Commodus his chamber, when they vnderstoode of execution done vnto suche as mourned for Ebutianus: they deuised to make a shewe of great ioye for the death of Apolaustus to escape the like daunger: whereof Commodus being aduertised, he commaunded their throtes to be cutte: saying y ^t for any acte done of the prince, they ought neither to laugh or weepe: but heare and see and holde their peace. Also he slewe Seruilius and Dulius with all their parentage which were descended of the linage of Silla: and he slewe Antius Lupus Petroni­us, and Mamertus, with all their bande, which were of the linage of Marius, affirminge, that he executed the Sil­lans, to reuenge the Marians, and executed the Mari­ans to reuenge the Sillans.’

‘There was in Rome a younge gentleman a cousen to Commodus, both very faire and valiant: and one saying by chaunce vnto Commodus, that Mamertus Antoni­anus his cousen, did resemble him in fauour, and imitate him in valiantnesse: he commaunded them both present­ly to be slaine, affirming, that he shoulde be an Emperour that did so resemble and compare with him. Amongst o­ther anciente Romaines, there were sixe olde Consuls, whose names were, Alius Fuscus, Celius Felices, Lucius Torquatus, Alatius Ropianus, Valerius Bassianus and Patulius Magnus, who for their impotencie were not a­ble to come vnto the Senate, he commaunded them all to be slaine: saying, that he was bounde to do in Rome, as the good gardener in his orchard: y ^t is to say, that the drie olde tree must be cutte or puld vp by the roote and cast into the fire. In the gouernement of Asia, the Senate had placed Sulpitius Crassus, Iulius Proculus, and Claudius Lucanus, as Proconsuls to gouerne those prouinces: whome withe their families, Commodus gaue order to be murthered with poyson: because in [Page 172] his presence they were praised, for their déedes done in A­sia: and also for communication, which they had of his e­uils committed in Rome. Marcus Aurelius visitinge the kingdome of Achaia, had borne vnto him a Néece, and daughter of his sister, named Annia Faustina, whome also Commodus commaunded to be slayne: but the quarell that he had to take away her life, was, for that shée had married without his licence. On a certaine day vpon the bridge of Tiber, were fourtéene noble Romaines talking and passinge the time: and Commodus at that instant passinge that way, saide vnto one that he should demaunde as of him selfe, whereof they talked: vnto whome they an­sweared, that they were recountinge the vertues of Mar­cus Aurelius, and that they had great sorrowe of his death. Commodus hearing this answere, presently and out of hande, commaunded all the xiiii. gentlemen to be hurled headlong ouer the bridge into the riuer: affirming, that they coulde not speake well of his father, but that they must speake euil of him which was his sonne. He woulde many times play with the sworde players: and betwixte ieste and earnest he killed a thousand of them. He was so cruell of nature, and so doughtie in his déedes, that he had no scruple to kill, either feare to be slaine. Commodus perceiuinge that al the Romaines fledd, either to sée, heare, speake, or to be conuersant with him, to no other ende but to auoyde occasion to be slaine at his handes: he remem­bred to inuente a conspiracie, which is to wéete, to say and publishe, that many had conspired against him to his des­truction: all which he commaunded to be strangled and cutt in péeces, notwithstandinge that any suche conspira­cie was neuer thought of or intended.’

CHAP. VII. Of a certaine conspiracie attempted against Cōmo­dus, and of Perennius his most fauou­red counsellour.

[Page 173]Amongst other sisters, Commodus had one named Lu­cilla who in y ^e life of her father Marcus Aurelius, ma­ried with a Consul whose name was Lucius Verus, whōe he admitted with him selfe to be cōpanion in the Empire, by such meane as Lucilla was intituled Empresse, & her husbande Emperour. But a yeare and three monethes, Lucius Verus liued as companion in the Empire with Marcus Aurelius, his father in lawe: in suche wise, that euen then, when he was very younge, he loste his life, and Lucilla as younge became a widowe. Lucius Verus being dead, Marcus Aurelius married his daugh­ter Lucilla vnto a noble Romaine named Pompeyanus, a man verie wise in letters, experte in armes, and aunci­ente in yeares. ‘After the death of Marcus Aurelius, Com­modus succeding in the Empire, and not then married, did allwayes intreate his sister Lucilla as Empresse, for as muche as shée had beene wife vnto an Emperour: and also being an auncient custome, continued in the malice of man, that although the state be finished, and the goods cōsumed, notwithstanding folly remaineth. Thus stoode the case: Commodus was after married vnto a Romaine ladie named Crispina, vnto whome from thence foorthe honour was done, that was accustomed to be vsed vnto Lucilla, y ^t is to say, in y ^e Theatre or open place to sitt in y ^e chiefest seate, to receiue giftes & presents of frée men, and by the ways to haue torchlight, and to be recited by name in prayers made in Temples. Mortall was the enuie that Lucilla receiued, to beholde the honour imperiall whiche shée had once in possession, to be remoued, and passe vnto her sister Crispina: and from thence foorth, all her deuice, practise, and speach, tended but to ridde her brother Com­modus of his life, and Crispina her sister in lawe of her ho­nour.’

‘There was at courte with the prince a young gentle­man of Rome, of noble bloude, & of face beautifull, with whom it was bruted, Lucilla vsed vnhonest loue: his name was Quadratus, the sonne of a very riche father, vnto [Page 174] whome shée discouered the secrete of her intent, to kill her brother Commodus, because he persecuted her husbande Pompeyanus, & the Empresse Crispina did deadly hate her.’

‘ Quadratus desirous to do Lucilla a pleasure, consen­ted to performe that act, & the order which he vsed therin was, that he ioyned in counsell with the sonne of a Sena­tour named Quincianus, a yong man both doughtie & va­liaunt: who shoulde vpon the soudaine, with a swoord drawne, enter vpon Commodus in his chamber, with these words: This present the Senate sendeth thee: and at the instante to cutt off his life. Quincianus accepted this enterprise, that is to say, to kill the Emperour Commo­dus: but failed at the time of the execution thereof: for notwithstanding he had courage sufficiēt to enter y ^e cham­ber with a sword drawen, yet to performe the dede his hart was dismaide: in such wise, that the treason was vttered and the déede vnperformed.’

‘ Quincianus was presently taken, and discouered the conspiracie that Quadratus and Lucilla had deuised for the destructiō of the Emperour Commodus. And for as much as Quincianus was sonne vnto a Senatour, Commodus did beare so mortall hatred vnto the Senate, that from thence forth, whosoeuer named him selfe a Senatour, he helde him for a traitour. Immediately after Commodus beganne to reigne, a warrlike capteine named Perenni­us, fell into his fauour: who in martiall affaires was ve­rie experte, and of inclination and condition no lesse per­uerse: for his pride was intollerable, & his couetousnesse, insatiable. The fauour, conuersation, and credite, that Perennius had with Commodus was to the greate preiu­dice of al the Romaine people: because if Commodus were cruell, Perennius was most cruell: if Commodus had yre, Perennius did persuade to take vengeance: and beyonde al the rest, did not disuade from vice, but inuented new de­uises to leade vnto wickednesse. Pompeyanus being a mā both honourable and aunciente, and husband vnto Lucilla sister vnto Commodus, the Emperour did beare him [Page 175] some reuerence: and ioyntly therewith, Lucilla had the fame of great riches, in money & iewells: wherof procéeded no small displeasure vnto Perennius, whoe hardely indu­red the estimation of others in the courte of the Empe­rour Commodus.’

‘Where vpon, the treason being discouered, he with greate impatience did incite the Emperour Commodus, on Pompeyanus and Lucilla to execute cruel iustice, which he incessantly persuaded, not for iustice sake, but to finish y ^e fauour which the Emperour did beare vnto Pompeya­nus, and to gette vnto him selfe the treasure of the ladie, Lucilla.’

‘ When princes be in yre, and furious, they haue much to consider, of whome they demaunde counsell: because, not a fewe but manie times it hapneth, that the priuate and fa­uoured courtiour giueth counsell vnto the prince, not so muche for the fauour he beareth to the execution of ius­tice, as for the reuengement of his owne cruell and dam­nified harte. The tyrant Perennius beholding Cōmodus inflamed with yre, did knowe to take the profite and be­nefite of time: that is to say, Pompeyanus, Lucilla, Qua­dratus, Quincianus and al their affinitie, brothers, friends & seruants, he caused to be slaine, put to death, their goods to be confiscate, in such wise, that he was not onlie reuen­ged of all his enimies, but also applied vnto him selfe all their treasure.’

‘After the death of these persons, all the affaires of the Empire were gouerned at the will, wisedome, & pleasure of Perennius: who grewe to be a lord so absolute of the Empire, that al ambassages that came to Commo­dus, he only heard them: and all letters missiue he reade and answered them, in such manner, that Commodus bare y ^e name of Emperour, & Perennius did enioy the em­pire. All offices and rewards being giuen by the handes of Perennius, procured seruice and diligence from all men, y ^t in as much, as he that might do most, saued most: but he was so harde of condition, and of golde and riches so cruel [Page 176] and couetous, that of méere grace he gaue no office, but by the weight of pure money alwayes did sell the same: and to him that woulde not buy, hee gaue presentes more deare then the money which he demaunded. Perennius had enrolde the names of all the moneyed men in Italie, which if they did not present him some riche iuells, hee procured them to be placed in offices: wherein he did séeke quarells, to spoile them of their liues, and to robbe them of their goods.’

CHAP. VIII. Of a conspiracie that Perennius wrought against the Emperour Commodus.

IN verye shorte time Perennius became very riche, but his presumption and riches being examined and laide to­gether, without comparison muche greater was the pride whiche he did shewe, then the treasures which he posses­sed. Commodus had suche confidence in Perennius, that he not onely committed vnto him the gouernement of the whole common wealth, but also the order and honour of his house: in so muche that Perennius was of the one and the other so absolute & so dissolute, that he was not conten­ted to robbe Cōmodus of his riches, but also vsed vnlaw­full companie with his owne especiall courtisans, by whōe he had both sonnes and daughters. Perennius had sonnes growne to mans estate, whiche were in the armies: and when any notable déede was done in the warres, he would reporte at the Emperours table, that it was perfourmed and atchiued by his sonnes: in such wise, that frō them y ^e were in peace he bereft their goods, and them that died in y ^e warrs he spoiled of their honour. ‘In y ^e fifte yeare of Com­modus reigne, the Senate sent an huge armie against the Britaines, whereof Perennius was admitted both Consul and capteine: in whiche iourney he was not satisfied, to be serued as one in fauour, and obeyed as Consul: but would bee reuerenced as a prince, and adored as a God.’

[Page 177] ‘ Perennius prospering in his martiall affaires, and holding the whole common wealth in his owne handes, and pos­sessing wealth aboue all reckoning, he then immagined to want nothing but the attainement of the Romaine em­pire: for the accomplishement whereof, he throughly de­termined to kill his Lorde and maister Commodus, pla­cing his sonnes Pretors ouer all the armies, to be readie at hande in time vppon the newes of the death of the Em­perour Commodus. Perennius also had drawne vnto his parcialitie certeine Senatoures, and other the wel­thiest neighbours and citizens of Rome by giftes and re­wardes in secret, but in especiall by aggrauating the wic­ked life of Commodus. On the fourth day of May, the Romaines did celebrate the greate feast of Iupiter Capi­toline, whereunto not onely the whole people of Rome, but also of all cities of Italie did concurre: and when the Emperour on that day was resident in Rome, alwayes in his owne person went to authorize and sée the feast. The Emperour Commodus beholding the playes and page­ants prouided for that triumph, and Crispina his wife being placed on the one hande, and Perennius the priuate and greately fauoured courtier, set on the other hande: they behelde a carte comming al couered with boughes, crying continually for roome and audience. And when they were come vnto the presence of the Emperour Cō ­modus and all persons by his commaundement vsing si­lence, the people thinking they would haue vttered some pageant or matter of disporte: soudeinly there appeared a man aloft vppon the carte, which had a long bearde, a shéepeheardes hooke in one hande, and a sling in the other: and from the girdle vpwarde all naked, his other gar­ments very poore, and after the manner of a Philosopher, and directing his woordes vnto Commodus, saide:’

‘Vntil that poore man had saide, that on that day Com­modus death was prepared, not onely the people gaue eare, but also Perennius: whoe presently rose out of his chayre with greate furie, commaunding the swoord play­ers to kill that presumptuous and rashe dizarde, who was presently slaine, drawne, cut in péeces and burnt.’

‘ Perennius of all men so deadly hated, by this poore mannes tale, sunke into suspicion of the people, and also Commodus conceiued against him some scruple: but that Philosopher béeing there slaine, and Perennius in so greate power, although they had all suspicion of his trea­son, yet no man there durst speake a worde. The matter remaining certeine dayes more suspicious then cleare: there came gentlemen from Illyria, and brought certein péeces of golde, wherein bothe the name & also the Image of Perennius was ingrauen: whiche money Perennius commaunded his sonnes in greate secrecie to be made.’

[Page 181] ‘The coyners thereof being aduertised what the Philo­sopher had saide, and being in greate doubt in processe of time to be discouered, came vnto Commodus and mani­fested the whole matter, which were not onely pardo­ned, but also largely rewarded. The treason being de­tected, which the traitour and tyrant Perennius had deui­sed, it séemed good vnto the friendes of Commodus, and the enimies of Perennius, to the ende to deliuer him from all suspicion, first and immediately to cut off his head: for that Perennius being guilefull, and in great power, might haue preuented his owne execution with the slaughter of others.’

‘A great parte of the night being past, and Perennius reposing in his owne house, Commodus commaunded him to be called in great haste, aduertising him at the in­stant of letters out of Asia: who entring the Emperours chamber, founde not Commodus, but yet wanted not that presently cut off his head. At the instant that Pe­rennius was put to death, a post with greate spéede was sent into Illyria, by whome Commodus did write vn­to the sonnes of Perennius, that all thinges set aparte, they should repaire to Rome to visite their father being sicke in his bedde: to the ende that if the destinies shoulde permit his death, to succéede in his place. The sonnes of Perennius did well thinke that all had béene truthe which was written vnto them, and nothing doubting the detec­tion of their treason, presently departed towards Come: but at their entrie of the first citie of Italie, they were made shorter by bothe their heades. This in conclusion was the ende of y ^e tyrant Perennius, which lost his sonnes, his goods, his honour, and his life: not rather for any mis­chiefe, then for his presumption and pride. Of this exam­ple, let all Princes take warning, howe they magnifie their seruauntes with too greate wealth and power: and this is saide, because potencie ingendreth enuie: and o­uermuch riches doth breede and bring forth pride.’

CHAP. IX. ¶Of the tyrant Maternus, and of his treason a­gainst Commodus.

EXcéeding ioy did the Romaines receiue of the death of Perennius, and his sonnes, because his auarice and pride was more sharpe and intollerable, then the folly of Commodus. The offices of Perennius were diuided a­mongest many: because it séemed, that so greate authori­tie and power, to be placed and committed in one person, were to put his life in perill, and his Empire to commis­sion. Incredible and innumerable were the richesse, iew­els, and money, that were confiscate by the death of Peren­nius and his sonnes: but they were so wilfully and wic­kedly diuided and spent, that whatsoeuer Perennius ga­thered by extortion and briberie, Commodus spent & im­ployed in vices. There was in those dayes in Italie a certeine man named Maternus, who from his childhood was bred in the armies of Illyria: of nature bolde and va­liant, subtile, painefull, sharpe or quicke, proude, sediti­ous, and stammering, in such wise, that as he was filthie of his toung, so was he soudeine of his handes. In all de­bates, seditions, and mutinies which happened in the campes, or cities, this Maternus was euer founde one, either the chiefe authour thereof, or else to be noted a­boue the rest, because they saye, ‘this was his common speache, that on that daye, wherein he shed no bloude, wine had no good relishe.’ The captaines of the armies did partly beare with him for his valiantnesse, but on the other side, they might not endure his continuall quare­linges, and in the ende his lewdnesse being growen intol­lerable, they did not onely dispatche him from the warres, but also did banishe him the confines of Italie.

This Maternus being a ringleader of all wicked and desperate persons that were in the armies, many did ac­companie [Page 183] and also followe him in that exile: not to re­maine as bounde to leade a better life, but to haue liber­tie to committ muche euil. With those companions that Maternus had recouered from the armies, and with o­thers that dayly ioyned with him, he obteined vnder his Standarde twentie thousande footemen, and two thou­sand horssemen within the space of foure monethes: with which people Maternus committed so many robberies, burnings, and slaughters in the cities and territories of Italie, as if an Hanibal had béene raised from the dead to conquere Rome.

Italie being robbed and sacked, Maternus departed in­to Lombardie, and from thence into Fraunce, and after into Spaine: in which kingdomes, he continued in that courtesie whiche he vsed in Italie: and that whiche was moste to be marueiled, was, that his armie daily increa­sed, and no man attempted to resist him, in suche wise, wise, that with them which were present, he did yeld oc­casion to be busied, and with them that were absent, he ministred matter of communication. This tyrant Ma­ternus and his people, helde no other trade but to rob tem­ples, to sacke townes, to scowre the fieldes, to spoyle corne, to burne houses, to force women, to defile vir­gins: and that whiche was woorste, that not contented for them selues to liue at libertie, they brake prisons, and set at large all malefactours.

It is amongest euils the supreme euil, and in tyrantes the greatest tyrannie, that they of them selues will not liue according to reason and iustice, but that also they wil not consent that malefactours be committed to iu­stice. ‘ Maternus and his armie remaining in Spaine, Cō ­modus wrote vnto all the Pretors of those countries, to raise an armie of great power, to destroy the tyrant Ma­ternus, and to make greate promises by publique procla­mations, that vnto him whiche should cutt off the heade, or take the bodie or person of Maternus, shoulde haue in rewarde all his goodes, and his picture aduaunced and [Page 184] set vp in Rome.’

‘The first proclamations were published in Saragosa, at which time Maternus was resident in Taragon, who being aduertised that they of Spaine prepared an armie against him, and that amongest the captaines great wa­gers were laide, who shoulde first ridde him of his life: he determined to returne into Italie with determination to kill Commodus in Rome. Where vpon Maternus moste secreatly conferred, with his chief and special friends & ar­rantest théeues and most doughtie personages, to forsake the armye: seuerally diuidinge them selues, by sundrye wayes vpon one certaine and appointed day without faile to make their méeting in Rome. Presently after Maternus was gonne out of sight, al y ^e remnant of his army was dis­maide and fel in péeces, wherof there were infinite taken, strangled, drowned, drawne & hāged: in such wise, that in so great a number of theues, none had better aduenture, then to be slaine or put to death, except he had friendly fauour of fortune to be made a bondman. Maternus & his cōpanions, the day, houre, & place, on which they had agréed in Spaine, ioyntly did encounter at Rome: whiche for a time wente dispersed & disguised by day, but ioyned by night to com­mitt their theftes: being furnished for their prouision, but onely with suche prouision as they might pick by day, and steale by night, wherein they vsed so greate shiftes, guile, and skill, that although they accompanied but by couples, yet, if the warde or watche by daye or night did attempt to arrest or offende any one, at an instant they were all ready for his defence: in such wise, that although they wer of great disorder in their life: yet they vsed great conformitie in agréement for the manner and fashion of their robberies’

One of the thinges wherein the malice of man moste readily doeth shewe it selfe is, that to doe euill, wee are soone agreed: but to perfourme a good woorke, wee con­sent with greate difficultie.

‘ Commodus was well persuaded, that the tyraunt [Page 185] Maternus was nowe deade, imagining in his owne con­ceit, that at the forsaking of his campe, and renouncing of his armie, of extreme desperation and horrour of him selfe, he had desperately drowned or committed him selfe to the halter. But Maternus in recompence of the losse of his potencie, and negligence of his honour, bent all his studie to deliuer Commodus from his life. The Romaines helde a custome vppon the tenth day of Marche, to celebrate the feast of the Goddesse Berecyntha: on that day the Empe­rour and the Senate went vnto her temple, to offer sacrifi­ces, which done and perfourmed, generally all persons for the most part disguised them selues, masking and feasting throughout the whole citie: in suche manner, their faces being couered, the one was vnknowne vnto the other. Ma­ternus and other his fellowe théeues and friendes, had a­gréed to weare secrete armour, with face disguised, that when the Emperour Commodus should most chiefly be addicted to viewe and beholde the playes, and his guarde most carelesse of his person: by a coūterfet braule amongst them selues, to finde ready meane to cut off his life. But notwithstanding Maternus had lost his welth, power, and honour, he ceased not to continue proude, hautie, and dis­dainefull: seeking to be serued and reuerenced, not as a friende and poore companion, but after the manner of a Prince, and as one that were very rich. Wherevpon cer­taine of his companions, being not onely wéeryed, but ty­red, to walke lurkingly in corners, and not able to indure to be handled with so great seruitude: and further, fea­ring some day to be discouered, they repayred vnto Com­modus, and with great secrecie manifesting the whole matter, which is to wit, that Maternus the tyrant was a liue, and fully determined in those playes and feastes to kill him. Incredible was the feare wherewith Commo­dus was touched, when he hearde that Maternus the ty­rant was aliue: and no lesse was his ioy, to consider the conspiracie to be detected: and notwithstanding Commo­dus had intelligence thereof certaine dayes before the [Page 186] feast, hée suspended the execution thereof vntill the day of the Goddesse Berecyntha: to the end that nothing should be reuealed vnto Maternus, of that which was discouered vnto Commodus. The maner that Maternus deuised to murder Commodus, the same did Commodus vse to take and kill Maternus, that is to say: the great day of the feast being come, as Maternus and his band came masked and armed: so Commodus brought forth his men armed and disguised: and with a set quarell the traitour and tyraunt Maternus was slaine, and his men cutt all to péeces. The greatest feast of that feast was celebrate, in strāgling, he­wing, mangling, drawing & burning of the bodies of these miserable théeues: because it is an euident lawe for ty­rants, that the hurtes, robberies, slaughters, violences, and burninges, which they haue committed in many dayes, they come to make repayment thereof in one houre.’

CHAP. X. ¶ Of the inexpected death of Cleander, a fauoured and most priuate ser­uant vnto Commodus.

AFter the death of the tyrant Maternus, the Emperour Commodus passed his life in great doubt and feare, i­magining with himselfe, that some day they would dis­patch him, either eating or sléeping: for he did both knowe, and also would say, that they were fewe which prayed for his life, but very many that sighed for his death. Vntill Commodus died hée euer walked warely: for hée doubled his guard, to guard him by day, and strongly shutt in his house by nighte: in that which hée did eate, in his lodging where he slept, on the palfrey wheron he roade, on the gar­ments which hée did weare, hée set great watche: in such wise, that hée paid it but only with his life that durst touch his garment.

Very séeldome he went to the Senate, and much lesse [Page 187] did ride openly in the citie: hée had not talke with strangers but by writing: with his subiects he had no conference, but by a person intermitted: and that which was more mar­uell, hée had many times such conceite, not onely to refuse to write, aunsweare, heare causes, or dispatch affayres: but also in foure or fiue dayes would not speake onely one word. ‘In the xi. yeare of his Empyre, Maternus the ty­raunt was slaine: on the next yeare there followed a great pestilence, and a generall hunger, in which hunger and pe­stilence, the third part of Italie was consumed. Immedi­atly after the pestilence had entred Rome, Commodus de­parted vnto y ^e citie of Laurento, where were planted ma­ny Laurel trées, for which cause the citie was named Lau­rento: where also the Emperour more remayned, then in any other place: the Physicians giuing him to vnderstand, that to be vnder the shadowe therof, was very proper and conuenient for defence of the pestilence. Notwithstanding the scarsitie of bread and wine that was that yeare, fur­ther, a certaine occasion of great hūger happened in Rome, which was as followeth. When the good Marcus Aure­lius triumphed ouer the Argonautes, he brought amongest other captiues a younge man named Cleander: who was openly solde in the market place in Rome, and by chaunce bought by a clarke of the kitchin, to swéepe & make cleane the larder at courte. This slaue Cleander became so hand­some in swéeping, seruing, and pleasing his maister, that not many yeares after, he did not onely make him frée, and marrie him with his daughter, but also did aduance him to the office of Clarke of the kitchin: in such maner, that from the estate of a bondman, hée indued him with the conditi­on of a sonne. Nowe when Clēander sawe himselfe frée, married, and in office in the Court, he trauelled to obteine the good will of the Emperour Marcus Aurelius, which he obteyned by carefulnesse in seruice, and diligence in his office: and vsed therin so great diligence and promptnesse, that he was neuer noted, either slacke in prouision, or false in reckoning.’

[Page 188] ‘ Marcus Aurelius being deade, Commodus forgate not to remoue Cleander from the affayres of the kitchin, and made him capitaine of his guard, and Lord great Cham­berlaine of his chamber. Vnto none of as many as did serue & accompany Commodus in his youth that hée was gratefull, but vnto Cleander: vnto whom it had bin much better, neuer to haue risen to so great honour: for thereof onely procéeded the losse of his life. Althoughe the fauour of Cleander did rise in iest or of small causes, he framed in fewe dayes to performe the same in earnest, which was as followeth: that as Commodus grew into disgrace, & was abhorred and had no care of the gouernement of the Em­pire, Cleander did presse and in such maner did thronge to entermedle with affayres, that for the more part all mat­ter were dispatched at his will and pleasure: in such wise, that Commodus gaue or firmed nothinge, if Cleander did not signe or allowe the same. Commodus had neuer any priuate or fauoured seruaunt, that in all points could so winne his will as Cleander: who affirmed to wishe no­thing, that Commodus wished not, either to allowe any thing that hée said not: but aduouched also that he did not thinke or dreame, but that which Commodus did dreame and thinke: and with these and suche like lyes and flat­teries, hee wan the hart of Commodus, and obteyned ser­uice of the whole Empire. After Cleander beheld him­selfe the onely priuate and fauoured seruaunt of Com­modus, hée easily made himselfe rich: obteyning the custo­die, not onely of the whole common treasure, but also the kéeping of all the monie and iewels of the Emperour Cō ­modus: and further in giuing offices, and receiuing pre­sentes, his sinceritie excéeded not. But Cleander finding himselfe in so great magnificence, began not greatly to re­garde so great fauour, or much lesse the obteyning of so great wealth: conceyuing in the end, that Commodus did vse him as a vassall, and that hée must accompt him as his Lord: to cut off which opprobrie, and to giue contentation vnto his heart, he determined to kill Commodus, and for [Page 189] himselfe to vsurpe the Empire. Cleander did build at the port Salaria, most costly and delectable bathes, and comaun­ded proclamation to be made in Rome, to notifie vnto all men, that would bathe therein, to be discharged of all cost, and fréely to vse the same: and also added thereunto great pastimes, and preparations vnto all kinde of vices: in such wise, that there they cleansed their bodies, & defiled their soules. Many times Cleander did inuite the Senate, and sent them particular presents home to their houses: The Pretors, Censors, Questors, Tribunes, Prefectes, and other Romane officers, he caused their dueties to be paied: and all the men of warre he did not onely pay them, but al­so did trauel to hold them contented: in such maner, that some with vitious delights and pleasures, and some by re­wards, giftes, and monie, in a maner he recouered all men for his friendes. In the yeare of great hunger and pesti­lence in Italie, Cleander bought all the wheat in the coun­tries adioyning vnto Rome: wherein his intent was, not to gaine or make a profite thereof, but to bring Rome into a necessitie, to y ^e end that all men should come to his house for wheate: and therein to haue vsed so great liberalitie, in selling good cheape, and giuing plentifully, in a yeare so deare, that after the death of the Emperour Commodus, they should not mislike to giue him the Empire. And as hunger increased cruelly, a great part of the yeare beeing as yet to come, and the people not knowing Cleanders in­tent, who did neither giue or sell any wheate: soudainly al Rome did rise, exclaming death and treason against Clean­der, as an vsurper of the goodes of the common wealth. Cleander being a man valiaunt, of great power, and Cap­taine of the guard, comaunded all the men of his captaine­ship, to be armed: who did place themselues in the com­passe of his house, for the garde of his person, and to resiste that ciuil furie: although it be most true, that hée rather defended the sacking of his house, then of feare to defende his life. The townesmen on the one side, and Cleander on the other part, trauersed amongest themselues so long and [Page 190] perillous a contention: that it séemed no other matter, but that Silla and Marius were once more fallen into fight, for the seignorie of Rome. And as Cleanders partie was de­fended with men both armed and determined, in the first onset they executed so great slaughter amongest the peo­ple, that scarsly a streate was to be founde in Rome, that was not bathed with bloud: either any place great or li­tle, that was not filled with dead bodies. The townesmen perceyuing the slaughter and hauocke which the men of warre so cruelly did performe amongest them, retired e­uery man into his house: and fortifying their doores, they fought from their windowes and house toppes, and from thence threw and whirld out stones, tiles, spitts, potts, and caldrons: and in that so common danger, no lesse did womē fight then men: & Cleanders partie so hardly handled, that scarcely remained a hundred y ^t were not slaine or woūded. Whilst these déeds were doing at Rome, Commodus was recreating himselfe in an house which he had in an orchard, and Cleander being of great power, of some feared, and of others beloued, no man durst make report therof vnto Cō ­modus, because so strong was the frendship betwixt them, that they feared the displeasure of the one, and the vnkind­nes of them both. There was in the Courte a sister vnto Commodus named Fadilla: whose eyes being charged w ^t teares, and tearing her haire from her head, as one in gret distresse, said vnto her brother Commodus. Most serene prince, and right deare brother, if thou wert aduertised of the condition and estate of Rome, thou wouldest not be so carelesse solacing in this garden: because I giue thee to vnderstand, that the yeomē of thy guard in the fauour of Cleander, and al the other people of the common wealth, haue trauersed amongest themselues so cruell a fight, that if presētly at this instant thou prouide not some remedie, this day wil be the end of the Romane people. The exce­ding honour, the great riches, & to to much fauour which thou hast imployed vppon Cleander, hath raised him into exceeding great pride, wherof although he be in the fault, [Page 191] yet the occasion hath beene giuen by thee: for as thou ma­kest Lordes of bondmen, it is most certaine that they will make slaues of Lords & noblemen. The people be so fu­rious against Cleander, & Cleander and his men so flesht against the people, that thou haste to chuse one of two thinges: which is to witt, to yeld Cleander vnto the com­mon people, or els to abide what fortune of them and vs shalbe proued: for as the case standeth now impoisoned, it is impossible, that ioyntly thy life and his person this day may be preserued. These words being spoken by the in­fant Fadilla, all men present recouered new boldnes, per­suading Commodus to remoue Cleander from amongest them, and so to appease the whole people of Rome: and to hold the ease of the common wealth more deare, then the friendship or life of Cleander. Commodus hearing these matters, & dismaid with feare, forthwith cōmaunded Cle­ander to come vnto his presence: and at the instante of his appearance, commaunded his head to be cut off, which be­ing set vpon a lance, and carried about Rome, immediatly the whole multitude was pacified. Cleander being put to death, his children, seruauntes, & friends, were executed, whose bodies after they were drawen by boyes through­out Rome, were throwen into sinkes and places of vile or­dure. This was the conclusion and end of Cleander, and the end of his children, his house, goodes, and honour: who though for many things, ought to be reprehended, yet one­ly for one thing he deserueth praise, namely, that he had ra­ther die a gentleman, then liue a slaue.’

CHAP. XI. ¶The report of a fire which descended from heauen, and burnt in Rome the temple of peace.

ONe of the most notable exāples, wherin fortune hath discouered the inconstancie of her whéele, was in the [Page 192] discourse that she had & vsed wyth Cleander and his house: whoe in short space, of a slaue made a fréeman, of a frée­man a Steward, of a Steward a Pretour, of a Pretour a Chamberlaine, & of a Chamberlaine, in effect a Monarche of the world: and afterwards in one day, and in one houre, was vtterly destroyed: whereby wée haue to learne, that While wee liue in this life, with suretie wee possesse no­thing. Hee ought not to be dismaide, that from an high estate, is descended vnto a poore degree: neither ought he to glorie or grow proud, that from a base estate, is aduan­ced to honour: for ther is none in so wretched condition, that hopeth not to growe better: either is there any so set a loft, that needeth not to doubt to catch a fall.

The present day that Cleander was put to death, Com­modus repaired vnto his imperial Palace, & neuer more returned vnto his garden, neither to dwell, either as much as to solace: and if in times past hee had bin cruell, from thence forth hée was much more cruell, and also sus­picious: for hée conceyued that popular sedition procéeded not, to take vengeaunce of Cleander, but for deuice to dis­patch him of his life. His friends, his kinsefolks, his coun­sellers, his seruaunts, his natural subiects, and also stran­gers, hée held them all his vtter enimies: ‘because he doub­ted that all maner of men, that came to speake with him, came to deceiue him: and such as repaired to visite him, that by treason they would kill him. In the xij. yeare of his Empire on the xvij. day of March, at noone the heauen was séene full of starres, as if it had béene midnight: and that which was most meruell, and neuer read in bookes, or séen with eyes, that on the euening when the Sunne na­turally was accustomed to be séene to sett in the Weste, they beheld rising in the East. In y ^e moneth of Iuly next following, a Comet appeared in heauen, as large as a great beame, and so flamed with fire, directing his spar­kles vnto the citie of Rome. On the xx. day of the mo­neth of August, soudenly the heauens being cleare, neither raynie or cloudie, in Rome there strake an horrible clap of [Page 193] thunder: and after the thunder, there came a globe of fire, which burned the temple, named the temple of peace.’ This tēple in authoritie was most auncient, in buildinges most stately, in riches most wealthie, with priestes most published, and in deuotion most estéemed: because in all o­ther Churches, the Romanes might pray vnto their Gods sitting or standing: but there were forced to pray on their knées. All men which had monie, treasure, iewels, or rich stuffe, layd it all vp in the temple of peace: not onely thin­king them most safe, by y ^e stronge building of the Church, but also of deuotion to commende and offer their goodes vnto the God of peace, to obteine permission to enioy qui­etnes. ‘The losse which the Romanes receiued, by those flames of fire, did excéede all reckoning: for y ^t in a maner all rich men had there their riches burnt & consumed: in such wise, that no heart might endure, either yet dissemble, to heare the cries of men, and the exclamation of women: e­uery man recounting his losse vnto his neighbour, & ioynt­ly bewayling the burning of the temple. Now when the temple of peace was burnt, visibly they did sée it passe, vn­to the temple of the vestall virgins: which wholy it con­sumed, leauing no signe of any building thereof. And yet notwithstanding, better order was taken for the remedie thereof, then in the other temple: for presently vppon the kindling of the fire, they tooke out the vestall virgins, whi­che there were inclosed, and the reliques which the Ro­manes had there reposed And for as much as wée haue said of reliques, it is to vnderstand, that the Romanes had in that temple the Palladium: that is to say, the image of the goddesse Pallas, which fell from heauen vpon the walls of Troy, and from thence was brought to Rome: which was holden in as great veneration, as the arke of the Lord amonges the Israelites. The Romanes held that Image of the Goddesse Pallas, so shut vp, inclosed and hidden: that long time after shée was brought from Troy, of mortall man being neuer séene: either of Consul, Emperour, or priest: for they had a prophecie, that in the yeare, in which [Page 194] that Image should be séene, there should be great chaunge in the prosperitie of Rome.’

The Romanes remoued their vestall virgins, and the Image of their Goddesse Pallas, vnto the house of Com­modus: and so great was the lamentation amongest the Romanes, to behold their vestall virgins set at large, and their Palladium discouered, that without comparison they did much more bewaile the burning of their temple of re­liques, then the other temple that conteyned all their ri­ches. ‘After this globe of fire had burned the temple of Peace, and the temple of Reliques, it burned also many o­ther sumptuous buildinges: not burning alongest after the manner of other fire, but amongest many houses burnt one, and farre off from thence would burne another: wher­of the Romanes did gather, that it was not the fire in vse amongest men, seruing onely to burne: but a fire sent from the Godds, to consume and chastice.’ These terrible fire­inges, and prodigious spectacles, of the Romanes being cō ­sidered, if vntil that time they did wishe the Emperour e­uill, from thenceforth they could neither endure to behold him, either abide with patience to heare his name: for they held it for certeintie, ‘that all those euill signes wher­with the Godds did threaten the Common wealth, were all sent for his foule and filthie life. This globe of fire continued by the space of a xi. dayes: in all which time it ceased not to burne temples and houses. On the xij. day Commodus rode out of the citie, and at the instante that he went out at the gates, soudainely the fire ceased: which confirmed the Romanes in their opinion, namely that du­ring the life of Commodus, the Romane people of the gods should alwayes be scourged.’

CHAP. XII. ¶ Of many cruelties, and not a fewe phan­tastical practises of Commodus.

AS it hath béene said, Commodus continued certaine dayes very sad and pensiue, when he considered how traytors sought occasion to take away his life, and the ter­rible flames and burninges of Rome: but in short time af­ter, hee both forgat the chastisement of the Gods, and con­spiracies of men: and this manifestly appeared, for that he so stoutly returned to all his vices, as if he had neuer beene vitious. Cleander being dead, hée made Niger Prefect, and after sixe houres hee did reuoke his power, and com­maunded him to be banished: and prouided also Galba Ru­fus for his Chamberlaine, whom after foure houres he dis­charged of his office, and sent him in exile: and when Ni­ger & Rufus complained of their griefes, Commodus aun­sweared, hée did not banishe them for that which they had done, but for that which they might doe. He created Pre­fect Marcus Dulius, a man (most certaine) right generous and auncient: whome after thrée dayes hée remoued from his office, and comaunded him vntill his death, in his house to be prisoner, the occasion whereof was, for that (as hée af­firmed) Marcus was very old and spente, and therefore it were no reason he should be troubled of any person: and also, that if any man should request any thing, hée mighte aunsweare him, that hée was a prisoner, and might not go out of his doores to doe him pleasure. He gaue the Senate to vnderstand, that hée would go into Africa, and had ne­cessitie, for his nauie by sea, & his army by land, of a great summe of monie: although the Senate did suspect it but a collusion, they durst not but open the treasurie, and diuide with him the treasure: for otherwise, he would both make hauoche of their liues and treasure.

In April the Senate gaue foorth their monie, and when [Page 196] Commodus was in possession thereof, he bruted his depar­ting vnto Campania, to take men of warre: where hée re­mayned ail that Summer, and also parte of the next win­ter, eating, drinking, fishing, hunting, playing, wrastling, running, leaping, dauncing, swimming, and such other va­nities. All the Senate was much ashamed, and all the Romanes not a litle touched, after they vnderstood the mo­nie which was giuen out for the warres of Africa, to be so vitiously consumed by Commodus in Campania. After his returne to Rome, Commodus was aduertised, that Moti­lenus Prefect for that yeare, had murmured more at him, then any other person: and for very griefe and despight did wéepe, to sée their monie prouided for the warres, spent in so wicked vses: Commodus confected certaine figgs, and inuited Motilenus to dinner, who being fed with figs died ‘y ^e third day following. One day he clad himself as a priest, right pontifically, and placed himselfe aloft on a choche of 4. furious horses: the Romanes supposing he would offer sa­crifices at the temple, he mounted certeine rockie cliftes & mountaines: and there against all reason ran his charriot, where his horses happened to be all to torne, & his chariot rent all to péeces, and hée brake his head, and wrenched his foote: finally he made a narrow misse, in repayment of his follie, that day to haue lost his life.’ On a day he went to y ^e Senate, and said that hee would not haue Rome named Rome, but Cōmodiana: and the Senate aunswered, they were both pleased to call Rome Cōmodiana, and the Se­nate Cōmodiano. That which the Senators supposed to be demaunded in iest, also consenting in iest, Commodus did accept in earnest: & from thenceforth, the letters which were written, the prouisions which were made, & the seals therto ioyned, in al such instruments Rome was intituled Cōmodiana, & the Senate Cōmodiano: and if by negligēce any man happened to be obliuious therof, & to vse y ^e name of Rome, presently he was banished from thence, to séeke Rome: for that was not, but Cōmodiana. ‘The priests of y ^e Goddesse Isis were commanded to come into his presence, [Page 197] and said vnto them, that shée had reuealed vnto him, that their heads should be shauen, and that hée was commaun­ded as high priest to performe the same: and with a blunte knife hée cutt their nailes, and blunting his knife vppon stones, would drie shaue their heades: in such wyse, that as their haire was drie, and his knife blunt, it might more truely be said, that hée did rather fley them, then trimme or dresse them. Such as garded the temple of the God­desse Bellona, hée caused their right armes to be thrust out of ioynte: alledging, that since they painted the Goddesse with a broken arme, her priestes ought not to haue their armes whole and sound. The Romanes painted their Goddesse Isis with naked brestes: and Commodus on a day visiting that temple, and beholding the image of Isis, painted with brestes discouered: hée caused the brestes of the priests to be scrat with combs of yron in his presence, affirming that it were vniuste for their Goddesse to haue naked brestes, and they to hold their entrailes hidden.’

‘ Commodus commaunded all men to call him Hercules, which, to the end hée would resemble, hée made a coate of Lions skinnes, and tooke in hand an huge clubb, wherwith hée wente day and night killing men, breaking doores, and ouerthrowing pillers, with such other vanities: in so much that a fierce cruell Lion would not haue done so great hurtes, as Commodus committed as a Lion, but coun­terfect. With many other vaine and wicked déedes vn­worthie to be written.’

CHAP. XIII. ¶ A discourse of the prouinces that rebelled in his reigne, and the prodigies of his death.

THere rebelled against the Romane Empire, in the reigne of Commodus, the Mauritanes, the Datians, the Sarmatians, and the Germaines, all which were onely [Page 198] come by the Romane capiteines: for that Commodus did rather imploy his valiauntnesse in vices, then in resisting enimies. Hée was not onely in his woordes and workes, vaine and friuolous, but also in his letters which hée wrote for the Empire: for that many times being aduertised frō countries and prouinces, of causes of great importance, he would answeare them with matters of vanitie: and some­times would sende an whole shéete of paper sealed and fir­med, conteyning onely one Latine woord, that is to say, Vale. Notwithstanding the dayes of his reigne were the most vnfortunate dayes, yet would hee néedes commaund them to be termed y ^e golden world. Most heynous offences hée would pardon for monie: if any person being absent were condemned to die, hée would finde out some other of his age and name, to be executed for his offence: affirming that since he did resemble him in age and name, hée should not varie in the maner of his death: in such wise, that this tyrant did kill innocents for the wicked, and let offenders escape for monie. If any man had an enimie of whom he would take vengeaunce, hée néeded no other meane to per­forme the same, but to bargaine with Commodus for a summe of monie, which being agréed he neuer wanted oc­casion to rid him of his life. At all the vile and filthie déeds which Commodus committed, he was not gréeued, but de­lighted in the publication thereof: in so much that he was not onely euil, but also boasted himselfe to be euill: for that he entred so great follie or madnes, ‘that all thinges which hée either did, or said, whether allowed or misliked of him­selfe or all other men, expressely hee commaunded them to be written, in the registre Capitoline. On a certeine time he determined to burne y ^e whole citie of Rome: and being prest to giue fire to many parts, Letus a Consul came vnto him, and said vnto him so many things, and put him in so great feare of the hazard of his life, that he ceased that day to execute so desperate a déed: and being demaunded, why hée would burne his mother Rome, aunsweared: that he would not burne Rome, but his Commodian Colonell: [Page 199] because at that time it was named Rome. These prodigies following did precede his death. There came out of his house certeine little birds, of the fashion and colour of tur­tles: which were neuer séene either in Rome, or in any the confines of Italie, and remained iij. dayes vppon his house, neither flying or remouing to any other house: and their note and songe which they vsed, did rather giue motion of wéeping, then of mirth. Soudeinly the ports of Ianus did open, the copper Image of the god Mercurie was séene to sweat, the Image of Hercules without approch of any per­son was séene to moue, and vppon his chamber where hée slept the skrich owle nightly ceased not to houle. Commo­dus cōsidering these causes, departed to remaine at mount Celius: affirming that he was feared by night, & might not sléepe. On the next day, being demaunded for the celebrati­on of certeine feastes & games, which were to be done be­fore the gates of his Palace, what garmentes his guard should weare, hée aunswered and commaunded them to be clad with hooded capes for the raine, a garment much vsed in Rome for mourners: in such wise that on the other day hée was in such maner accompanied, that it seemed rather they wente to honour his obsequies, then to celebrate or magnifie his feastes.’

CHAP. XIIII. ¶ Howe Commodus was slaine by the deuice and counsel of his Cour­tisane Martia.

THe time approching, wherein the follies and wicked­nesses of the Emperour Commodus should finish, and the sorrowfull Rome obteine libertie from the seruitude of so cruell a tyrant: the occasion both of the one and the o­ther was after this maner.

[Page 200] ‘The first day of the moneth of Ianuary, the Romanes did celebrate the feast of the God Ianus: on which day Com­modus determined to shewe himselfe in the habite, not of an Emperour, but of a sword player: whereof Martia his cōcubine being aduertised, with great instāce did humblie pray him, and with many teares no lesse request and bée­seech him, that it might please him to take some other or­der, both to auoyde the perill that might happen vnto his person, as also the blemishe vnto his authoritie. This Martia was so loued and so tenderly cherished and honou­red of the Emperour Commodus, that notwithstanding shée did serue him as a concubine, yet hée brought to passe that all men did serue her as Empresse. To restraine Cō ­modus from that feast in the shewe and forme of a sword-player, neither were the abundant teares powred forth of Martia sufficient, either her humble sute so instantly re­quested, either the feare and hazard of his person so flatly informed, either the amorous intisementes so exactly per­formed, remoue his purpose: the which Martia considering, forgat not to request others to be assistant in that sute: for as afterwardes shée reported, her heart did giue her, that Commodus that day should passe great perill. At that time Letus was his Chamberlaine, and Electus Capiteine of his guard, whoe were priuate and in great fauour with the Emperour Commodus, & friendes vnto Martia: these both shée requested to be humble furtherers in her former sute. But Commodus was so obstinate, and determined to celebrate that feast of Ianus, in forme of a fenser: that he was not onely vnwilling to heare them, but also grew to be offended with them. On the eues eue of the great feast of the God Ianus, Commodus cōmaunded the Capiteines of the sword players, to prepare him the armes & ensignes of a sword player: for that hée would celebrate those feasts not as an Emperour, but as a swoord player. This done and prouided, Commodus cōmaunded Letus and Electus to depart to their lodging, to the end he might repose: and séeing himselfe alone in his chamber inclosed with doores [Page 201] shut, he tooke paper and incke, and did write with his owne handes, the names of all such persons which he de­termined on the next day should be slaine with the swoord players: for his meaning was not principally to adorne those feastes and to honour them, but to dispatch manye men of their liues. This memorial being made, of al such persons as the nexte day shoulde be slaine: partely of ex­cesse, and partely of wearinesse in writinge, he was ta­ken with deade sleape: laying his memoriall vnder his pillowe, not doubting that any person should encounter therewith. Commodus had in his chamber a little boye sufficiently faire, named Pugius, whome he did loue and fauour aboue all the rest, not for his seruice, but for de­light he had of him in bedde. As Pugius was but childishe, and in so greate fauour, comming and going alwayes into Commodus chamber, fortune would, or to say better, God so ordayned, that he shoulde take that paper in hande wherein were contained the names of al such as were ap­pointed to the slaughter: and came forth vnto the lodging, where Martia receiued him to play, according vnto the custome vsed with children: and finding the paper in his handes, suspecting it to be some writinge of importance, tooke the childe into her armes, imbracinge, kissinge, and dallying with the childe Pugius, and giuing him another iuell wherewith to play, tooke the paper into her hands, without all suspicion to finde that, which therein was conteined. Martia coulde both write and reade, and vn­derstoode y ^e Gréeke, and spake the Latine toung, and pre­sently begane to reade the contents thereof, written by Commodus his owne handes: wherein shée founde firste her owne proper name, as appointed amongst the reste to be slaine: the seconde was the chamberlaine Letus, the thirde the captaine Electus, and so consequentely the most auncient, wealthy, & the most noble personages of Rome, Martia being astonnied and terrified to find what she foūd in that libell, began to sobbe and wéepe: and saying with her selfe: what is this? may it be, that I am Martia that [Page 202] reade this writing, and shalbe executed to morrowe? Oh Commodus, ioy & take no care: for whereas thou hadst thought to haue done vengeaunce vppon thine enimies: this daye, they shal be reuenged of thee, in suche wife, as men shall praise it, and the Gods allowe it: that in thy rigorous chasticements, all tyraunts shall obteine and re­couer both warning and example.’ If thou euer in all thy life, didest committ or perfourme any good deede, it hath beene to place mee amongst suche persones as thou hast appointed to be slaine to morowe: for that shee de­serueth moste iustly to dye, that abandoneth her conuer­sation vnto so vile a person. Since the Gods haue so per­mitted, and my good fortune woulde, that this matter should be discouered, full contrarie to thy purpose, it shall haue successe: because thou thoughtest to haue slaine mee, and all other vertuous, noble, and most weal­thie of the Empire: but the case shall be thus: that this daye thou shalt see the ende of thy wicked life, and wee all shall beholde our mother Rome set at libertie.

‘These and suche other woordes being spoken, shée sent for Letus and Electus, to whome in greate secrecie, shée shewed this writing: and when they considered, that on the next daye they shoulde all be slaine, they forgate not to determine to kill Commodus that night: but harde­ly might agree vppon the deuice and manner of his death.’

‘It was the euen of the feast of Ianus, and also a great parte of the daye alreadie past, and not as yet determined with what manner of death they shoulde finishe Com­modus his life: for that, if they shoulde kill him on the soudeine, he might defende him selfe, and the case discoue­red: and if their affaires were deferred, on the next daye they were iudged to dye: but finally, they concluded to dispatche him with poison, offered by the hands of Martia. The manner was thus.’

‘ Martia persuaded Commodus that night to bathe him selfe, and comming from the bathe, Martia bare [Page 203] him in hande that he was pale and colourlesse, and prayed him to drinke and to eate a morsell, and in that same whiche shée gaue him in a colation to eate, in the same shée ministred poison for him to dye.’

‘Not long after this surfeting dyet, his head began to ake: and being counselled by Martia to take his bedde, shée prouided to sende foorth all persones that might seeme ei­ther to hinder his rest, or her determined purpose. He had reposed little more then an houre, when the poison began to come to his heart, and taking occasion with his fingers to cast, Martia, Letus, & Electus, doubting that by vomite he might throwe foorth the poison, and so they by mat­ter committed might iustly be put to death, beganne to féare and dismaye in their enterprise. But Martia more like a man then a woman, perceiuing her complaintes to be daunted with feare, brought in Narcissus, a beardlesse and shamelesse young man, fleshed in murthers: to whome shée promised a greate summe of money, who en­tring the chamber finished the murther. This was the ende of the vnchast and filthie life of Commodus, whose life and death may yealde vnto all Princes bothe example and terrour: for, notwithstanding the wicked are forborne for a time, yet Gods iustice doth not per­mitte them to escape vnpunished.’ (⸫)

CHAP. I. ¶Of the linage and countrie of the Empe­rour Pertinax.

THE emperour Publius Pertinax was borne in the prouince of Apennia in a certeine place named Martos, in the se­cond yere of the Empire of Traiane: and his father was named Lineotinus, a man that liued by his owne proper sweate and trauaile. Pertinax beeing a stripling, serued his father with the carriage of wood vpō an asse, to be solde at the towne, who vsed to sell so déere, contentious, and pinching, that if they gaue him not his first demaunde, he did rather leaue his wood vnsolde, then abate one blanke of his price. And being noted of all men, and but for a packeman, it procéeded thereof to be named Pertinax, that is to say, contentious: for that before time he was named Publius. Pertinax perceiuing that he was now called, not Publius, but Pertinax, contentious and packman, he parted from his countrie in a greate chafe, and shamed, giuing him selfe to write and read: whiche when he had learned, he traueiled to atteine the Gréeke & Latine tounges, which also he obteined: in such wise, that he became more handsome in science, then in selling of wood. Nowe when Pertinax perceiued him selfe to be in­structed bothe in the Gréeke and Latine tounges, he gaue him selfe vnto the warres, to learne the arte of warre­fare, [Page 205] perceiuing that from his studie there procéeded much traueile, and no profit: and that his life diminished, and his goods nothing increased. In those dayes the Ro­maines helde warres with the Assyrians, against whome the Consul Lolianus was capteine, where Pertinax being repaired, made couenant with a capteine of Rome to serue him for his prouision, in the condition of a cater: who vsing his seruice in that office verie faithfully, and in skirmishe and encounter with the enimie no lesse valiant­ly, his maister remoued from his saide office, and aduaun­ced him to the state of a Souldiour. Not long after that Pertinax had serued in the condition of a souldiour, but he was raised to an office of more honour and credite, which in these dayes, is termed Sergeant of the hande, that is to wéete, to giue order vnto the souldiours, to sette in arraye. Pertinax euery daye recouered fame in the warres, and his valiantnesse and noble minde was noto­rious vnto all men in the campe. It chaunced at the furi­ous encounter of the enimie, the capteine of his hande to be slaine: whereof the Consul Lolianus commaunded him to take the charge, wherein he did so behaue him self, that not long after, he did not onely with bloud, reuenge the bloud of his capteine, but also brought to passe, to be lo­ued of the Romaines, and feared of the enimies. The warres of Assyria being finished, Pertinax remained as pretor thereof, and as he was feared of the Assyrians in the time of warre: so was he afterwardes beloued in time of peace: for if in times past he had béene rigorous, as vnto enimies: so was he in processe without all comparison, more pittifull vnto offenders. In the seconde yeare of the Empire of y ^e good Marcus Aurelius, the king of Parthians rebelled against the Romanes, & amongst other Capteines that were called vnto that conquest, was Pertinax the Pretor of Assyria: in which warres, so straight and sound frindship was planted betwixt Marcus Aurelius and Per­tinax, that from thenceforth they dealte not as maister and seruaunt, but as father and sonne: because no mat­ter, [Page 206] were it of moste greate importance whiche Marcus Aurelius commaunded, that Pertinax perfourmed not, and exactly did not accomplishe: either any counsell mini­stred by Pertinax vnto Marcus Aurelius, vnto whiche he yealded not. In those Parthian warres, Pertinax proued so prouident in perils, so doughtie in hazardes, so wise in counsell, so venturous in sallies, and so vali­ant in battaile, that by reporte of the enimies and iudge­ment of the armies, he onely deserued more glorie then all the rest. The warres of Asia being finished, the Em­perour Marcus Aurelius sente him as Pretor vnto the prouince of great Britaine, which nowe is called Eng­lande.

Two yeares after he arriued into Britaine, warre was raised against the Germaines, vnto which warres Perti­nax was also called, and there had the charge of the Ea­gle, which was to be bearer of the royall standarde, and was called the Eagle, because the Romanes had alwayes in that speciall standard an Eagle brauely painted.

‘ Pertinax being resident in the warres of Germanie, his owne mother from Rome, came to visite him, for that tenne yeres had passed in whiche shée had not séene him: and not tenne dayes after shée had inioyed the sight of her desired sonne, shée dyed and passed out of this worlde. Vn­to whom Pertinax erected so solemne and sumptuous ob­sequies, and so generous a sepulchre, whereof was diui­ned that shée was the mother of some Emperour to come, and that the Empire should fall into his handes.’ The affaires of Germanie being settled, the Emperour Marcus Aurelias sent his commaundement vnto Pertinax, to passe into Datia, which nowe is named Denmarke: and did assigne him fiftie thousande sextercies for his stipend, whiche may amount to fiue thousande Ducates of our money: whereat manye did enuie, no lesse for the greate summies of money which he gaue him, then for the ho­nourable gouernement that he committed vnto him.

[Page 207]Nowe Pertinax being growen verie riche, and noti­fied bothe valiant, hardie, and in greate estimation, hee was there withall enuied of manie: which hatred borne him by his contemporants and companions in the warrs, they discouered by their extreme publishing his negligen­ces, darkening and inféebling his heroicall actes.

It is an auncient custome in the malice of man, to holde nothing for well done, but that which we loue, al­though it be euil: and to esteeme nothinge for euill, but that which we hate, although it be right perfect. There came from Datia certeine souldiours to Rome, whiche gaue foorth so peruerse and foule information againste Pertinax, that presently the Emperour did suspende his office, and discharged him of his stipende, and that he shoulde serue one whole yeare at his owne proper costes in Illyria.

This imperiall commaundement being notified vnto Pertinax, presently with greate patience he obeyed, and departed vnto Illyria to perfourme his banishement with much constancie: and they saye, that he saide these words at his departing.

I am not grieued for the honour whereof they haue depriued mee, either for the stipende which they haue ta­ken from mee, either of this exile whiche they haue sent mee: but it grieueth mee that this commaundement shuld proceede from so good a Prince, and I not hearde, either he well infourmed: because mine innocencie being kno­wen (as shortly it shalbe knowen) the Emperour, my Lord, shalbe noted of all men, as a Prince of light beliefe, and I shall obteine the credite and fame of a gentleman, bothe sincere and patient.

And as Pertinax said, so it succeded, which is to wéete: the Senate commaunding inquisition to be made, and finding Pertinax frée and cleare from all matters, wher­of he was accused, and manye thinges wherefore to be commaunded, he was by publique sentence restored vnto his honour, & to his aduersaries was giuen the paine that [Page 208] he did and shoulde haue suffered: although, notwithstan­ding in short time after, by his owne sute, they were par­doned, because Pertinax naturally was pittifull, and not giuen to reuenge.

CHAP. II. ¶Of the variable fortune that Pertinax did passe before he obteined the Empire.

THE emperour Marcus Aurelius helde Pertinax in re­putation of a man both vertuous, valiant, silent, of a noble minde, and also fortunate: but after he had by false report exiled him, he helde him both for wise, and of great patience, considering howe mildly he endured so vniust banishment, and afterwardes howe friendly he sued for his aduersaries. In recompence of the iniurie whiche Marcus Aurelius the Emperour had done vnto Pertinax, he made him Pretor of Datia, and sent him ioyntly with his prouision, the ensigne, and did also constitute him cap­teine of the first legion: that is to saye, to haue the vaunt­garde of the armie, which in the warres is a matter of moste trust, and also of honour: in suche wise, that where as his enimies had thought moste to haue confounded him, from thence he receiued occasion to be most aduaun­ced. The prouince of Noricus and Retius rebelled a­gainst the Romaines: against whome the armies of Illy­ria were sent, vnto whome they gaue aduertisement that they were readie to be reduced vnto the seruice of the Ro­maine Empire, if the Pretor that presently did gouerne them were remoued, and in his place they might obteine Pertinax for their Protector: saying and affirming, that they rebelled not, to retire from the subiection of Rome: but because their officers did oppresse them with cruell dealing. Great ioye had the Emperour Marcus Aurelius when he vnderstood those prouinces to be reduced vnto his [Page 209] seruice: but much more did he reioyce, when he was ad­uertised, howe instantly they craued Pertinax for the go­uernement of that countrie: vnto whome presently he sent, both crauing and commaunding: and to the ende that Pertinax shoulde accept his suite, and condescende vnto his commaundement, he sent him the ensigne and li­uerie of Consulship. Many dayes after that these mat­ters had passed, the Emperour Marcus Aurelius sent for Pertinax, which had béene absent sixtéene yeares, and as he was in martial affaires, famous, so generally they came foorth into the stréetes of Rome to beholde him, as it had béene some monster, brought from the desertes of Aegypt: and being arriued at Rome, he was conducted by the Emperour Marcus Aurelius vnto the Senate: and after all sortes and fashions was praised and honou­red as an assured friende doeth vse to praise and honour his approued friende, which was great noueltie in Rome: that is to saye, for one Prince to speake for another in the Senate: for vnto such like Capteines as vnto Pertinax, they did onely heare what they would saye, but vsed not to aunswere any one woorde within the Senate. Present­ly in the Kalendes of Ianuary next ensuing, Pertinax was created Consul: which the Emperour wished the Senate had not perfourmed, to the ende he woulde haue made him Pretor principall, because he estéemed him to be in possession of greate wisedome, for gouernement of matters of the common wealth, and very vpright to ad­minister iustice. The people inhabitant neare vnto Da­nubie, did write vnto the Emperour Marcus Aurelius, howe they were robbed, lost, and euil gouerned: and that if Pertinax were not sent to gouerne that prouince, er long the whole countrie would rebell: which Marcus Au­relius vnderstanding, framed and forced him to returne vnto Danubie: and to the same ende he gaue him power and stipende so accomplished, that he reserued vnto him selfe but onely the name of Emperour his Lord,

One yere after that Pertinax had gouerned Danubie, [Page 210] the Senate sent him newe prouision for the gouernement of Datia, by the occasion of the death of Cassius: and that also he should vse the residence of the Pretor of Panonia: in suche wise, that there was no matter, either in the in­feriour or higher Almaine, that by the handes of Pertinax was not gouerned and prouided. Two yeares after the death of the Emperour Marcus Aurelius, Pertinax was remoued from the gouernement of Germanie, and assig­ned vnto Syria: the gouernement whereof was the best, the most honourable, and also the moste profitable that was giuen by the Romanes: ‘for that it was not bestowed, but vppon the moste auncient Consul, or the moste vali­ant capteine, or the moste graue Senatour, or the am­bassadour that hest had perfourmed his charge. All the life of the good Emperour Marcus Aurelius, Pertinax in all his offices was founde to be verie wise, verie iust, se­uere, and no lesse sincere: but after the good Emperour was dead, he grewe negligent, and also was noted with the blemishe of a nigarde, and couetousnesse, because from thenceforth, he did rather imploye his forces to gather ri­chesse, then to gouerne the common wealth.’ Of this no­table example it may be inferred, of that which euerye day we sée to chaunce: which is, that good Princes, of e­uil men make good seruauntes, and euil Princes of good men, make euil seruauntes: for that many times, not­withstanding the seruaunt naturally be euil, he doth en­deuour and enforce him selfe to be good, in respect of his maister which is good: and so by the contrarie, if the Prince be euil, the seruaunt strayeth vnto euill, although of his owne nature he be good.

Nowe Commodus being Emperour in Rome, when Pertinax bribed, and gathered money in Asia, againste whome certeine people did rise and mutine, exclaming that he helde them oppressed and robbed, he was constrai­ned thereby to retyre vnto Rome, to escape their pre­tented practises, to dispatche him of his life: nothing displeasant vnto Commodus, to the ende he might in­herite [Page 211] his goods.

Pertinax being come to Rome, and the tyraunt Pe­rennius in those dayes gouerning the Empire, and com­maunding Commodus, gaue him verie euill entertayne­ment, and woorse conuersation: not for that Pertinax had so deserued, but the rather to giue him occasion to departe from Rome: for that being (as he was) verie wise, and of great iudgement, valiant, riche, and also auncient: he doubted to bée depriued by Pertinax from the fauour of Commodus.

‘ Pertinax beholding the follies of Commodus, the ty­rannies of Perennius, the losse and spoyle of the common wealth of Rome: aduised to departe from thence, and to goe vnto the countrie of Liguria, separating him selfe to liue in a poore village, where in times past, his father had liued and kepte shoppe: and buying that poore dwel­ling, where his father had solde oyle, fishe, wine, bread, and other victualls, buylt in the compasse thereof a state­ly buylding, permitting the olde to remaine in the midest without any addition or diminishing thereof. Pertinax excéedingly delighted to beholde that countrie, wherein he had passed his life being but a childe, and from whence he had departed so abiect, and nowe returned with suche wealth and credite.’

‘And being aduertised of the foale of the Asse, whereon he had vsed to carrie wood, to be aliue, he bought it, and did so vse & féede it, as it had béene some auncient ser­uaunt of great deseruing. He there erected manye and solemne buyldinges, bought great and many purchases, gaue great summes of money vnto his kinred, old friends, and acquaintaunce: and did so ioye to sée him selfe so riche, where he had béene so poore, and to obteine so great quietnesse, after so muche trauaile: that he saide, and wrote vnto his friendes, that if Princes had throughly tasted and knowen the rellishe of reposed rest: of them selues, and of their owne proper will, they would aban­don their Empires.’

[Page 212] Pertinax being setled in quietnesse, Commodus sent his commaundement, that he shoulde departe into Britaine to execute the office of Pretor: which he obeyed, more for feare then of good will, and presently began to reforme the armies: whiche were in robberies verie absolute, and of life no lesse dissolute. And on a time a certeine muti­nous legion made commotion, not because they had con­tention amongest them selues, but early to awake Per­tinax, to violate his life. The matter fell out after this manner, that Pertinax found him selfe in so great perill, that all men thought he had béene slaine: yet amongst the dead he escaped aliue, notwithstanding cruelly woun­ded. After these matters were pacified, and Pertinax cured of his woundes, hee so seriously chasticed that trea­son which they had conspired against him, that he mini­stred matter to murmur at Rome, and to bewaile in Bri­taine. The Senate being aduertised, what had passed betwixt the armie and Pertinax, sent a suspense of, and for his pretorian office, and gaue him charge of prouision for victuals and munition, whiche he woulde not accept, but sued for his discharge to departe: for that the armies helde him extreme and cruell, and he of the armies had greate doubt and suspicion. Pertinax being arriued at Rome, founde that Perennius the tyraunt was nowe dead: and Pertinax being a man of authoritie and graui­tie, a small time fell into the fauour of Commodus, vnto whome he commended the prefecture or gouernement of the citie of Rome: and succéeding Fussianus whoe vsed his office with great crueltie, Pertinax obteined greate good liking of all the people, who perfourmed his charge with no lesse mildnesse and pietie.

Commodus not contented that Pertinax had recoue­red so greate fauour in the common wealth, and finding no occasion either to kill or banishe him, aduised to dis­couer his euill will whiche he did beare him, bothe in worde and déede, that of him selfe he would séeke occa­sion to departe frō Rome: who finding apt & sure meanes [Page 213] to renounce his office, retired vnto his owne proper house and countrie, supposing neuer more to haue béene remo­ued from thence all the dayes of his life: partely, for that he perceiued howe Commodus sought occasions to take a­way his life: and partly moued of olde age, to repose the remnant of his dayes.

CHAP. III. ¶What was saide, and what he aunswered vnto those persons, that offered him the Empire.

AFter that Martia, Letus, Electus, and Narcissus had slaine the Emperour Commodus, a greate parte of the night being passed, and all persons in y ^e palace being cou­ched vnder the gouernement of profound sléepe, Martia and her companions tooke the carkase of Commodus, and wrapt it in an olde Seron, wherein the slaues did beare out the ordure of the stable: giuing them to vnder­stande, that it was a certeine vessel, with a charge also to carrie it forth. After the bodie was remoued out of the courte, they laide it into a carre, and conueyed it into a certeine village named Aristro where Commodus did vse to bathe and solace: but on the next daye his death being published, the Romanes pursued, and although he were dead, they cutt off his head, and trailed his bodie through­out all the stréetes of Rome. Martia, Letus, and Electus, considering they had slaine Commodus, and bestowed his carkase at their pleasure, aduised amongest them selues to séeke out, and to name an Emperour before daye shoulde come vppon them: to the ende the Empire should haue an owner, as also to haue defence vnder his protection: and so it came to passe, when the death of the one was mani­fested, the election of the other was published.

[Page 214]the matter hapned after this manner: Letus and Electus talkinge with them, certeine of their especiall frindes de­parted streight vnto the house of Pertinax, knocking at the gate to haue it opened with greate haste: one of the sonnes of Pertinax beholding them to come armed, at such an hour, and with such hast, was taken with so great feare, that when he woulde haue made reporte thereof vnto his father, terrour and trembling woulde not suf­fer him to speake.

At the instant that Pertinax vnderstood how Letus and Electus were come with armed men, he leapt from his bedde and commaunded his gates with greate spede to be opened, which procéeded of a noble and a valiaunt minde, for that he helde it for most certaine, that for as much as they were both so priuate with Commodus, who did beare him so mortall hatred, and comming vnto his house at suche an houre, might be to no other end then to take a­way his life. And all the time whilest these matters did passe betwixt the one and the other parte, Pertinax was neither troubled or altered: but after the maner of a man determined to die, saide vnto Letus and Electus these woordes.

I do well vnderstande that the Emperour Com­modus, my Lord, hath sente to kill me, whereof I doe not meruel: but wonder it is, that so long he suf­fered me to liue: because of all the olde seruants that were bred with his father Marcus Aurelius I onelie am aliue, a small remnant of all the reste whiche hee hath slaine. I may not with reason complaine me, y ^e Commodus in my quietnesse and securitie doth send to put me to death, since certaine dayes past, I haue attēded this last day & houre: for that abhorring, as I did abhorre his wicked life, I was moste sure hee [Page 215] woulde procure my death. It grieueth me not to die, but for that I die before I see my countrie deliuered from the handes of so cruell a tyrant: for I sweare vn­to you by the immortall Godds, that I neuer wi­shed anie thinge rather vnto my selfe, either my pos­teritie, then that it might please them, before they woulde take away my life I might beholde my mo­ther Rome set at libertie. I haue been a right perfect and sincere Romaine, and zealous for the common wealth of my countrie, and doe hope in the immor­tall Godds, that I shall obteine that in their presence whiche they haue denyed mee in their absence, be­fore whome, his malice and mine innocencie shalbe examined. You Letus, and Electus, seruauntes, friendes, and fauoured with Commodus, doe that whiche he hath commaunded you, and dispatche mee out of this tedious and miserable worlde: for in the ende to dye with the swoorde, or to dye with an ague, all is but death.

Letus and Electus were astonnied to beholde the constancie that Pertinax had, and to consider the excel­lent woordes whiche he saide: whereunto they made aunswere.

Oh, howe secrete are the iudgementes of God, and howe variable are the thoughtes of menne. This wee saye vnto thee Pertinax, because thou thinkest that wee are come to take awaye thy life: and wee are not come, but to the ende thou shoul­dest giue vs life, and take wretched Rome [Page 216] vnder thy defence.

Wee may not speake or aduertise thee at large, for want of time, the breake of day being at hande: but the case is thus, that the tyrante Commodus is deade, the cause thereof proceeded, for that he had de­termined (as was founde in memoriall written with his owne handes) this day to haue slaine vs all: and as by a certaine manner neuer harde of, the matter was discouered, we determined to preserue our own liues, and giue an ende to his tyrannies. In this deed which we haue done, we neither thinke to haue of­fended the Gods, or committed treason: for that the life of this tyrant was odious vnto the Gods, and daungerous vnto men. It was nowe high time that some man shoulde giue an ende vnto his life, that had taken away the life of so many good men. We, as we were in his fauour, had perfect intelligēce, whom he helde for friends, or enimies: and also we knowe right certeinely, that if thou Pertinax be now aliue, it is not, that he so wished it, or that he procured not to kil thee, but the Gods gaue him no place, but haue re­serued thee to the ende thou shouldest deliuer Rome, and restore the common wealth.

No man knoweth vnto this houre that Cōmodus is dead, but Martia and we that haue slaine him: and as we haue laide our handes vpon him to finishe his dayes, so haue we fixed our eyes vpon thee to make thee Emperour.

And beleeue vs, Pertinax, that if we coulde haue made choice of any better then thy selfe, we woulde haue chosen better: because they are so many and so greate euills which haue beene committed by this ty­rant, that they may not be amended or repayred, [Page 217] but by the hands of some most vertuous prince. That which hath moued vs to elect and giue thee this Em­pire, is, because thou art auncient, wise, valiaunt, ver­tuous, riche, and of great experience, aboue all the rest loued & desired of all the people: for that Prince whi­che is not acceptable vnto his people, he shal of many be disobeyed & of many much lesse duely esteemed.

‘These woordes being noted of Pertinax, determinatly did thincke them to be spoken fainedly and with collusion, and thereto aunsweared. Oh Letus and thou Electus, you ought to be satisfied, simply to accomplish the vniust com­maundement of Commodus, without derision of these my poore auncient yeres, y ^t is to say, first gilefully to flatter me and afterwards to kill mée. As I haue said, performe that which ye haue to doe, which the sooner ye shall accomplish, the greater ioy shal ye yéeld vnto Commodus, and deliuer me of griefe. I well know that Commodus now sléepeth not, but carefully abideth your returne, for at this present he attēdeth no better newes, then the report, that ye haue giuen an end vnto my wretched life. Letus and Electus considering that Pertinax continued doubtful and suspici­ous, began to say and replie: there is so small time for so great affaires as wée haue to do, that there resteth no time to contend vpon our ambassage and thy suspicion: and be­cause thou shalt sée the truthe of that which we haue said, and not as thou supposest, take and reade this memoriall, written with Commodus his owne hand, and there shalt thou sée, how great reason wée had to kill him this night, since to morrow he ment to haue slaine vs all. Pertinax re­ceiuing the memorial into his hands, and knowing it to be Commodus writing, found himselfe placed in the fourth degrée, which is to witt, that on the morrowe Commodus would haue killed Martia, Letus, Electus and Pertinax: & so by degrées, many other Senators & Consuls of Rome. Pertinax hauing read y ^e memoriall, stayed as one astonied [Page 218] againe demaunding if Commodus were dead in déede: they aduouched no lesse, and thoroughly affirmed the same: whereuppon hee beganne most pitiously to wéepe: saying, that he wept not for the death of Commodus, but because the memorie of the good Marcus Aurelius in him was finished.’ And lifting his eyes vp to heauen, said: Oh vnfortunate Marcus Aurelius, Oh vnfortunate Marcus Aurelius, Oh infortunate Marcus Aurelius: (thrée times exclaming him to be vnfortunate and vnhappie) because thou wast vnfortunate in thy wife, whiche thou posses­sedst: in thy daughters which thou nourishedst, & in thy sonnes which thou begattedst.

CHAP. IIII. ¶ A certeine notable speach vttered by Letus vnto the armie, in the fauour of Pertinax.

AFter that Pertinax had bewayled the death of Com­modus, not for his owne condition, but for that he had béene the sonne of the good Marcus Aurelius, hée said vnto Letus & Electus, that he would not by any meane receiue the Empire, if the Senate did not commaund it, and the armie consent vnto it: because to hold the Empire safe and established, and not to enter the same as a tyrant: vnto the Senate, it apperteyned to vse their election, and the armie their confirmation. Letus made offer to finishe all that which Pertinax demaunded: that is to say, the Senate should elect and choose him, & the armie confirme and allow their election: and the hope that he had to obteine the same was, that hée had amongest them many friends and kinse­folke: and the ioy that all would receiue vppon the newes of his death. Letus departing to talke with the Captei­nes and leaders of the armie, made vnto them a compen­dious speach after this manner.

All the time that Letus was reasoning these matters vnto the armie, they stoode all astonied and rapt: partly in hearing the memoriall, conteyning the treason that Com­modus had ordeyned, & partly for the newes of his death: and also in considering how aptly & eloquently Letus had vsed his speach in opening the matter. Presently at the instant that Letus had finished his talke, the whole armie began to say & exclame: Viuat viuat Pertinax Augustus, whi­che is to say, Long & many yeares may Pertinax liue our Romane Emperour. All the principal of the armie depar­ted [Page 223] to visite Pertinax at his owne house, & found him not, but in the temple of victorie, and taking him vppon their shoulders they carried him about all Rome: and as it was then, as yet not throughly day, the townesmen were aba­shed to heare such newes: because not knowing that Com­modus was dead, they heard that Pertinax was proclai­med Emperour. The Romanes afterwardes did sweare and affirme, that in long time past there was euer any ne­wes diuulgate in Rome, that generally gaue so great ioy vnto all persons, partly for the newes of Cōmodus death, as also for that y ^e good old Pertinax was made Emperour.

CHAP. V. ¶ Of an Oration made by Pertinax in the Senate immediatly after he was elected Emperour.

VEry great was the ioy that was manifested through­out all Rome, because they had obteyned Pertinax for their Lord, and no lesse was the heauinesse that Pertinax discouered, to behold himselfe an Emperour: for he said, that this name or title of imperie or regiment, was the thing that euery man desired for himself, and in others did most abhorre. No signe of an Emperour would Pertinax cōsent to accompanie him, vntil he and the Senatours had séene, conferred, and saluted ech other, and all ioyntly being mounted vpon the height of the Capitol, where y ^e imperial cloth of estate was placed, Pertinax would by no meane sit downe in that imperial seat, but tooke the Consul Glabriō by the arme, and by strong hand would haue set him in the same, seriously affirming, that it apperteined much better vnto his deseruing. Glabrion was a Romane, in age very auncient, in cōdition very mild, in gouernment very wise, in life of great sinceritie, & in bloud much estéemed: for that he was descended by the right line of king Aeneas sonne vnto Anchises, and sonne in lawe vnto king Priamus, [Page 224] and father to Aschanius. When Glabrion perceiued Per­tinax to persist with so great instance to inuest him with the Empire, he said vnto him in the presence of the whole Senate: the humble humilitie which thou shewest Perti­nax in the want of merit of the Empire, the same maketh thée of deseruing sufficient of the Empire, vnto which elec­tion all wée of the Senate do consent: not moued thereun­to by the election of the armie, but to sée thée make so smal accompt of thy selfe: in such wise, that this thy refusal yel­deth thy merit sufficient. A great while was the whole Senat persuading Pertinax to condescend to their request, which is to wit, to accept the Empire: but his repugnance was so great, that in a manner by force they placed him in the chayre: and that which is more, the whole Senate per­ceiued, that he did nothing feynedly: for it was lamentable to heare the lamentation which hee made, and to sée the a­bundance of teares which he shed. But afterwards, when hée was placed in the imperial chaire, Pertinax spake vnto the Senate after this maner.

These woordes being said by Pertinax, the Senate re­ceiued great pleasure, and chiefly praised him, for that hée forbad all men to speake euill of Commodus, knowing (as they all did knowe) that hée had béene his mortall enimie. The Senat receiued Pertinax in the midst amōgest them, and did accompany and attend vpon him, vnto all the tem­ples: and ‘euery temple did offer vnto the Gods, notable sacrifices. And most truly this was a notable and also a laudable custome amongest the Romans, which is to witt, that princes newly elected, did first visite the Gods, before they permitted themselues to be visited of men. As Per­tinax had his person in so great authoritie, and being elec­ted by the armie, and the Senat with so great concord: and further, being old and hoarie headed, and so long time kno­wen in Rome, it was a monstruous thing to behold, when he came forth into Rome, how al men hasted to sée his face: for truly it seemed litle vnto euery man to obey him as a prince, but to loue and serue him as a father.’

CHAP. VI. ¶ Of many thinges which he did after he was Emperour.

THe first thing that Pertinax commaunded, or prouided, was, that the men of warre were very wel payed: and therwith practised great discipline, in which matter, more then in any other, he presently gaue reformation: for that in the Empire of Commodus, the armie was abandoned vnto great libertie.

Cōmodus consumed so great summes of monie in vices, y ^t there was not sufficient to pay the men of warre: & by this occasion they did filche by night, rob on high wayes, sacke houses, spoile corne, oppresse the poore, and were bribers with rich men: finally, they were desperate, and so flesht, [Page 229] that for feare of any paine, they neuer absteyned from of­fence. Not many dayes after that Pertinax was publi­shed Emperour, and with great seriousnes on a certeine day, vsed familiaritie with Letus and Electus, a Consul named Falcus said vnto him: what an Emperour (O Per­tinax) thou shalt proue, thy workes begin to make demon­stration: since thou leadest after thee Letus and Electus, which as traytours did kill their Lord Commodus: doing what thou doest, and consenting to that wherto thou didst consent, it may be no lesse, besides the euill example which thou yéeldest vnto Rome, thou giuest also such scruple vn­to thy fame: whereby we thinke, that if thou wert not the inuentour of his death, at the least thou delightest to cloke the same. Vnto this Pertinax made aunswere, it well sée­meth, that although thou be a Cōsul, thou art but a yong­ling: since thou knowest not to make difference of times. It maketh no great matter, that I doe with Letus and E­lectus, as they did with their Lord Commodus, that is to say, they obeyed him and followed him, and that whiche they most desired, they most dissembled: and at the houre of opportunitie, they dispatched him of his life. The same day that hée was created Augustus and Emperour, hée was intituled Pater patriae: this excellencie vnto none, ei­ther since or before, was giuen vppon that day. His wife was named Flauia Titiana, vnto whome likewise on the same day that he was inuested Augustus, she was intituled Augusta. The Emperour Pertinax did greatly trauell, to allowe all thinges that his Lord Marcus Aurelius did fauour, to finish that which hée had begon, to susteine that which hée had left, to repaire that which he had built and to imitate all that which hée had done: for hée said, it was impossible to erre, in following the stepps of the good Mar­cus Aurelius. The fame being diuulgate thoroughout the Empire, howe Commodus was dead, and Pertinax chosen Emperour: the countries, cities, prouinces, and kingdomes, gaue very large rewards vnto the messengers thereof, no lesse for the death of Commodus, then for the [Page 230] election of Pertinax. As hée had béene in so long time in so many prouinces, Pretor, Censor, Quirite, Edil, Consul, Proconsul, and Censor, Pertinax was one of the most fa­mous Romanes in the Empire: whereof succéeded, that af­ter the Barbarians were aduertised, that Pertinax was Emperour of Rome, such as were rebelles, left their ar­mour, and such as had taken truce, made peace. Perti­nax had a sonne, whome the Romanes would haue crea­ted Augustus, to the end hée should succéede him after his dayes in the Empire: which he could neuer like off, or con­sent vnto, saying: The Gods neuer graunt, that with the hope of the Empire, my sonne should be nourished vnto vice and idlenesse. Commodus had laide intollerable im­postes and tributes vpon his people, which Pertinax com­maunded to be made frustrate: affirming, that of the will of princes in charging their kingdomes with vniust tri­butes, there succedeth a wilful denial of due and most iust paiments. ‘False witnesses hee commaunded to be puni­shed according vnto the lawe named, Pena del talion, that is to say, they should be executed by Iustice, wherein they had accused others by malice. Hée ordeyned that the testament which had béen made by the husband & wise ioyntly, might not be altered by the suruiuer. Also he did ordeyne, that any man dying intestate, should not forfett his landes or goods vnto y ^e fiscall, but that his sonne, or most néere kins­man should inherite the same: saying, there were no reason or iust lawe, where the dead for want of speach should loose his goods. The Senators on a day said vnto Pertinax, how the Questors of the treasurie, and the officers of the fiscal, had murmured at him, for the law that he made in the fa­uour for the dead intestate, vnto whom hee aunsweared: Fathers conscript, I may safely say, there are not so many that complaine of this lawe, as there be that praise and a­lowe it: but I recke not whether the one doth praise or the other mislike: but in my iudgement, it is no worke of Ro­manes, but the inuētion of tyrants, of robberies, briberies & rapines, to fill the treasurie with riches.’ He made a lawe, [Page 231] that no fiscall should sue anye person for landes, or goodes that were doubtfull, saying: that the fiscall ought to re­moue nothing that clearely were not his owne: and that in case of doubt, more sure and more conformable vnto iu­stice were it, to remaine with him that doth possesse it, thā with the fiscall that doth demaunde it. He commaunded all things vniustly taken by his predecessour Commodus, to be restoared vnto the owners. When the Secretarie came to firme this lawe to be proclaimed, and Pertinax reading the same, wherein it was said: Wee commaunde that all thinges which our predecessour Commodus hath robbed, which word robbed, he blotted out with his pen, and enterlined this woord gotten: saying, it is sufficient that the lawe be in the fauour of the liuing: without iniu­ring, with foule woordes, Princes that be dead. All that which was knowen manifestly to be Commodus debt, he commaunded to be payed, and all which he had promised to be giuen: and besides all this, the wheat, oyle, and other things which particularly were vsed to be giuen and diui­ded amongest the people of Rome, he caused with great di­ligence to be brought from all kingdomes, and in great a­bundance and liberalitie commaunded it to be bestowed. Many vniust tributs being takē away by Pertinax, there succéeded a great necessitie for the paiment and reliefe of the armie of Africa: whereby he was constreyned to exact new impositions of his common wealth, whereuppon the Consul Gelianus toke occasion to say, that he had done con­trary to that which he had begon in the Empire, & against that which he had said in the Senat: Pertinax aunswering said. When I was Consul (as thou art) I did meruaile at the déedes of princes, and now that I am an Emperour, I meruaile of that which you Consuls do speake: thus much Gelianus I say to this end, because thou shalt vnderstand, that Emperours at times, make lawes as they ought, and at other times not as they would, but as they may.

CHAP. VII. ¶ Of many thinges which he did ordeine and reforme in the common wealth.

THere was in Rome and in the confines of Italie, much roughe ground for corne, which being barren for want of manuring, Pertinax commaunded proclamation to bée made, that if any man would grub, manure, or till y ^e same, hée should fréely for tenne yeares, take the profite thereof. Before Pertinax vsed this diligence in Italie, frō Aegypt, Spaine, and Sicyl, they brought wheat to furnish the same: for which cause Traiane did vse to say, that Rome was more tributarie then any place of the world: for that they could not eate, but if it were giuen them from other king­domes. ‘There were many particular thinges said to be the Emperours, namely, hills, heards, gardēs, riuers, pala­ces, and houses: which hée commaunded to be altered, na­ming them hils, gardens and riuers, not of the Emperour, but of the common wealth, for hée affirmed, that on that day, in which any whatsoeuer, was made Emperour, hée might haue nothing proper vnto himselfe: and said further, that if this name Prince be well vnderstoode, it giueth no o­ther dignitie to the person that vseth the same, but to make him defender of the territories of the countrie, and procu­rer of the common wealthe. In the dayes of his predeces­sours, they had attempted new impositions, that is to say, in ports of the sea, at the ports of cities, for passage of high wayes, of barkes vppon riuers, and for baking in ouens: al which were to the great detriment of the common wealth, and the auncient libertie of Rome: the collection whereof Pertinax from thence forth, commaunded to ceasse.’ Being demaunded of the Consul Tortelius, why he made frustrat lawes so profitable, aunsweared: because without compa­rison much more are the displeasures which they giue me, [Page 233] then the money which they bring me: and as mée séemeth, we may not saye, that that money is verie cleanely that comes imbrewed with displeasures. He commaunded that in criminall causes, offendours should be verie well hearde: and if in case any should dye, fourtie dayes to be expired before he should suffer. It was a matter verye monstruous and scandalous, that was consumed in ex­pences, in the dayes of Commodus: wherein Pertinax in suche wise prouided, that they murmured no lesse against him for his frugalitie, then against Commodus for his prodigalitie. ‘They muche blame Pertinax, who set before his guestes whiche did eate at his table, halfe pigges, and halfe géese: and many times sent two soppes betwixt two plates for a present, and sometime the legge of a Phesant, & at other times the wing of a capon, and reserued also in the morning somewhat to be eaten at night. Princes ought verie muche to consider, and also to auoyde, not to be noted miserable at their table: for it is verie small that in such trifles may be saued, and verie much that they giue vnto the multitude to murmur.’ He many times came foorth vnto the fielde of Mars, and there he caused the whole armie to exercise feates of war, rewarding such as were industrious, and reprehendinge such as were dull and hartelesse. There were many Ro­maines, and others in the confines of Italie, whiche did owe great summes of money, not onely vnto the fiscall, but also vnto the treasurie, among whome, some in times past had béene his friendes, and others that were in great necessitie, he cōmaunded both the one & the other to bee deliuered of the fiscall, since it was due vnto him selfe, and made payement of their whole debt that was due vnto the treasurie. ‘Amongest other vertues, the Emperour Per­tinax of twaine was muche noted and praised: whiche is to wéete, of clemencie and gratefulnesse: for that he was pitifull vnto the afflicted, and thankfull vnto his friendes. Pertinax had a sonne, whome, after he was Emperour, he would not permit to come to the court, either as much [Page 234] as vnto Rome: but that he helde him in his countrey, fol­lowing his owne affaires, and the profite of his owne house: whereuppon the Consul Fuluius Turbone saide vnto Pertinax, that he séemed rather the sonne of a la­bourer, then of an Emperour: he lift vp his eyes to hea­uen and with a greate sigh, saide: My mother Rome hath cause to be contented, that I offer and put my life in pe­rill for her cause, without venturing my sonne and house in like daunger. Most surely the saying was lamentable, and the more it is considered, the more profounde it is: whereby it appeareth, that he helde him self for moste vn­fortunate, to be established in the Empire: and that he left his sonne in greatest felicitie, to be depriued of the Empire.’

Although Pertinax were olde and graue, and was placed in the height of the Empire, he alwayes vsed greate vrbanitie towardes all men, in suche wise that no man did him reuerence, vnto whome he did not vtter some courtesie: according to the qualitie of the person. ‘Fiftie seruauntes in Rome in one night and in one houre, slewe their maisters, for whome the Emperour caused so diligent searche, that onely fiue escaped: and the paine that he commaunded they should suffer, was, to carrie the dead bodies bounde fast backe to backe, in suche wise, that the stenche of the dead, did finishe the wretched life of the liuing.’

In the schoole where Pertinax studied, a certeine Romaine named Valerius was there also a student, and being alwayes in companie, and of age not much vnlike, and continuing in greate friendship, did many times eate with Pertinax, which during their repast were neuer hearde to talke, but of science, knighthood, repayring of Rome, or else the reformation of the common wealth.

It did well appeare in Pertinax, that he tooke the Em­pire against his will: for truely, neither in his dyet, ei­ther in his apparell, either in his gesture or spéeche, ei­ther [Page 235] in any other thing, did he behaue him selfe as an Emperour, in suche wise, that he presumed not to re­present what he was, but what he had béene, He saide manie times, that in this worlde he neuer made the like faulte, as when he accepted the Empire: and many times made motion to leaue the same, and to returne vnto his house: but that he did recomfort him selfe with this saying: that for as muche as he was of so greate age, he might not liue longe, but be deliuered of his te­dious life.

CHAP. VIII. ¶Of certeine vices wherewith he was infected, and of the pro­digies of his death.

AS the Emperour Pertinax was olde, so was he char­ged with the infirmities of olde age: that is to saye, with auarice, because in gathering and kéeping of mo­ney he was verie diligent: and in giuing or spending ve­rie dull and vnwilling.

Also he was noted to be a man verie flexible in his af­faires: that is to saye, he was not stiffe, either greatly did vse therein any contradiction, but that which one did counsell him, another might easily persuade the contra­rye: the cause whereof was his good naturall inclina­tion, whiche coulde not without griefe, beholde any man that was in sorrowe.

[Page 236]Also Pertinax was noted, that he neuer denied any thing that was demaunded, although many his promises were neuer perfourmed: for, at moste times he promised to giue that which was impossible to be accomplished. And because the maiestie and greatenesse of Princes doth consist to haue and possesse, whereof to giue: they ought much to be aduertised in consideration, what is craued of them, and what they promise: for hauing to do (as they haue) with so manie, and to furnishe so infinite necessi­ties: they ought, if their subiectes be vnshamefast in cra­uing, to be graue in promising. Ioyntly with this, Prin­ces ought to be aduertised, that where they haue once ga­ged their royall worde, all things set aparte, they ought to perfourme the same. Pertinax was twise married, his seconde marriage was with the daughter of Vulpitianus, whome he made prefecte when he was made Emperour. As concerning the vnchastitie of his wife, also Pertinax was noted: whiche is to wéete, of negligence in gouer­ning, and remisse in reprehending her, for that truely shée was both young and faire, absolute and dissolute: and re­ported in Rome, to be more enamoured with a young Mu­sician then with Pertinax her olde husbande. Also Perti­nax was much noted to haue vsed vnlawfull loue with Cornificia his néere kinswoman, whome he had nouri­shed from her childhood: for shée was committed by her fa­ther vnto his protection: this matter was no lesse scanda­lous then foule and no lesse foule, then scandalous: for that suche like, and so great euill, was not conuenient to a man of so greate age, either permissible in a Prince of so great grauitie. ‘Some prodigious and straunge signes appeared before his death, especially on a time, offering certeine sacrafices vnto the Goddes Penates, that when the coales were moste kindled and on fire, soudeinly they were séene all dead and quenched: whiche did signifie, that in the greatest certeintie of his life, soudeinly death should assaile him.’

‘Not sixe dayes before he was slaine, as in the temple [Page 237] of Iupiter he was offering great sacrifices, with his own handes he offered a Pecocke, wherein he found no hearte when it was opened, and soudeinely the head vanished, when the throate was cutt. Eight dayes before he was slaine, a Starre ioyned with the Sunne, and did shine at noone dayes, as if it had béene midnight. Thrée dayes be­fore he was slaine, Pertinax dreamed that he fell into a fishepond: and that there was a man with an huge knife to kill him, and woulde haue fled and could not. Iulianus whiche after succéeded Pertinax in the Empire, hauing a Nephewe newe married vnto his Néece, and hauing re­paired vnto Pertinax to visite him, Pertinax saide vnto the young married man: be good, and I shall holde and esteeme thee as my sonne: serue thy vncle Iulianus as a father, because he is my fellowe in office and successour.’ They had béene ioyntly Consuls, and afterwardes Iuli­anus in the proconsulship was successour vnto Pertinax: and although he spake it of the succession of the proconsul­ship, yet they conceiued his spéeche to be a prognostication of his succession in the Empire. It was discouered vnto Pertinax, that the Consul Falconius desired and also pro­cured to succéede him in the Empire, and to that ende had taken a deuise to dispatche him of his life, of whiche case Pertinax grieuously complained vnto the Senate: the trueth whereof being afterwardes tryed and knowen, he as instantly intreated that Falconius might be pardoned: saying, he had rather extoll him selfe by his clemencie, then boaste him selfe of his vengeance: whereupon Fal­conius was pardoned, leading his life euer after in his house: and for that he had béene in greate honour, and a­mongest the Romaines muche estéemed, but by that trea­son had lost his credite, within fewe dayes, méere sorrowe gaue an ende vnto his life.

CHAP. IX. Of the occasion that the Pretorians tooke to murther him.

THE officers that Commodus vsed for his seruice in court, as Chamberlaines, Secretaries, maisters of housholde, clarkes of the kitchin, porters, cookes, and such other, Pertinax had not chaunged, staying that chaunge vntil the daye of celebration of the buylding of Rome: for he helde opinion, that before the euil shoulde be remoued, it were greate reason, at leasure to make e­lection of others that were good. That which Pertinax had thought to haue done in his house, he determined also to execute amongest the captaines of warres, and other officers of the common wealth, because they were so ab­solute in commaunding, and so couetous in robbing, that if the paine were recompenced with the fault, it had béene a small matter, from euery one of them to haue taken a­way life.

When affaires of importaunce are deferred, the secreat thereof incurreth greate daunger: and for this cause, as Pertinax deferred this matter from day to day, all officers suspected what he woulde do with them, and therfore determined to dispatche him of his life. Extreme­ly was Pertinax hated of the men of warre, and of the particular officers of the common wealth: which hatred procéeded not of any iust offence, done by this good Prince, but for that he consented not that they should robbe & cō ­mitte vile déedes. Many times the wicked beare enuie vnto the good, not because the vertuous suffer them to do well, but for that they consent not vnto them to do euill: for so peruerse is the malice of some peruerse per­sons, that they take more delight to do euil vnto others, [Page 239] then to receiue benefite vnto them selues.

Vnto all the officers of the common wealth, Pertinax commaunded that they shoulde enioye intierly all fées and profites appertaining vnto their offices: and vnto all the Pretors, and souldiers of the warres, he prouided their wages very well paide them: and besides all this he dealte not with them as with vassals, but the chiefteines he did honour as brethren, and to meaner persones he spake as vnto his sonnes: but all this notwithstanding, they liued in greate passion, and no lesse discontented: for that in times past, their extraordinarie robberies were muche more then their wages. But thus was the case.

‘On a daye, certeine Pretors of the armies did assem­ble at a dinner, with other officers of the citie, as also diuers seruitours of the courte: and after they had lar­gely eaten, and aboundantly drunken, they beganne to talke of the dayes of Commodus: that is to saye, howe then they were at libertie, riche, and honoured: and now since Pertinax reigned, they were poore, captiues, and defaced: and that the faulte thereof consisted more in their owne cowardise, then in any other person. And fur­ther procéeding in this matter, they concluded to spoile Pertinax of his life, and to choose another Emperour of Rome at their liking, which shoulde renewe the memo­rie of their Lorde Commodus, and violate all actes that Pertinax had confirmed: and that it was a more sa­fer waye to bee gouerned by a wise young man like Commodus, then by an olde dotyng foole, as Perti­nax.’

‘Partely, for that they had their heades troubled with drinke, and their stomaches hoate with eating, but aboue all the rest, furiously inflamed with talke, soudeinly they rose all from the boorde, and euery man goeth home to be armed, with a determination to dye in that en­terprise: or, that same daye to dispatche Pertinax of his life.’

[Page 240] ‘All the people being at quiet, and Pertinax rechelesse and without regarde, the pretorians of the armies, with a greate number of armed men, some trayling their lan­ces, and others with swordes drawen, marche vnto the imperiall palace, where Pertinax was reposing: for that it was but little more then past noone. And as they ap­proched the house, they began to exclaime: the memorie of Commodus liue for euer, and the false olde Pertinax is but dead. All such as were present with Pertinax in the palace, neither knewe what to doe, and muche lesse what to counsell: some saide vnto Pertinax that he should sende for succour vnto the people: others, that he shoulde hide him selfe in some secrete place: others, that he shuld fight vntil his friendes shoulde sende reliefe: finally, the case conteined so great confusion, that he whiche feared least, did feare to lose his life: because all those deintie courtiers had excesse of garments to walke in the stréetes, but wanted armour to come foorth to fight. It séemed vn­to Pertinax that to demaund succour, there was no time: and to attempt to fight, they were too fewe: to put them selues to flight, there was no place: to traueile to be hid­den, were a great blemishe: the good prince determined to come foorth & to talke with the Pretorians, to sée if with wordes he might apease them. And as afterwardes they reported which were present with him [...] that great con­flict, Pertinax did wel discouer the greatnesse of his mind, and howe little he estéemed the Empire, and also, howe muche he lothed the vanities of this worlde, because hee neither shewed any apparance of feare, for that he heard, either chaunge of countenaunce, either was troubled in any thing that he had to saye. Pertinax caused the gates of his court to be set wide open, and came foorth of his chamber, hauing no manner of armour or weapon, and began to reason with them that did inuiron him after this manner.’

CHAP. X. Of a notable speach that the Empe­rour Pertinax vsed, when his souldiours came to kill him.

IF this so greate commotion, whiche this day ye haue raised (O my friendes and commilitants) be for that I seeme not woorthy of the Empire of Rome: ye haue to remember, that I neither ob­tained the same by suite or request, either bought it for money, but that forceably ye made me to take it, I of my parte imploying my forces to resist it. And if it be, for that I haue had no regard vnto the common wealth, yee knowe howe ofte I haue requested to cease from gouernement, and to departe vnto my house: and since this is moste true, I knowe not to what end ye shoulde remoue me perforce from that whiche I woulde haue lefte and remitted with greate good will. And if for that I haue beene ingrate vnto my mother Rome, or haue vsed euill gouernement in the common wealth, ye will take away my life, then I cannot but confesse it to be a worke most iust, albeit there­by I shoulde be pursued, not onely with paine and griefe, but also with infamie: because suche a death yealdeth more paine and shame to deserue it, then to suffer it. And if ye thinke your selues dis­graced, to haue a Prince that is not descended of the Fabians, of the Metells, of the Fabritians, or [Page 242] of some other notable Romanes: in this case im­pute the fault vnto the Gods, whiche so haue cre­ated me, and vnto your selues who with such con­ditions woulde electe me Emperour: because in naturall matters neither deserue we prayse, for y ^t we haue, either reprehension, for that whiche wee lacke. It were more iust (O my friendes and com­militants) in this case to haue respecte, not to the shadowe and vanitie of linage, but vnto the vertue & grauitie of the persō: for it stretcheth vnto small purpose in good gouernemente, to be descended of generous bloude, and to bee of filthy life. And if ye haue been altered, for wante of pay of wages, for the whole or in parte, presently giue me to vn­derstande, and I sweare and promise, that present­ly euerie man shall entirelie be paide: whiche if it be so, I am vtterly without faulte: since vntill this present I neuer hearde thereof. And seeing ye be gentlemen of greate power, and Romanes of noble bloud, ye haue to consider in this case, that according vnto our lawes, innocencie and ig­norance of the fault mitigateth & diminisheth the extremitie of punishmēt. And if in case ye be escā ­dalized for y ^t ye see mee rigorous, hard, & extreme, & y ^t I am so reputed amongst the people: as small reason haue ye in this case, as in the rest, because vniuersaly they craue that iustice be done, and yet they abhorre y ^e execution thereof. And if ye would blame me for the death of Commodus my prede­cessour, and your Lorde: ye haue seene by expe­rience howe muche I am blamelesse, and that vn­to mee, more then to anie man, his death was grie­nous: and that this is true, call to your remem­brance [Page 243] the day on which Commodus was slaine: where in I sawe you singe for ioy: and of greate griefe ye sawe me to weepe. You Romaines, you may not denie mee, but that the death of Com­modus was of you all desired, and my election of you all alowed: and since it was so, I maruell that men of so greate authoritie and grauitie, should inuente so straunge a noueltie as this that is to say, in so shorte space, to hate that whiche ye procured: and to haue an appetite to that which ye loathed. I sweare by the immortall Gods, I knowe not of anie vile deede which I haue don against the com­mon wealthe, wherefore ye should abhorre mee: neither knowe I anie thinge that Commodus hath done since hee died, wherefore ye shoulde loue and desire him: for if we sighe for the dead, it is not for their deedes done, after that they died: but for the good woorkes whiche they perfourmed when they were liuinge. If for no other cause then to take away my life, ye haue ioyned and armed all these men of warre: certeinlie it is a thinge super­fluous and vaine, in as much as I am both sicke & olde, and with the burthen of the Empire so muche discontented, and with my life so muche displeased, I esteeme little to liue, and much lesse to die.

It grieueth me not so muche to lose my life, as it doth of the slaunder and infamie whiche ye lay vpon our mother Rome: whiche is to say, that the Romans which haue bene renowned for their loy­altie towardes their princes, shoulde haue reporte throughout the worlde, to haue slaine their Empe­rour.

[Page 244]Ye knowe that ye beeing (as ye are) men of warre, and to no other ende so well payed and re­lieued of y ^e tribute, but to chastice suche as rebell in the common wealth, and to defende the house and the imperiall persone of your prince: and since it is thus, what may be more vnseemlie, impertinent, and scandalous, then suche as be admitted for my guarde and safetie, that they and no other should come to take away my life. And for as muche as ye be men of warre, ye are bounde to obserue the lawes there of: that is to say, euen in the warrs of enimies, yee may not, or ought not to kill chil­dren or olde men: and since I am an olde man, and a citizen of Rome, wherefore will yee do with mee, that which yee will not do with an enimie? In these wordes whiche ye haue saide, in the dis­order whiche ye haue vsed, and in the houre wher­in ye haue vndertaken this matter, it clearely appea­reth that to enterprise so greate a matter, ye haue not vsed greate prouidence: for if ye had conside­red and examined the matter, ye shoulde moste certainlie haue founde, that in your determinati­on to kill mee, there is no other fruite gathered, but to raise in your mother Rome a greate scandal, and to thruste your selues in great daunger. And since one shall inherite the Empire, and not all: with what folly are you taken (ye Romaines) for ye al to hazarde and lose your selues for one mans gaine, and yet knowe not, if afterwardes that one man shall be gratefull or vnthankefull. I may not flee that whiche the destinies haue ordayned, ei­ther what ye haue determined: but in case [Page 245] this be my last day, and my fatall houre be come: I pray the immortall Godes, that the innocent bloude whiche shal be shead of me, that the vengeance there­of fall not vpon my mother Rome: but that eue­rie one of you doe feele it in his person and his house.

‘ When Pertinax came to the pointe, to speake these woordes, for the moste parte al that were presente let fall teares from their eyes, and beganne to departe, turning their backes, and holding downe their weapons: because they had greate shame, to offende and to wante reuerence vnto so honourable horie haires, and to wordes so wel spo­ken. He that moste vilelie had spoken against Pertinax, & he that most had moued y ^e men of warre, was one named Tuncius of y ^e countrie of Theutonio: this wretched cay­tiue whē he sawe that al men returned, and had renoun­ced to kill Pertinax, he thrust a lance, through the midest of his bodie: with whiche wounde, Pertinax fell to the earth, and therevpon gaue him other woundes wherof he presentlie dyed. Greate sorrowe was it vnto the people of Rome, when they vnderstode that Pertinax was dead, and hauing reigned but fourtéene moneths & xx. dayes, he profited more the commonwealth, thē others in fourtéene yeares. The traytour Tuncius was not cōtented to haue slaine Pertinax, but he also and his companions forgotte not to cute off his head, to fixe it on a lance, and to beare it through the stréets of Rome. Pertinax died the fifte daye of April Falconius & Clarus being Consuls, his head was throwne of his enimies into Tiber, his bodie burie­ed by his friends and kinsfolkes in the sepulchre of his fa­ther in lawe, at that present without anie funerall pomp, because they slewe all persons that vttered sorrowe or griefe for his death.’

CHAP. I. Of the life, linage, and countrie of the Empe­rour Iulianus.

THe Emperour Didiꝰ Iulianꝰ, had to his great graundfather a Romaine named Salianus, who was a learned lawyer, twise Consul, Pretour of the citie, and died in the secōd yeare of the reigne and Empire of Nero: and they say, he died of pure sorrowe, to sée the common wealth in the handes of so furious a ty­rant, as Nero.

His graundfather was named Salbius Iulianus, who gaue him selfe more to armes, then to letters: and went vnto the warres of Datia with Traiane, and was captaine of the seconde Legion, and longe time diuider of the victu­alls, and in the ende dyed in his office, that is to say, in the warres against kinge Dacus. His father was named Di­dius Petronius, who neither gaue him selfe to science, ei­ther folowed the warrs as his predecessours, but was re­sidente and liued alwayes in Rome, folowing his affaires, and holdinge offices in the common wealth: hee was an [Page 247] assured friende vnto Antoninus Pius, and dyed in the Em­pire of the good Marcus Aurelius. His mother was named Clara Emilia, a generous and noble Romaine, a greate friende and kinswoman of Domitia Lucilla, that was mother vnto Marcus Aurelius: so did she intreate and fa­uour him as a sonne, and he did obey her as a mother. The first office that Didius Iulianus did beare in the common wealth, was Decemviriato, which is to wéete, to be one of the x. visitours of y ^e people: and though he wanted age to vse it, yet he wanted not fauour to obteine it, because Do­mitia, mother vnto Marcus Aurelius, did craue this office for him in the Senate. He was also Questor two yeares together, which office he helde against the Romane lawes, for that he was vnder the age of xxx. yeares: but as hee obtained the office of Decemviriato by the sute of the mo­ther, so did they graunte the other, by the fauour of the sonne, which is to wéete Marcus Aurelius. And after that Didius Iulianus was past the age of thirtie yeares, he ne­uer wanted offices in the common wealth: for vntill that age, y ^e Romanes had rather that yongemen shoulde occu­pie them selues in learning, then in commaunding and gouernement.

Iulianus was Edil, Pretor, and Censor diuerse times, diuers yeares, and at times muche distant: but the office wherein he continued longest time, was Romane Pre­tor: because he had learning to gouerne, and iustice to ex­ecute. He was naturallie giuen to the warres, and with this motion he went one time into Germanie, where hee neither obtained fame, either augmented his goods: for that certeinely he was more handsome in gouernemente, then hardie in fight.

He gouerned by the space of three yeares, the prouince of Belgica, whiche nowe is named Swetia, in which go­uernement, he behaued him selfe so venturouslie, y ^t he ob­teined what he had lost in the warre, which is to say, much reputation in the common wealth, and greate goodes for his house.

[Page 248]In the seconde yeare of the Empire of Marcus Aurelius, the inhabitantes neere vnto the riuer Albo (whiche is in the kingdome of Bohemia) rebelled, vnto which commoti­on Didius Iulianus repayred: and as hee was humble of speache, skilful and aduised in his affaires, so in short space he reduced them vnto y ^e seruice of the Romaine Empire. When the Senate had intelligence what Iulianus had done in Bohemia, the Emperoure thoughte him selfe therein verie well serued, and the Senate no lesse con­tented: chieflie, for that so exactlie hee had perfourmed the same, without requeste or commaundemente: and in recompence of this so singular a seruice, they sent him the Consulshippe, without his requeste, or anie other to solicite the same. When the newes of Consulshipe came vnto Iulianus, they saye that he saide: I sweare by the im­mortall Godes, that I neither solicited the Consulship, either thought to haue obteined the same: but here in it clearelie appeareth, that the good dothe more solicite with his good woorkes, then the euill with his manie guiles.

After he had accomplished the yeare of Consulshipe, hee was sent vnto y ^e lower Germanie as Pretor, which coun­trie is nowe called Flanders, where he remained two years: & frō thēce returned to Rome, where he had charge of victuals which office amongst the Romaines was more profitable, then honourable. The Emperour Marcus Au­relius being deade, his sonne Commodus reigning in the Empire, Iulianus was accused for a traitour, for that he, and Siluius his cousen, had conspired to haue slaine Com­modus: his accuser was a noble gentleman of Rome na­med Seuerus: but for that he might not proue his accusa­tion, they cut off his heade, and set Iulianus at libertie. At one time Iulianus was in fauour with Commodus, & an other time in disgrace: but after that he was accused of conspiracie, he did allwayes beare him mortall hatred: and when he vnderstoode this in Commodus, both in worde and deede, moste times he kéept his house and [Page 249] excused him selfe from the offices of the common wealth. ‘ Iulianus was a lawyer, and in letters moste learned: of whome it is said, that fewe did surpasse him in science, and none was equall vnto him in eloquence: for hee did neuer pleade anie cause in the Senate, but he obteined the victo­rie. He was prompt in speache, sharpe in propounding, and graue in determination, of stature somewhat lowe, of sanguine complexion, and in his youth beganne to be ho­reheaded: of whome in this case it may be saide, that hee was a monster in nature: for that he had neuer a white haire in his bearde, either anie blacke haire in his heade. His wife was named Malia Escantilia, and had but one daughter named Didia Clara. In this also as in the other, nature woulde be extreme: because the mother was the moste foule woman that had bene seene in Rome, and the daughter was the fairest dame, that euer was séene in I­talie.’

As Iulianus had gouerned manie countries, had the charge of victuales, & was chiefest aduocate in lawe in al Rome, so he obteined the possession of manie iuells, and the hoording vp of greate summes of money: for whiche cause, all the principall Romaines sought to be his sonnes in lawe: partelie to marrie with the daughter that was so faire, as also to inherite the goods that were so greate. Iulianus was slender, drie, and towards his later dayes he was growne to be cholerik adust, he neuer drank wine, and therefore did eate muche: and yet notwithstanding, he was so curious and so costlie in his manner to drinke water, that with lesse cost he might haue druncke wine. Beinge nowe growne olde, and rich, and hauing but one daughter whiche also was married. Iulianus gaue him selfe to liue in ioy and pleasure, that is to say, vsed not but to solace alongst the riuers, to haunte places frequē ­ted with people, to recreate with friends, to talke of times paste, to séeke exquisite and delicate meates, and alwayes to haue new guestes: in such wise, that hee did flie eache thinge, that was displeasante: and did and procured what [Page 250] so euer might yealde pleasure. Iulianus longe time perse­uered in Rome in this manner of life, according to which life, he had neither faithfull friendes, or feared and cruell enimies, because if anie did loue him, it was for that hee gaue them some of his money: and if others did hate him, it was because they receiued no parte of his riches.

CHAP. II. Howe the Empire of Rome was set to sale, and also soulde by proclama­tion.

AT the instante that y ^e Pretorian bandes had slaine the Emperour Pertinax, they aduised to ioyne in one, to seaze the walles, to take the gates of Rome, and that with an armed power: partelie for that the people should not rise against them, as also to choose an Emperour at their owne liking. Although the common people behelde the imperiall palace besette, yet they did not thinke that they woulde haue slaine the Emperour: because the fame went amongst them, that Pertinax was come foorth, and that with milde wordes he had intreated them: but as it after chaunced, though the greate troupes were retyred, Pertinax was slaine by the fewer number. Whē y ^e death of Pertinax was notified vnto the commō people, al Rome was readie in armour. Verie greate was the confusion whiche was that day in Rome, both of the one parte, to see Pertinax slaine, and also for that y ^e armie was bent against the people, and euerie houre redie to ioyne & kill eache other, but that they knewe not againste whome to fight: because the people woulde haue taken vengeaunce of the traitours that had slaine the Emperour, but the ar­mie woulde not deliuer them: in suche wise, that they [Page 251] were all faultie in that facte, the one in the acte, the other for consent.

The moste principall of the Senate, manie matrones of Rome, moste wealthy persons, and such as loued peace and quietnesse, after that they sawe the walles besette, the towers taken, the gates lockt, and the streetes stopte through out al Rome, they departed vnto their inheritan­ces, vntill they might see the conclusion of that so perilous & scandalous a tumulte: for they had had experience, that no man might be safe in his house, vntill there were a new Emperour: and that the election of him, shoulde be conse­crated with the handes of manie persons. The Pretorian bandes beholding the moste parte of the people to be fled, and none lefte that durste reuenge the death of Pertinax, or resiste their attempts: they lost al feare, and recouered a newe courage, not to amende the fault whiche they had committed, but to giue and sell the Romane Empire. The case was thus, that a man at armes mounted vpon the wall at the gate Salaria, who in the name of the whole armie made proclamation, and saide with a loude voice: Is there anie man that will giue more for the Empire of Rome? is there anie man that will set a price? for vnto him that will giue most money, we will giue it for his owne. Of all the iniuries, disgraces, and calamities, that the Frenchmen, the Assyrians, the Hunnes, the Gothes & the Lombards did vnto Rome, none was equal vnto this, which is to say, to set the greatnesse and maiestie of Rome in open sale. It was greate griefe to sée it, and also presēt­lie to write it, to sée and heare proclamation, who will giue money for the Empire of Rome: vnto whome a fore time the whole worlde had giuen tribute. By this so notable example, princes and mightie Potentates are to be admonished, what greate mutabilitie is conteined in thinges of this worlde, since the same persons, that had seene Rome the ladie of so manie and greate kingdomes, did also see her solde, proclamed, and bought for mo­ney.

[Page 252]Al the gentlemen, auncient Romanes, and Senatours, coulde not fill or satisfie them selues with wéeping, when they behelde and hearde the proclamations made out at windowes: and that which did more grieue them, was the greate infamie whiche allwayes shoulde followe Rome, in that shée was set to sale: and of the daunger also of the common wealth, which was to be bought of some tyrante. Those that woulde haue bought the Empire, had no mo­ney, for that Commodus had ouerviewed and ransackt their store: and those that coulde haue bought, of greate griefe and no lesse shame, woulde not deale therein: for in respect of the iniurie that they should haue committed vn­to their mother Rome, it might not be saide, that they bought it for money, but solde it vnto some enimie. In conclusion the segniorie of Rome, and the greatnesse and maiestie of y ^e Empire, passed in publique proclamations, by the space of three dayes, in whiche no man woulde buye it, or sette it in price: in so muche as the Pretorians were despited that no man would giue money, and the common people in greate sadnesse that they woulde sell it. The fourth day after Pertinax was slaine, as Didius Iu­lianus was at supper with greate pleasure, and talking howe the Empire continued in proclamations, his wife, daughter, and sonne in lawe persuading him to aduēture to buy it since the Pretorians were growne to so great wante of shame as to sell it. Iulianus consideringe of the one parte what was saide by proclamation, and on the o­ther parte, what his friendes did persuade him, left his eating, cast downe his heade, and gaue him selfe profound­lie to consider of the matter, whiche is to wéete, whether it were simplicitie to leaue, or vilanie with money to buy the common wealth.

Iulianus being verie pensatiue with him selfe, and inde­termined, his wife, daughter, and kinsfolke, yet againe replied, saying, that it was not nowe time to blinde him selfe with studie, but to profite him selfe by his money: and that also he had to consider, that it were lesse euill to buy [Page 253] the Empire with his owne proper money, thē as other, to obteine the same by losse of mens liues: and that he shoulde not care to deferre the euente by delayes, since the Pretorians grewe displeased, and proclamations to be cut off. As Iulianus naturally was proude, founde him selfe riche, and also importunated by his friendes, he determined to buy the Empire: and for the purpose presently goeth to the foote of the wall, and crieth out vnto the watch that was thereon, saying: for bloud, ye knowe me to be descended of noble Romanes, and in riches most wealthy: and that he woulde giue them so muche money for the Empire, that they shoulde be aba­shed to sée it, and tyred to tell it. The Consul Sulpi­tius, father in lawe vnto the Emperour Pertinax, in secrete did solicite the Pretorians to giue him the Em­pire, not to the ende he woulde buy it, but that they shoulde electe him: but the Pretorians although they sawe that he was a noble Romane, and not vnworthy, but verie conuenient for the Empire, they durste not put them selues into his handes, doubting that he afterwardes remembring the death of his sonne Perti­nax, would execute on them some rigorous reuenge­ment. Sulpitius was a man wise and sapient, reposed, and auncient: with the good wil of the Senate, and re­quest of the people, to him and no other woulde they haue giuen the Empire: and doubtlesse had it not béene for the aliaunce which he had with Pertinax, who was his sonne in lawe, they woulde rather haue giuen it him franckely for nothinge, then haue solde it vnto the other for money. The Pretorians being muche despi­ted, that they might not receiue money for the Empire, since foure dayes they had proclamed the sale thereof, and nowe finding Iulianus at the foote of the wall, who had offered money for y ^e Empire, they put downe a lad­der, and toke him vp vnto them. Nowe, when Iulianus sawe him selfe in grace with y ^e Pretorians, and y ^e Pre­torians hauing him in their handes, they demaunded [Page 254] more then he possessed, and hee did offer more then hee had. The case was thus: that they with him, and he with them, did capitulate iiii. thinges, whereof none was to the honour of Rome, & much lesse to the profite of the common wealth. ‘Their firste capitulation was, that he should giue them presently 300000. sextercies: the second was, that he shoulde neither reuenge the death, or sustaine the fame of the Emperour Pertinax: the third was, that he should erect y ^e picture, & renewe the memorie of Commodus: the fourth was, that free­lie they might do, vnder his Empire, as they had done in the dayes of Commodus: in such wise, that Iulianus did not onelie buy the Empire for money, but also gaue them licence to liue wickedlie. This donne and concluded, the euent of the Empire was stopt in Iu­lianus, the Pretorians receiuing him in the mids, and attending him throughout all the citie, publishinge with loude voices, Long life be euer vnto the Empe­rour Iulianus, Commodus alwayes Augustus.’ Iulia­nus would take that ouername of Commodus, to do thē pleasure that had sould him the Empire: who in their nourture were bred vp w ^t Commodus, & in their man­ners and vices as his owne naturall children.

CHAP. III. Of the great and mortall hatred which the Romaines did beare vnto Iulianus, for buying the Empire.

Iulianus being created Emperour, his first act was, to offer vnto y ^e gods sūptuous sacrifices: being (as it was) the custome of all newe Romane Emperours, present­lye he sent vnto his treasurie for money, to pay them of whom he had bought the Empire. It was a monstruous matter to sée y ^e iuels that he brought forth, & the diuersi­tie of money which he had: the cause therof was, that he [Page 255] had bene a gouernour in diuerse kingdomes, and from them al, brought no small sūmes of their coyne. ‘Inconti­nēt after Iulianus obtained the Empire, he brought his wife and daughter vnto y ^e court, whoe toke vpon them y ^e names of Augustaes, & began to be serued, not as Em­presses, but as Goddesses: because in their statelinesse & presumption, they sought rather to be adored then ser­ued. The Consul Sulpitius at the houre in which he vn­derstode that Iulianus had bought the Empire, departed vnto a certeine house that he had in the countrie, giuing his office vnto Cornelius Repentinus his sonne in lawe, who (as they say) did much resemble Commodus, name­ly, in disposition of person, and corruption of manners.’ Iulianus gaue vnto the army most great thanks, not on­ly for that they had giuen him the Empire, but also be­cause they had intituled his wife & daughter Augustaes and without his request also, had giuen him the name of Pater Patriae, father of y ^e coūtrie: which title was y ^e most famous y ^t y ^e Romans gaue vnto their Emperours. On y ^e other day after he was intituled Pater patriae, early in the morning they founde these Latine letters written vpō his gates: P.V.E.P. soūding in this sense, Proditor, Venditor, Emptor, Patriae: and thus meant in english: thou art the traytor, the seller, & buyer of thy country. ‘Vnquenchable was the fury & hatred y ^t the whole peo­ple conceiued against Iulianus, only for y ^t he had bought the Empire, which rancor and hatred they coulde not so couer within their breastes, but that they published it with their tounges, and shewed it with their handes: for on the first day that he came forth into Rome, they not onely blasphemed him in the stretes, but also from their windowes threwe stones at him: neither did they dine, suppe, or walke in Rome, or in all Italie, but al­wayes their talke was of y ^e treason which the Pretori­ans had committed in selling the Empire, & the greate mischiefe that Iulianus had done in buying the same.’

The Senate going to the highe Capitol, to visite the [Page 256] newe Emperour, resistance was made against them: ‘which was not done with armed people, but by boyes in the stréetes hurling stones at them, and the women from their windowes did curse them: which being con­stoered by the Senate, they aduised for that time, to re­turne to their houses, no lesse offended, then séared.’ Al men bewayled the case with manie teares, and offered vnto their Gods many sacrifices, humbly praying that it might please them, shortlie to take away the life of Iu­lianus, & to execute cruel vengeance on y ^t murderers of Pertinax. On a certaine time ‘the Circen playes beeing prepared, and the seate emperiall placed aloft vpon the Theater, when the Emperour Iulianus shoulde haue set, certaine of y ^e people rashly not only did remoue it, but also did breake it in péeces: and he as he was wise and aduised did féele it as a man, and did dissemble it as one that was discrete. Besides that whiche they sayd in his absence, they despised him in his presence: and he happened manie times to heare with his owne eares, wordes not a little ouerthwarte and iniurious: but he was so subtile in that whiche he saide, and no lesse dis­sembling in that whiche he hearde, that all the iniuries whiche they saide or did, either he toke them in leste, or did counterfete, not to heare them.’ Naturally Iulianus was a prince of greate vrbanitie, that is to say, courte­ous, affable, gratious, and pleasaunt, and did honoure & reuerence euery man according to the merit of his per­son & the estate which he held: yet notwithstanding, he could neither get frinds, either apease enimies. ‘Neither Catiline with his tyrannies, either Silla w ^t his seditiōs, either Nero with his cruelties, either Commodus w ^t his vices, were not vniuersallie so muche hated in the Romane Empire, as Didius Iulianus: and their hatred was so extreme, that they shut their eyes, because they woulde not beholde him: and did abstaine to murmur at him, because they woulde not name him. When they sawe his horsse passe the stréetes where on hee [Page 257] did vse to ride, generally they would praye vnto the Gods that he might traile him: or if they had séene his meates carried, they did wishe it might choke him: finally, they did all abhorre his life, & wished his death. Iulianus his enimies bruted among the people, that on the daye, when the Pretorians had slaine Pertinax, he had made a gene­rous and curious banket, wherein he gaue to eate oysters of the Adriatike Seas, Capons of Capua, wine of Creete, and water of Cantabria: but aboue all, had Musicke and daunceing after dinner.’ Others saide, it was most false, but on that day he kept his house, and of pure sorrowe to sée Pertinax slaine, did not eate, vntil they had giuen a se­pulture vnto the dead bodie. Moreouer they saye, that al­though Iulianus was gladsome, pleasant, and also vicious, yet he did not excéede in extraordinarie expences, and that it was vnlikely and also impossible, for him to haue made so sumptuous a banket: for it was many times no­torious vnto al mē, y ^t he did eate in his house no other flesh by the space of iii. dayes, but on Hare, whiche was sent him. ‘He was such a miser to spend, & so desirous to hoord and lay vp money, y ^t had it not béene for some dayes of sa­crifices, or his bidden guests, not a morsel of flesh was ea­ten in his house: but only fed of his prouision from his gar­den.’ Many euil customes that Pertinax had remoued from the common wealth, brought in by Commodus, he consented y ^t the Pretorians & other vicious persons should vse them: not that he delighted therein, but to recouer them to be his friendes. At all times when talke was mo­ued of his predecessour Pertinax, he would say neither good nor euil, but that either he changed into some other mat­ter, or else by dissimulation would séeme not to heare. And being demaunded, why he did neither alowe or condemne that which was saide of Pertinax in his presence: he aun­swered, of the one parte Pertinax was so holy, that there was not in him to be reprehended: and of the other parte, he was so hated of y ^e pretorians, that he durst not in their presence giue him his due commendation.

CHAP. IIII. ¶Of two Romaine Capteines named Seuerus and Pessenius that rebelled against the Emperour Iuli­anus.

AT the time that Iulianus bought the empire of Rome, there was a Pretor of the armies in Assyria, named Pessenins Niger: who although he was inferiour vnto Iulianus in wealth, yet in vertue he excéeded Iulianus: this Pessenius was a man, grosse, rough, and of greate courage, and naturally was more happie in martiall af­faires, then fortunate in the gouernement of the common wealth: all which procéeded, for that in periles he was not daunted with feare, and in trauels had no patience. At the first letters that Pessenius receiued from Iulianus, they saye, he aunswered: the Romane Empire, doth not vse to suffer it selfe to be gouerned by so euil a man, as is Iulianus: wherefore, if this commaundement be onely from the Emperour, I obey it: but if it be Iulianus com­maundement, I appeale from it: wherupon it followed, that from thenceforth, when any commaundement was sent vnto Pessenius from Rome, Iulianus name was not in the firme thereof, but onely superscribed with the Emperour of Rome. After this matter was discouered, in Rome, they laide great wagers, which was most to be praised, the minde of Pessenius for his haughtie attempt, or the patience of Iulianus that could dissemble the same. Also at that time the armies were gouerned in Illyria, by a capteine named Septimius Seuerus, borne in Africa, and bred in Rome, which in iustice was verie right, in condi­tion sharpe, and in martial affaires most fortunate. This Septimius Seuerus from the houre he had intelligence of the death of the Emperour Pertinax, and that in his place succéeded Iulianus, would neither receiue letter, [Page 259] either obey commaundement, that came from Iulianus, either else from the Senate: saying, that they for consen­ting, and he for buying the Empire, were inabilitate of all power to commaund or to gouerne: and further, an e­uil friend was Iulianus vnto Pertinax, that sold his bloud vnto enimies, and bought his Empire for money. But the case was thus, that Pessenius in Assyria, and Seuerus in Illyria, reuolted with all their armies against Iulianus: whereof being aduertised, they saye that he said: the gods be pleased to retaine in my seruice, all such as be in peace: small is my care, if the rest had taken their leaue. Al­though Iulianus saide thus much openly, secretely he con­ceiued the contrarie, which was afterwardes better kno­wen by his works which he did, then by the words which he saide. If Seuerus had deadly hatred vnto Iulianus, moste surely Iulianus was not in loue with Seuerus: for presently, when he vnderstood that he had rebelled against him, he framed and brought to passe in the Senate, that Seuerus was proclaimed a publique enimie of the people of Rome, and all his armie dispatched and condemned. The Senate prouided at the request of Iulianus, that Ves­pertinus Candidus, a man both olde & a Consul should de­parte to Assyria & Illyria: which was not onely disobeyed in the armies, but also not so much as heard: the cause therof was, the infamous Ambassage which he brought: & because afore time, he was much hated being a Pretor in the warres. After Vespertinus was returned vnto Rome, they sent againe vnto Illyria, Valerius Catulus, but to small purpose: for if they disobeyed the prouisions of Can­didus, at Valerius they ran with lances. Candidus & Va­lerius being returned to Rome, Iulianus and the Senate sent againe Aquilius Centurius, who had comaundement to kil Seuerus, & that by any manner y ^t he might: that is to say, either fighting w ^t him in the field, or secretely to giue him poison. Seuerus being aduised, howe the Emperour Iulianus and the Senate had sent the third time Aquilius against him, determined to bring foorth his armies [Page 260] from Illyria, and to come to Rome to séeke Iulianus: and marched with so greate spéede vppon the way, that when Aquilus came foorth of Rome, Seuerus was then in the confines of Italie. Incredible was the feare that fell on y ^t Romanes, after they vnderstood that Seuerus was come a­gainst them with all his armies: and their terrour was increased, to consider that he was a capteine of Rome, which vntil that time, had béene a defender of the cōmon wealth, and also for that he had made so great spéede vpon the way, and leade his armies with so great reformation, that in one and the selfe same day, they heard of his arri­uall, and also behelde him in the face. The Capuans sent a solemne ambassage vnto Seuerus, to be aduertised of the purpose of his iourney, and to offer him their help and as­sistance: whome Seuerus receiued with great benignitie, and saide these wordes in greate secrecie. I come not to destroye Italie, either haue I taken armour to go against my mother Rome: the ende of my comming is for three thinges: which is to weete, to rescue the Empire from the tyrant Iulianus, to reuenge the death of the Emperour Pertinax, that was old & honourable, & to refourme the Senate, of such as dare amongest them to aduenture to giue euil counsel: for that I conceiue to serue my common wealth no lesse, in clensing vices, then defending enimies. That which Seuerus saide vnto the Ambassadours of Ca­pua in secrete, presently they discouered openly: which be­ing vnderstood in Rome, the Senatours receiued thereof greate sorrowe, and the people greate pleasure: because the one did hope to attaine libertie, and the other did feare chasticement.

Iulianus gathered all his men of warre, to the vtter­most of his power, and sent them against Seuerus, vnder the conduction of Tullius Crispinus: the which, after he was aduertised that Seuerus had taken Rauenna, and all the countrie adioyning, returned vnto Rome: which feminine acte gaue dismaye vnto Iulianus, and courage vnto Seuerus.

[Page 261] Iulianus also commaunded a muster to be made in the field of Mars, of all the Pretorian armies, and he him selfe came to take a view, and an accompt of them, conferring such as came vnto the muster, with the names that were written and receiued money at the paye: of thrée partes, there appeared not one: whereof Iulianus collected, that Seuerus came not onely with confidence of such as he lead with him, but also of them which remained in Rome.

Greate pleasure was it vnto the popular sorte, to be­holde howe Iulianus was forsaken of his capteines, and not attended on of his Pretorians: because euery daye their hatred did increase against him, and their loue with Seuerus. Notwithstanding Iulianus procured munition & victuals, repaired the walles, made trenches, aduaunced engins, and sent scoutes into the fieldes: all which deuises smally profited the sorrowfull Emperour Iulianus: for if he helde the walles of Rome, his enimies possessed the heartes of the Romaines. Iulianus suspecting that Letus and Martianus being two Consuls, and men of greate re­putation, should practise with Seuerus, commaunded them to be slaine, without accusation or iudgement.

CHAP. V. ¶Howe by the commaundement of the Se­nate, the Emperour Iulianus was slaine.

‘VNtill Iulianus had slaine the afore named noble Con­suls, the Romaines reputed him onely couetous and ambitious, but from thencefoorth they published him to be couetous, ambitious, suspicious, and cruell: for it was a lawe amongest them much vsed, to take away the life of no citizen of Rome, before he were heard to saye for him selfe. After that Iulianus perceiued the Senate to growe sorrowfull, and the people escandalized, for the death of [Page 262] Letus and Martianus, he came to greate repentance, al­though to small purpose: for it was past his handes to giue life vnto the dead, either to reconcile him selfe into the grace and fauour of the liuing.’ Princes and ministers of iustice ought to be very muche considered, and no lesse aduised, in crediting their suspicions, and to auoide ei­ther choler or rashenesse in their executions: to the ende, that after it happen not, that for the deedes of one daye, they haue to remedie and also to bewaile all the dayes of their life.

With greate instance Iulianus requested the Se­nate, that they with the Priestes and vestall virgins would méete Seuerus and his armie with procession, to sée if they might pacifie with prayers whome they might not resist with armes. This suite the Consul Faustius resi­sted, saying, that it were not conuenient, that the sacred Senate, either the Priestes of the temples, or the holie vestall virgins, should intend matters of warre: for the office of such was to solicite the Gods to giue vs peace: and further, the Consul Faustius saide: he that possesseth an Empire, and knoweth not to defend an Empire, contai­neth the indignitie of an Empire. This answere was no lesse displeasant vnto Iulianus, then pleasant vnto the Se­natours, whereby he obteined not, that which he desired, and they grewe vnbridled to speake at large. Iulianus not contented with that which was done, but called in se­cret certeine his capteines and friendes, whome he com­maunded soudeinly to enter armed into the Senate, and to saye vnto the Senatours, that of two thinges they had to make choyce, that is to say: to lose their liues, or else to obey his commaundementes. Amongest the other cap­teines there was one named Crispinus, which saide vnto Iulianus, he is to be thought no small enimie of thine, that gaue this counsell: because, if thou be well aduised, for thy loue the Senate haue declared them selues to be an e­nimie to Seuerus: and nowe, if thou attempt to kil them, [Page 263] they will aunswere, that they will obey thée: and on the other parte, they will declare Seuerus to be a friende vnto the people, and thou an enimie vnto Seuerus: and fur­ther, the Gods neuer permitte, that thou shouldest giue foorth any such commaundement, or that I should per­fourme it: for, if he be euil that giueth euil counsell, more vile is he that executeth the same. Iulianus chaunging his conceite, practised with the Senate, that he woulde yelde vp the Empire vnto whome it might please them: which they liked verie well, but durst not at that present to debate therein: for Seuerus at that time was so neare vnto Rome, that it was rather in his handes to take the Empire, then to receiue it at the handes of the Senate. Iulianus forgate not to sende his Capteine Crispinus a­gainst Seuerus: against whome, Seuerus sent another capteine named Iulius Lucius, who ouercame in the bat­taile, and slewe Crispinus.

When Iulianus considered howe his enimies pre­uailed, and his friendes did forsake him, he purposed to take the aduise of Witches, inchaunters, and soothesay­ers, to vnderstand his destinies, and the Fortune of Se­uerus: and the case was thus: that after he assembled many Sorcerers and Magicians in his owne house, he made them practise many sorceries and inchauntments, and to sing and praye many filthie, terrible, and fowle thinges. And (as they after reported which were pre­sent) he him selfe chaunged countenaunce, and with staring hayres, discouered him self to be in great terrour. Iulianus came vnto the Senatours, crauing their aduise, howe he should prouide and behaue him selfe: for that Se­uerus approched, and fauoured of Fortune, who had him in contempt.

None of the Senatours aunswered one worde, but the Cōsul Geminus, which said: neither art thou worthie of counsell, or deseruest remedie, since thou hast forsaken the Senators, which should haue giuē thee counsell, and [Page 264] wentest vnto Sorcerers, who could not but deceiue: for that in such a case, being inuironed with sinister fortune it had beene more sounde and sure counsell, to haue gone vnto the priestes, to haue pacified the Gods with their sa­crifices, then vnto sorcerers which by witchcrafts should leade thee into their indignation. Iulianus sent vnto Capua, all his guarde, & the swoorde players of Rome, whose capteines were Lelius Titianus, and Claudianus Pompeyanus, which he did to the ende Seuerus shoulde thinke, that since he had courage to sende to offende him, he should haue no lesse to abide him. The father in lawe of Iulianus was named Aratmensis, whome Iulianus per­suaded and requested to take halfe the Empire, in suche wise, that bothe should haue béene intituled Emperours of Rome: and ioyntly therewith sware and affirmed, that he did it not to remedie the necessitie wherein he stoode: but for greate good wil which he did beare him: who aun­swered, this which thou sayest, Iulianus, be thou assured, that I will neither do it, either do I loue, but yrketh mée to heare it: because to gouerne the Empire I am blinde, to traueile I am weake, and to inioye it am become olde: and much more respecting the age which I possesse, and the trauels which I haue passed: I am more apte to make peace with the Gods, then to take warres in hande against men.

All the men of warre that were in Etruria, did passe vnto the seruice of Seuerus, whome he would not by any meanes receiue, vntil they had sworne to be innocent of the death of Pertinax. Seuerus at the breake of the day, discouered him selfe with all his armies, two leagues from Rome: whiche being knowen vnto the Senate, ioyntly they agréed to determine two thinges: whiche is to wéete, to remoue Iulianus from the Empire, and to depriue him of his life, and in his place to elect Seue­rus Emperour.

Then one of the Senatours came foorth from the Senate, and published with open voice vnto the people, [Page 265] that they should hold it for certeine, that by the authoritie of the sacred Senat, Iulianus was depriued of the Empire, and in his stéede Seuerus elected Emperour. ‘Great was the ioy that the people receiued, when they heard Iulianus to be depriued of the Empire: and presently at the instant who best might, made most hast to receiue the newe Em­perour: and none passed by Iulianus house, that threw not stones at the windowes, and spat not vppon the walles. At the houre that the Senate went forth to receiue Seuerus, they sent a Gentleman to kill Iulianus, who expressing the sorrowful ambassage which he brought, with many teares Iulianus requested that he might not be slaine, before hee had séene Seuerus: but the gentleman durst do no lesse, then to cut off his head, because the Senate stayed at the porte Salaria, and had sworne not to procéede to receiue Seuerus, vntill they were certeinly aduertised, that Iulianus was slaine. The vnfortunate Emperour Iulianus being dead, his wife Malia and his daughter Escutilia tooke the body, & buried him in a Sepulcher of his great graundfather, on the right hand of the way of Lauinia. Iulianus was noted to be a glutton, a gamster, couetous, and ambitious: and on the other part, he was pitifull, amorous, eloquent, graue, and subtile. He liued 56. yeares and 4. monethes: be reig­ned 11. monethes and 5. dayes. After his death they did neither giue his body honourable funeralls, or con­temned his Sepulcher. This was the end of Iu­lianus, who being old, honourable, & rich, would for the exchaunge of the Em­pire, giue his goods, aduenture his fame, and loose his life.’

CHAP. I. ¶Of the linage and countrie of the Emperour Seuerus.

THE auncient linage of the Emperour Seuerus was of Africa, his grandfather was named Fuluius Pius, and his grand­mother Agrippa, which came and died in Lepe, an auncient citie in Mauritania, & was destroyed in the warres of Iugur­tha, & Massimila: his father was named Geta, and his mo­ther Fuluia Pia, a people neither renowmed in armes, or glorious in bloud, either indued with riches. ‘ Seuerus was borne in Etrutio, Clarus and Seuerus being Consuls, the 4. day of April: and as his mother reported, she had with him a difficult childbirth, & very tedious to nourse. In his first infancie, he chiefly delighted to play with other children his fellowes, the play of Iudges: and when his lot fell to be Iudge, as sharpely did he chastice their trifling faultes, as he did afterwards chastice their errours in earnest. Hee learned the Gréeke and latine tongues with such singular perfection, and was so prompt to speake, write, read, & dis­pute in the said tongues, as if hee had béene borne in those countries, and learned no other languages.’ At the age of xviij. yeres he was a publique aduocate, and defended cau­ses in lawe: in such wise, that if he had followed Science, as hée did Warres, hée had béene no lesse renowmed in science and letters, then he was famous in armes. He was not full xx. yeares of age, when he first entered Rome: in which dayes, there reigned the right happie Marcus Au­relius, and by intercession of his kinseman Septimius Seue­rus, hée had the office to register daily such as either died [Page 267] or were borne in Rome: which office, although it were not profitable, yet was it an occasion of great acquaintance, & to be throughly knowen: because nightly he wēt to Court to report who was borne, or had died that day. ‘The first night y ^t he entred Rome, by chance his host wher he lodged was reading the life of y ^e Emperour Adrian, wherin was relation of y ^e great perils which he passed, before he might atteine the Empire: Seuerus said vnto his host in iest. In trauels & perills I imitate Adrian: I hope also that I shall succede him in the Empire. By chance, as y ^e Emperour M. Aurelius made a general & sumptuous supper vnto many noble Romans, Seuerus was amongest them, & at the time that he shuld haue taken his seat at the table, w ^tout regard he placed him in the Emperours chaire: and when others derided him for his negligence & folly which he had comit­ted, Seuerus aunswered: Peace & gibe not, it is possible (my destinies may be such) that as I nowe sitt in the imperiall chaire in iest, so one day I may sit therin in earnest. Seue­rus dreamed on a night, y ^t he suckt the teats of the wolfe y ^t noursed Remus and Romulus, which dreame he alwayes held for a great good signe of his future Empire.’ In y ^e time of his youth, he was both absolute and dissolute, especially in womens matters, & other vanities: for which causes hee was many times taken, banished, & shamed. In the offices of warre, he was placed in them all, especially the office of Questor, which he held long time: and it is said of him, that hauing by that office charge of monie, he was diligēt in re­couering, & faithful in diuiding & parting therof. In y ^e mo­neth of Ianuary, in the 5. yeare of the Empire of M. Aure­lius, it chaunced him to be Proconsul of Betica, which now in Spaine is named the kingdome of Andoloizia, where he remained y ^e space of a yeare & a halfe: in which gouernment he was no lesse loued then feared, and feared then loued.

Seuerus being Proconsul in Betica, receiued newes of his fathers death in Africa: wherupon he presently passed into Africa, partly to execute the obsequies, and to giue his father an honourable Sepulcher, and partly to take [Page 268] order for a sister that was left vnto him, and goods whiche he did inherite. The Consul that then was resident in A­frica, sent Seuerus for his Embassadour to the Sardinians, which were reuolted from the Romanes: and entering in­to Sardinia with certeine burning torches, according to the maner of an Embassadour of Rome, there came vnto him a townesman after the fashion of a iester, and did imbrace him, whom Seuerus commaunded to be whipt, saying: In the act of so great grauitie, trifling gibes be inconuenient. For that which this iester did, and for the disgrace which Seuerus receiued, they ordeyned in Rome, that from thence forth, Embassadours alwayes should enter all cities on horsebacke, as in times past they had vsed on foote. Conti­nuing Proconsul in Africa, he would néeds vnderstand of a Mathematiciā or Astronomer, how farre his fortune extē ­ded or did reach: and hauing receiued the day and houre, and also the ascendent of his natiuitie, the Astrologian be­ing amased and terrified of the Fortune which his natiui­tie did promise him, said vnto him: It is not possible that this be thy natiuitie, & therfore were it meete thou shoul­dest giue me thine owne, and not the natiuitie of another: for were it true, that thou wast borne vnder such a cōstel­lation, thou shouldest be Emperour of Rome. ‘At the age of 32. yeares, hée was in Rome elected Tribune of the peo­ple: more for the pleasure of Marcus Aurelius whome he serued, then for the seruice that Seuerus had done in the common wealth: but afterwards he proued so toward, and was so vpright in causes of iustice, that it neither repented the cōmon wealth to haue chosen him, either Marcus Au­relius to haue procured the same.’ His Tribunal office be­ing ended, he was named Pretor of the people: and on the day of his election, the more to aduaunce his honour, the Emperour passing throughe the streates of Rome, placed him with himselfe in the Licter: which déede was not a li­tle reproched, of some through enuie, and of othersome tho­rough disdaine.

CHAP. II. ¶ Of the offices which Seuerus held in the Empire, before he was Em­perour.

THe affaires of Spaine being dispatched, Seuerus failed into Asia: and assone as he had set his foole a land, hee departed vnto Athens: partly to behold the gouernement of the Greekes, and partly also to heare the doctrine of Phi­losophers: because in those dayes, they talked not of any matter more in all this world, then of the great Fortune of the Romanes, and the profound eloquēce of the Greekes. Not a few dayes he remayned in Athens hearing the Phi­losophers, conferring with the Senatours, visiting tem­ples, and viewing buildings: because naturally he was a friend of new inuentions, & desired no lesse the knowledge of antiquities. Although Seuerus of person was valiant, and Capitaine of Rome, and also of indifferent eloquence, yet they gaue him no good interteinment in all Grecia: for which cause when he came afterwardes vnto the Empire, he streightly reuenged the olde vnkindnesse which he bare vnto the Greekes, euery day diminishing their priuiledges. Being returned from Asia vnto Rome, hee was sente Embassadour vnto the prouince of Lugdune, which nowe in Fraunce, is named Lion of Sonorona: and being at that time a widower, they practised with him a marriage with a certeine Lady of noble bloud, in countenance most faire, and gratious in gesture. That Lady was named Iulia, & of royall bloud: vnto whome purposing to present iewels of great price, and finding no goldsmith sufficient to performe the same: being also aduertised of a goldsmith in Syria that excelled all men in that facultie, and doubting all messen­gers to be insufficient, trauelled in his owne person, to fetch the same: & as he after made reporte vnto his spouse, that with the rewards which he gaue vnto the goldsmith, and the charge of that voyage, hée might twise haue béene [Page 270] maried. The Senators sēt to reproue Seuerus, not because he had married, but for the great iourney and large expen­ces which he had passed for a woman: aduising him, that it was not conuenient for a citizen of Rome, to imploy his person, but to aduaunce his honour: either consume his goods, but for defence of the common wealth: whereunto Senerus aunsweared, that for none of those matters wher­of he was blamed, he either deserued blame or punishmēt: because without all comparison, much more was the me­rite of that Lady with whom he was married, then the ex­pences or trauells which for her seruice he had suffered. And further he said: it seemeth vnto mée (fathers conscript) that for this acte I deserue honour, & no blame, since there­by ariseth vnto Rome, both honour and profite: because strange kingdoms haue séene, that Captaines of Rome, to obteine riches, haue strēgth & skil, and to spend them haue noble minds. Seuerus stayed ioyntly 3. yeares in Fraunce, both loued and feared, & no lesse reuerenced of the French­men: not onely for that he was iust in iudgment, and libe­ral in expences, but aboue the rest, in that he was of a sin­cere life. The Calends of Ianuarie being come, (at what time in Rome they diuide their offices) the Proconsulship of Sicylia was allotted vnto Seuerus, wherof he receiued no smal griefe, partly for that he found himself very wel pla­ced in Fraunce, & feared the condition of the Sicylians. Be­ing resident in the Isle of Sicyl, he was accused by his eni­mies of Rome, that he did not exercise the gouernement of the common wealth, so much as the search of southsayers, who should be Emperour of Rome: because in those dayes Commodus was Emperour of Rome, and all men held it for certaine, that for his wickednesse he should be slaine, or himselfe, for his great vitiousnes, should die. Commo­dus receiued great displeasure when hee vnderstoode, that being (as hee was) aliue, and but a young man, Seuerus should séeke for the succession of his Empire: for which cause Seuerus was forced presently to depart from Sicyl, & come to Rome, there to discouer and make proofe of his in­nocencie: [Page 271] because the daunger was no greater, then losse of honour and life. Presently vppon his arriuall at Rome, he did yéeld himselfe vnto the gaile Mamortina, and would not depart from thence, vntill by publique sentence his in­nocencie was vttered, and his accusers depriued of their liues. Two monethes after these matters passed, the Ca­lends of Ianuarie were come, in which Seuerus was elec­ted Consul, ioyntly with Apuleius Rufinus: the day that this was published, they say that Seuerus said. This day it is manifested in mee, that men neither know what pros­perities be conuenient for them, either what aduersities doe impeache them: and I say it for this cause, for that criminally I was accused in Rome, and my person priso­ner in the place of malefactours: whereof there proceded, that I departed from Sicyl, came to Rome, giue safetie vnto my life, augment my goods, recouer fame, take ven­geance of mine enimies, and obtaine the Consulship of the common wealth.

The time passed of his Consulship, hee stoode an whole yeare without any office: and as he afterwards said many times, the best and merriest dayes of all his life, were con­teined in that yeare, wherein he had no office in the cōmon wealth. In those dayes, Letus the Captaine of the guard was greatly in fauour with y ^e Emperour Commodus: by whose intercession they cōmended the garrisons of Germa­nie vnto Seuerus, who so skilfully behaued himselfe in that iourney, that he returned 2. yeares after vnto Rome with great honour, & no smal riches. At his returne vnto Rome, Seuerus bought a certaine compasse of land wherein to till for corne, and to féede and bréede cattell, and alongest the riuer Tiber hée bought certaine stately and fertill gar­dens, where hee builte houses of great pride, which long time after were called Seuerians.

‘At a certaine time supping in those gardens vppon the grasse, where the freshnesse of the greene was verye great, and vigualls very small, the case was thus. His owne sonne, of the age of fiue yeares, did giue and [Page 272] diuide vnto all persons, of all thinges that were there, vn­to whome the father said: temper thy hand (sonne) in re­parting, because thou hast no reall riches to giue. The childe made aunswere: if I haue them not nowe when I am a child, I shall haue them when I am a man. All men present wondered, considering the age of the child, that so graue an aunsweare should procéede from so tender youth.’

CHAP. III. ¶ How the Pretorians did electe him Emperour.

IN the 10. yeare of the Empire of Commodus, Seuerus was sent in message vnto the prouince of Germanie: in which Ambassage, he obteyned much honour, and no small wealth: for naturally he was of great dispatch in affaires, and skilfull to gather monie. Hée was resident in Germa­nie the space of thrée yeares, that is to say, vntill in Rome they had slaine the Emperour Commodus: of whole death he had great pleasure, and of the election of Pertinax no lesse ioy: because the liuing was his most special friend, and the dead his mortall enimie. Not many monethes after he receiued newes how y ^e Emperour Pertinax was slaine by the Pretorians, and that hée (for very monie) had bought the Empire, he was much gréeued with the death of y ^e one and the election of the other. Seuerus was aduertised how Iulianus was in great hatred of the people, for merchan­dizing of the Empire: presently at the instant the men of warre that he had with him, declared him Emperour: whi­che was done in a citie named Carunto, on the xii. day of the moneth of August. That day whereon the armies did aduaunce him as Emperour, he gaue and diuided amongst them so great summes of monie, as neuer any Emperour had done afore time: for he gaue, not onely all his owne, but also the treasure of his friends. With great speede Se­uerus sent vnto y ^e armies of Illyria in Pannonia, in Spaine, [Page 273] Fraunce, and Britaine, and gaue them to vnderstand how Pertinax was dead, that Iulianus had bought the Empire, and that the armies of Germanie had elected him Empe­rour: but that hée would not accept the same, vnlesse they (as true defenders of y ^e Empire) would consent vnto their election: wherein all, with one conformitie, did alowe that election which the Germaines had made of Seuerus, and vt­terly did adnihilate all consents and elections that had or might be to the aduauncement of the Empire of Iulianus: and vppon condition that Seuerus should first be sworne, to reuenge the death of the good Emperour Pertinax: and to giue his fauour vnto the men of warre. Presently when y ^e Seuerus sawe his Empire confirmed by the men of warre, spéedily he toke his way towards Rome: vpon which way not onely he had no resistance, but in all places was recei­ued with great ioy. Two Consuls, 100. Senatours, 30. Questors, 22. Iudges, 14. Tribunes, 10. Pretours. 400. priestes, and 50. vestal virgins, came forth to receiue Seue­rus: vnto whom he sent to giue vnderstanding, that if they would behold his face milde, that all persons of al armour, either open or secret, should disarme themselues: for that it was sufficient that he was of the warres, and they to receiue him in peace. They being persons of so great ho­nour, riches, and auncient, that came foorth to receiue him, were not a litle despited, that Seuerus should commaund them to be disarmed, but in the end they accomplished that which was commaunded them, and from thence foorth con­ceiued against Seuerus mortall hatred: because if they dis­armed their persons of armour, they did arme their hartes with malice. And as Seuerus was proud with his Empire, and the Consuls and Senatours wise and aduised, neither did he perceiue them to be offēded, either did they discouer themselues to be gréeued or despited: for that, if they had patience to suffer the iniurie, they wāted not wisedome to dissemble the same. As Seuerus was subtile and skilful, he did two thinges before he entered Rome, wherewith hée greatly wanthe fauour of the common people: wherof the [Page 274] first was, that he publikely changed his ouer name, which is to wit, that as he afore time was named Septimius Se­uerus, after he was named Seuerus Pertinax: & this he did, to the end al men should perceiue, y ^e taking the name of the good Emperour Pertinax, he would likewise folow y ^e steps of his good life, and profite himselfe by his good doctrine: for Pertinax was not only loued as a man, but also adored as a God. And the second thing which he did, was, to cōmaund al the bands of Pretorians, which were the men at armes which guarded Rome, that leauing all armour, they shuld come & do him reuerence: which were the men y ^t had slaine th'emperour Pertinax, not for his owne deseruing, but for that he consented not to their wickednes. Seuerus secret­ly had agréed with his armie, that they should haue regard to compasse them round, in such wise, y ^t finding them vnar­med, they should stop al meanes to recouer y ^e same for their defence: either place of safetie to flie vnto. And now, when they stood all vnarmed, & compassed, Seuerus commaunded a general silence thoroughout his armieꝭ and directed his words vnto those homicides or mansiears, speaking after this maner.

CHAP. IIII. ¶How he reuenged the death of the good Emperour Pertinax.

ALthough al humaine things be subiect vnto vani­tie & mutabilitie: yet this preeminēce haue y ^e gods aboue men, y ^t al things being subiect to changing and variablenes, they remaine immutable: & al things pe­rishing & finishing, they for euer do continue: because there is nothing perpetual, but such things, vnto whi­che the gods do giue perpetuitie. The great Romaine Empire much resēbleth the immortal gods of heauen: because all the kingdomes of the earth be finishing & [Page 275] haue their ends, but she is perpetual: all are weake, and she strong: all be subiect, she at libertie: all vanquished, and she inuincible: finally, she is she, y ^t neuer suffered her better, or endured another y ^t was her equal. And as it is most true, y ^t the gods neuer giue reward with­out a preceding merit: so do they not giue punishment without some fault in him, whom they chastise: wher of it followeth, y ^t since the gods haue giuen vnto the Romanes so many and so great triūphes, there ought to be in them many & very notable deseruings. There be two things which cause the Romans to hold frēd­ship with y ^e gods, & to be lords of mē, which is to wit, great worshippers of temples, and conseruers of peo­ple in iustice: for that countrie where temples be not honoured, and the wicked chastised, may be better ter­med a den of theeues, then a kingdome of good men. Ye all vnderstand that be here present, howe ye haue slaine the Emperour Pertinax, a mā most surely both holy and most holy, because the greatnes of the Em­pire, being conferred with the sinceritie of his deser­uing, it had not beene much for him, but rather a smal reward, to haue beene Lord of the whole world. In this deede ye haue offended the gods, escandalized men, committed treason vnto your Lord, defamed your countrie, troubled your common wealth, and brought all Rome vnto confusion, in such wise, that your fault being so exceeding, it may not deserue any parcialitie in punishment.

Now that ye haue slaine him, is it as if ye had slaine Caligula, Nero, Sergius, Vitellius, Domitiā, or Com­modꝰ? no, but Pertinax, which was one of the princes most without reprehēsion, that euer reigned in y ^e Ro­maine Empire. As princes be few & wilful, so it is a [Page 276] venture, to chance on such as be good: & so much the more deserue ye the greater paine, as the good Perti­nax was profitable vnto the common wealth. Vnto whome shall Rome aduenture to commit her trust, since they which were appointed for her guard, haue set her a sale? O treason neuer thought of! Oh wic­kednes neuer heard of! to kill the Emperour, and to sell the Empire. After the vassals haue slaine their Lord, and the natiues of the countrie haue sold their common wealth, I know not why the gods cōmaund not the ground to swallow you vp, and presently put not fire into Rome to consume it: for, after so great an infamie, Rome ought neuer more to be named in this world. Who should haue said to Quintus Cincina­tus, Numa Pompilius, Camillus, Marcus Fabritius, Mutius Scaeuola, Silla, Marius, Scipio, Iulius Caesar, Augustus, Germanicus (who with great and many triumphes did both beautifie and magnifie Rome) that ye should haue set Rome in open sale? I firme­ly beleeue, and am out of doubte, that they would haue died of pure sorrowe: or else would haue slaine your progenitours from whom ye are descended. Frō the time I departed out of Germanie, I came musing vppon the way, what punishment I should giue you: for of the one part, if I suffer euery one of you with his life, it redoundeth to the scandal of the common wealth: and if I would take the same from you, the paine is very smal, in respecte of your extreme fault: for vnto one that is euil, they doe him no small be­nefite, to rid him out of this world. I cōmaund your noses to be slit, your tongues to be boared, your gar­ments beneth the wast to be cut off, and your beards halfe shauen: yee shall liue without honour, cre­dite, [Page 277] or libertie as slaues & bondmen in the common wealth: in such wise, that ye shall not die as the good do vse to die, to the end to liue: but ye shal liue as the wicked do liue, to the end to die. Neither doe I suffer you to liue, because ye deserue life: but for that I will not staine my fame with your filthie bloud. If in gi­uing you al death, I might giue the good Pertinax his life: not onely yours, but also right willingly would I offer mine owne: because there is no vent more iust, then y ^t one good life (by y ^e exchange of many wicked liues) might be bought & redemed. If the gods would permit, that at the houre I should cōmaunde ye to bee slaine, ye should reuiue and recouer life, a thousand times would I take away your liues, because the horror of your offence deserueth a thousād deathes: but since losse of life, in a momēt, doth deliuer the malefactour of his scourge and torment, and afterwardes no other meane remayning to take vengeaunce: it is more iust that ye should liue euery day desiring death, then that ye should die abhorring life. There is nothing more iust, then to kil him that killeth: but I commaund not that ye be slaine, although ye durst kill the good Per­tinax: and this I do not, to the end to do no iustice, ei­ther to doe you good or pleasure: but for that many yeares ye shall haue time to bewaile your wretched life, and his innocent death.

CHAP. V. ¶Of thinges that he did in Rome, present­ly after he was Emperour.

AFter that Seuerus had said and finished his speach, and cōdemned and banished the murtherers of the Empe­rour [Page 278] Pertinax, he determined to enter Rome, and his re­ceyuing was mixt with ioy and sorow: because of the one part seing him so great a frend of iustice, they reioyced: and on the other part to sée him cōpassed with so great armies, they feared him. Presently vpon his entrie into Rome, he visited y ^e temples (according to the custome of the Romane Emperours) and ‘there he offered no small, but generous & sumptuous sacrifices. Although in his receyuing, a great part of the day was spent, and in visiting temples the rest was consumed, and now whē it was night, he was reque­sted of all men to take his ease, and to withdrawe vnto his palace: yet he would in no wise consent, vntil he had visi­ted the Sepulcher of the good Marcus Aurelius: where he remained a great space vppon his knées, and poured foorth many lamentable teares.’ The next day he went vnto the high Capitol, where all the Senate was assembled, and there he spake vnto all the Senatours, Consuls, and all o­ther Romane officers: to whome he said many good words, and gaue them great hope of many rewards. All the peo­ple of Rome were astonied, & terrified, to behold the great audacitie and fortune of Seuerus: which procéeded of consi­deration howe without daunger, and lesse trauell, hée ob­teyned the Empire: for that he gat it not by sheding others bloud, neither by the exchange of his owne proper goodes. The first day that Seuerus spake in the Senate, he made a solemne vow before them all: Neuer to kill any Romane, if he were not iudged by iustice: or to take the goods of a­ny person, if by the fiscal he were not condemned. If it had béene found in Seuerus workes, which hée sware that day in wordes, namely, that they might not accuse him of crueltie, either note him of couetousnes, it had béene a great weale for the Romane Empire: ‘for there is nothing wherwith princes doe more destroy their common weal­thes, and also staine their persons, then to bee giuen to re­uenge their owne proper iniuries, and couetous of other mens goodes. Forthwith at his beginning, Seuerus did shew himselfe milde, benigne, pitifull, liberall, valiant har­ted, [Page 279] affable, gratious, and humaine, imbracing his famili­ars, ioying and laughing with straungers: in such wise, that the Romanes went after him, hearing what he said, and praising what he did. If in humaine affaires he were prouident, in diuine matters surely he was not negligent: for that euery day hée visited temples, honoured priestes, offered sacrifices, repaired edifices, heard orphans and afflicted: in such wise, that in victories they compared him vnto Iulius Caesar, in humaine policies to Augustus, and in diuine thinges to Pompilius. The old Senatours and auncient Romanes, that had béen bred with Seuerus from their youth, were amased to sée how his euil condition was changed: and on the other part they thought with themsel­ues, that all which he did was but fained: for of his owne naturall condition, he was subtile, warie, milde, and dou­ble: and did know how to denie his owne will for a time, in that which hée wished, to doe afterwardes with all men all that he desired.’ It is a point of wise and skilfull men, to ouercome their owne wills in small matters: afterwardes to drawe others after them for causes of greater impor­taunce.

Althoughe there bee more credite to bee giuen to that which wée sée, then vnto that which wée suspect: yet in this case they were more deceiued, that praised Seuerus in his good woorkes, then those which did suspecte him for his old subtilties: for that in shorte space they vnderstoode in him great cruelties, and no lesse disordinate couetousnesse. Those that from their youth bee not bredd in vertuous woorkes, or that naturally of themselues bee not of good condition, they may for a time deceiue some persons with their guiles: but in the end their malice commeth to the notice of all men: all which was experimented in Seuerus, who vsed violence with his owne proper nature, vntill hée sawe himselfe in possession of the common wealth. The first office that hée gaue in Rome, was vnto Flauius Iuue­nal, whome hee made Pretor of the people: of whiche prouision of the one part he pleased all men, because Flaui­us [Page 280] was a vertuous person: and on the other parte it did grieue them, because he was seruaunt vnto Iulianus. The whole armie that Seuerus led with him, he also brought in­to the citie of Rome: and being in quantitie great, and of condition proud, they might not be contained within the ci­tie: for which cause they lodged not onely in houses priui­leged, and in sacred temples, but forceably brake vp doores and entred houses. The Romanes receiued the same for a very great iniurie, because they onely felt not the despight done vnto their persons, but also did bewaile the breach & losse of their liberties. Thrée dayes after Seuerus entered Rome, the captaines of his armies sent to demaund of the Senate, to haue giuen them an hundred thousand pesants of gold, which were due vnto them: for that in times past, so much was giuen vnto them that first entered with the Emperour Augustus. At the houre when y ^e captaines sent these words vnto the Senat, presently and ioyntly they ar­med themselues, and marched vnto the field, swearing and forswearing, by the life of Seuerus, & by the world of Mar­cus, that if it were not giuen that day, at night they would sack Rome. After that Seuerus heard, that his armie was in readinesse in the field of Mars, and without his cōmaun­dement, he was not a litle escandalized, thinking there had béene some treason against him amongest y ^e people: but the truth being knowen, he requested them to be pacified, and to disarme themselues, saying: that it proceeded not of wise Captaines, but of seditious persons, to demaund with threatenings, that which would be giuen by request. Se­uerus saw himselfe in great trauell, to finish agréement be­twixt the one & the other: but in the end giuing them some monie out of his owne coffers, and some from the common wealth, he brought them all to a vnitie: which was, y ^t vnto the Captaines was giuen lesse then they demaunded, and the Romanes paid somewhat more then they offered. Be­fore all things, Seuerus did celebrate the obsequies of Per­tinax: whereat all the Romanes were present, and offe­red that day vnto the Gods great sacrifices, accompting [Page 281] Pertinax amongest the Gods, and placeing Priestes to do sacrifices vpon the sepulchre, that for euermore should susteine his memorie. When Seuerus entred the Em­pire, he found many rents of y ^e treasurie morgaged, which is to wéete, the royall patrimonie, wherein he gaue order for the redéeming thereof, to be reduced vnto the royall crowne. Seuerus had two daughters of ripe age, the one of xxv. the other of xxx. yeres, whome he married within twentie dayes after he came to Rome, the one with Pro­lus, and the other with Laertius, men of greate wealthe and riches, and generous in bloud. Seuerus offered his sonne Prolus the office of Censor, which he refused, say­ing, that he fought not to be sonne in lawe vnto the Em­perour, to be a scourge of euill men: but to be serued of good men. Seuerus made bothe his sonnes in lawe Con­suls, and about Rome he bought them great rentes, and also gaue them large summes of money to spend, and to his daughters he gaue Iewels, wherewith to honour them.

CHAP. VI. ¶Howe the Emperour Seuerus passed into Asia against capteine Pessenius that rebelled against him.

ONe of the famous capteines that rebelled against the Emperour Iulianus, as hath béene recounted in his life, was Pessenius Niger, who with the armies that were in Assyria, did gouerne and rule all Asia. Seuerus rose in Germanie, and Pessenins in Asia: and notwithstā ­ding they were both traitours vnto their Lorde, the diffe­rence betwixt them was, that Seuerus for his comming vnto Rome, they aduaunced vnto the Empire: and Pesse­nius for remaining at his ease in Asia, was condemned for a traitour. At the houre that Iulianus his death was published, presently Pessenius inuested him selfe with the [Page 282] title of Emperour and Augustus: in such wise, that Seue­rus in Europa, and Pessenius in Asia, had diuided betwixt them selues all countries and prouinces: and much more the one from the other had diuided their willes & mindes. Pessenius was very wel aduertised in Asia, howe Seuerus had entred Rome with a great power: and was in state of gouernement as naturall Emperour of the common wealth: but neither for letters that were written vnto him, or for any thing that might be saide vnto him, would he obey Seuerus, or muche lesse shewe any feare of him, Pessenius was grosse of person, valiant, warlike, and of al men, with whome he dealt, very well liked: and surely, if he lost the Empire, it was not for want of friendes in Rome, but that he abounded with vices in Asia. After that Seuerus sawe, that neither for threateninges, either for promises that he made, or for letters that he wrote, he might not drawe Pessenius Niger vnto his seruice, he de­termined to conquer him as an enimie: although (as he af­terwardes saide) he wished not with him to come in con­tention: because Pessenius was a friende in earnest, and no enimie in iest.

Seuerus commaunded a muster to be taken of all the men he had, and tooke the names of all persons that he might haue with him out of Italie, commaundinge them to prepare, and to pay his officers, & that all thinges should be done with moste spéedie diligence: for his in­tent was to enter with so greate haste into Asia, that his arriuall, and the newes thereof, at one instant, might appeare vnto Pessenius.

All the armies of Illyria which he had left in Thracia, he commaunded to passe into Asia: and all the Sena­tours, all the warrelike officers of Rome, all the riche men, and all the sonnes of mightie and greate Lordes that were in Italie, he ledde with him in that warre. ‘He armed in the Sea Mediterrane an hundred galleys, and also rigged foorth two hundreth shippes, fiftie barkes, and innumerable foystes: all which went laden with [Page 283] men, armour, and victuals: in such wise, that in respecte of his greatnesse and potencie, there was none that woulde encounter with him by lande, either abide at the Sea.’

Onelie xxx. dayes Seuerus was in Rome, dispatchinge with the Senate, he departed vnto the porte of Hostia, to beholde his nauie, and from thence he departed to Nola in Campania, where his armye was assembled, where he added many thinges that wanted, and also re­moued many thinges that were superfluous: because in thinges of greate importance, he was not satisfied to giue them in charge to men of experience: but that he woulde see and beholde them with his owne proper eyes. When Pessenius Niger heard the newes, howe Seuerus came a­gainst him by sea and lande: they say that he saide, these woordes: If the destinies be bente against me, small may it auaile me, that men fauour mee: and if Gods be pleased to help me mē may little hinder me. And further he saide: Seuerus is not satisfied to haue slaine his Lorde Iulianus, and to vsurpe the Empire, but hath made mee an enimie vnto the people of Rome: but I beseche the immortall Gods, that if it shal not please them to giue me victorie in this warre, that Seuerus may bee conquered, when hee moste desireth to ouercome. Although Pessenius com­mended his fortune into the handes of God, not with­standing he left not to seeke the aide of men: & to this ende he did write and send Ambassadours, vnto the kinge of the Parthians, to the king of the Arthabanes, and to the king of the Armenians to succour him with men & money, because Seuerus came with a determinate minde to des­troy them all.

The kinge of the Armenians aunsweared the Am­bassadours of Pessenius Niger, that he woulde neither helpe the one, or offende the other, but defende and con­serue his owne kingdome: moued therevnto, for that Pes­senius was his friende, and Seuerus not his enimie.

The kinge of Parthians, presently sente his letters [Page 284] throughout his kingdome, commaunding them to repaire vnto Pessenius, and refuse Seuerus: which he did not for the narrowe friendship that he helde with Pessenius, but for the auncient enimitie that he did beare vnto the Romane Empire. The king of Arthabanes sent vnto Pessenius, ten thousand archers with crossebowes, all na­tiues of the prouinces of Bersezana, which throughout the worlde were much renowmed, and in the warres no lesse feared, because they were of valiant mindes in fight, and excéeding readie in shooting. Further, Pessenius Ni­ger commaunded his armie to be renewed with twentie thousand footemen, and sixe thousand horsemen, whereof the moste parte being taken out of Antioche (where the people be most féeble) their names being registred, and receiuing paye, neuer afterwardes came to the warres. Vnto all them that vsed this guyle, Seuerus afterwardes gaue great punishment: not for that they had béene tray­tours vnto Pessenius, but for example to terrifie others. Vpon the mount Taurus parte of Cappadocia and Sicyl, Pessenius, as a man of experience in martiall affaires, pro­uided that the woodes were feld vpon the toppes of moun­teines, and in streightes, and most perillous places made strong watche and warde, in such wise, that no enimie might approche, that was not séene: or passe, that were not slaine. In those dayes, there was not in all Thracia a citie more opulent then was Byzantio, nowe named Cō ­stantinople, which in buildinges did excéede all cities of Asia, and in fertilitie was equall with the best in Europa. Amongest other thinges conteined therein that was faire to beholde, and much to be praised, were the walles, the stones whereof were brought from Mylesius, curiously squared, as if it had béene timber sawen with a sawe: which was the cause that the wall being made of many stones, the whole wall séemed but one stone. Although with the calamities of time, the walles be nowe ruina­ted: yet notwithstanding, of the same there remaineth some steppes and signes: in the viewe whereof there is [Page 285] none but wil praise the witt of them that made it: & cursse the handes of them that did subuert it. When Pessenius sawe him selfe a Lorde so absolute of all Asia, and accom­panied with so many & so noble men of warre, he thought him selfe sure of the victorie: but as in such cases, that which Fortune guydeth, is farre differēt from that which the person desireth: so, very cōtrarie to his former purpose it afterwardes succéeded.

CHAP. VII. ¶Of the warres that passed betwixt Pessenius and Seuerus in Asia.

IT was great griefe vnto Seuerus, when he vnderstoode howe Pessenius was in so greate redinesse, that thought not onely to defende, but publiquely to offende. Seuerus being certified that Pessenius was in possession of y ^e greate citie Byzantio, marched with more spéede, with intent to batter the same, before Pessenius might come to the succour thereof: for that by secrete practises, Seuerus had within the citie newe friendes: and Pessenius in gouerne­ment had recouered some enimies. Neither the intelli­gences which Seuerus practised secretely, either the dili­gences whiche he vsed publiquely, might profite him to obteine Byzantio: which when he vnderstoode, he trauei­led to recouer another citie not farre from thence, named Cyzica: which was both rockie and compassed with mar­rishes, that is to saye, it stoode vppon a rocke, & inuironed with a riuer. Pessenius had for his capteine generall of all his hostes, a certeine knight named Emilianus, in whome he reposed confidence, not onely for matters of warre, but also for expedition of causes of peace, for that he had bothe wisedome for the one, and fortitude for the other. The cap­teine Emilianus put him selfe into the citie of Cyzica, whē presently after, the souldiours of Seuerus came to besiege it. There was betwixt both the armies at diuers times, [Page 286] diuers encounters, & repulses, wherin Fortune indifferēt­ly discouered her selfe vnto either partie: for at all times, when they fought at the wall, Seuerus side had the woorse: but when they fought in the field, Pessenius bandes had y ^t repulse. Two monethes after the citie of Cizica was be­sieged, they made a salle, and as they would haue retyred, Seuerus capteines pursued and entred pelle melle with the capteines of Pessenius: and notwithstanding there was betwixt them greate slaughter for the recouering of a gate, and to fortifie a certeine place: in the ende Pesse­nius lost the citie, and Seuerus obteined the victorie. Pes­senius greatly complained, and so was it bruted amongst the people, which is to wéete, that the capteine Emilianus had secrete practise with Seuerus: for, considering the stately walles wherewith the citie Cizica was compas­sed, and the valiant people wherewith it was defended: al men iudged it impossible to take it, and follie to besiege it. The cause that moued the capteine Emilianus to do this vnworthie déede, was: that his sonnes, who were left at Rome, Seuerus brought with him into that warre, vn­der great garde: and it is to be thought, that to giue liber­tie vnto his sonnes which he had ingendred, he made a breache of his fidelitie and othe which he had sworne. The Emperour Commodus, as he was suspicious of them, with whome he had to deale: and so euil wished of all such as did serue him: so it was his fashion, for the most parte, when he sent any noble Roman to gouerne any prouince, presently to place their sonnes in a fort: and this he did, to the end their fathers should not be traitours, respectinge their children that were kept vnder ward. From the time that Commodus reigned in Rome, Emilianus gouerned the prouinces in Asia: by which cause Seuerus recouered the children, & Pessenius lost the father. The fame being diuulgate throughout all Asia, that the citie Cizica was sacked, & that Seuerus kept the field with victorie: all Pes­senius knightes that scaped from thence, & all other their companions that heard therof, gaue them selues to flight: [Page 287] to séeke places of fortificatiō wherein to hide their persōs. Seuerus not onely recouered honour & profite of this victo­rie, but also planted both feare & discorde almoste through­out all Grecia: for some rebelled against Pessenius, and o­thers did obey Seuerus. Although the people of Grecia haue ablenesse to learne science, they are no lesse mutable in martial affaires: for in warres which they prosequute, they follow not the Prince that hath most iustice, but him that most is fauoured of Fortune. The citizens of Bithy­nia sent Ambassadours vnto Seuerus, saying, that they & their children were at his commaundement: and on the other side, the people of Nicena gaue Pessenius to vnder­stand, that if he sent his armie thither, they woulde not only receiue them, but also mainteine them: which offers they presēted not vnto these two Roman princes, for loue or friendship that they did beare them: but for the aunci­ent enimitie which they had betwixt them selues. Seuerus w ^t his armie entring Bithynia, and Pessenius into Nicena, from thence, as from two fortes, they did issue to fight: & in the end betwixt the two armies vpon a certeine day, they trauersed so fierce a skirmishe, that in bloud & slaugh­ter it was no lesse then a battel: where the field remained vnto Seuerus, & Pessenius bands were put to flight. Pesse­niꝰ neither for the losse of the citie Cizica, neither for that he was beaten out of the field at Bithynia, did shewe either feare or weakenesse: but diuiding his armie that remai­ned in two partes, he sent the one to mount Taurus to de­fend that passage from Seuerus, & the other parte he ledde with him selfe vnto Antioche, partely to take money out of his treasurie, & partly to renue, as also relieue his ar­mie. Seuerus marched w ^t his armie frō Bithynia vnto Ga­latia, & from Galatia vnto Cappadocia, which stoode in de­fence on the behalf of Pessenius, where Seuerus souldiours w ^t great furie did assault the same: in which iourney the Seuerians receiued no small losse, because the citie was si­tuate vpō the side of an hill, frō whence to execute slaugh­ter amongest their enimies, they néeded no other defence, but to whirle stones.

[Page 288]The affaires standing in this estate, there chaunced two cities of Phoenicia to reuolt from Pessenius, and to yelde them selues vnto Seuerus, that is to saye, Laodycia and Tyrus: of which newes Pessenius tooke greate griefe, and no small hatred, which passions conceiued against those cities, he not onely vttered in the foule wordes which he sent to be saide vnto them: but also in the cruel acts which he commaunded to be done vnto them. Pessenius had in his armie fiftéene thousand archers, which were called Mauri, people that naturally of their owne inclination were giuen to bloud, and without al feare of death: these, Pessenius commaunded to go vnto Laodycia and Tyrus, vtterly to burne and consume both citie and people: with a warning confirmed by an othe, that if they tooke any prisoners to giue any man life, the person that vsed that pitie should be slaine. These fiftéene thousand archers named Mauri departed vnto Laodycia and Tyrus, and manie other that ioyned with them: & as they tooke them at the soudeine being vnprouided, and hauing no time to demaund succour of Seuerus: so cruell and inhumane was that barbarous people, to those so generous and noble ci­ties, that they left not vpon the walles one stone vpon an other, either house that they subuerted not, either the hed of man woman or childe that they did not cutt off. When these matters passed in Assyria, the knightes of Seuerus were in Cappadocia, traueiling greatly to possesse the mount Taurus: but as it was naturally of great height, and rockie, & Pessenius possessing all the passages, so they might not by any meane assaile them, or conceiue hope of any profitable or honourable attempt. Vpon the top of this mount Taurus, Pessenius his people had brought an huge number of great stones and rockes, to throwe down vpon Seuerus souldiours, if they should attempt to climbe the hill: but as on the side of the mounteine, there grewe many trées, both high and great, which Seuerus souldiers cut downe in great heapes & multitudes to stay the stones before they tumbled vpon men, that might be throwne [Page 289] In hauing redy captaines to fight, and skilfull to defende none of the armies had cause to complaine, either of their enimies to haue enuie, except that Pessenius was more vertuous, and Seuerus more venturous,

CHAP. VIII. Of a cruell and furious battell, betwixt Pessenius and Seuerus, wherein Pes­senius was slaine.

IN certaine broken, worne, and hollowe places, as in suche groundes the waters do vse to make, Pessenius souldiers had fortified w ^t stones & boughes, whiche serued them to blinde and stoppe the waye for passage, as also from thence both to defende and offend their enimies. Nei­ther for trauell to climbe the hill, either for feare of death, did Seuerus his captaines ceasse any houre to attempt the recouering of the mounte: but the waye [...] and passages were so narrowe, and the mountaines so rockie & macces­sible, that tenne defended an hundred, an hundred a thousand: & a thousand tenne thousand. The case was thus, that the Seuerian armies more daunted with des­paire, thē aduaunced with hope, soudenly on a night there fel vpon Pessenius souldiours retired from theire rampiers, and fortified rockes: and that whiche was worse, many persons and beastes were there daungered & also lost, and their victualls all caste and carried away. By time that shoulde do the deede, and the sorrowfull destinies of Pes­senius that shoulde conduct the same: it chaunced vpon the thirde day after the snowe had fallen, the sunne did shine with as hote a glome as in y ^e heate of summer, wher­with all the snowe being throughly thawed, the violence of most furious waters that descended the hil, ouerthrewe and carried away all bulworkes and rampiers that Pes­senius had made in that mountaine: in such wise, that na­ture [Page 290] framed in one houre y ^t Art might not bring to passe in many dayes: that is to say, the snowe draue away the people, and soone opened the way. When the Seuerian armies founde, that Pessenius souldiours had forsaken the mounte Taurus, and y ^e thawed snowe had opened their way: they not onely recouered greate courage, but also presumed to haue obtained diuine fauour: saying, that Seuerus did gouerne them, but that the Godds did guide them. Vpon the fifte day after the snowe, Seuerus souldi­ours mounted vpon y ^e toppe of Taurus, & al the snowe bee­ing thawed and gonne, and trackes and wayes beeing dri­ed vp, in euery place they founde deade men, drowned beastes, broken armour, and victualls scattered: in the viewe whereof they tooke no small pleasure, because they had nowe set their feete, where before they imployed but their eyes. Pessenius being aduertised, howe his souldi­ours had forsaken the mounte Taurus, departed with all his hoste from Antioche, & toke the way vnto Sicyl: the multitude of people that hee ledde with him was marue­lous and terrible to beholde: and yet truly notwithstan­ding, more fearefull in viewe, then in fight: for admit­ting they were many, & younge men well armed, yet they were more accustomed to haue peace with vices, then warr w ^t enimies. Seuerus w ^t his armies, & Pessenius w ^t his hostes incountred in Sicyl, not a league one from an other, hauing betwixt them a greate plaine which was named by the men of the country, the field of Ysico, where was gi­uen the laste and most famous battel betwixt Alexander and Darius, in which the great king Darius was ouercōe, and the great Alexander remained monarche of y ^e world. In memory of which notable battell, there is situated at these dayes, ‘the renowmed citie of Alexandria, wherein there is is a picture of brasse, so naturall a counterfeite of Alexander, that to beholde doth partly terrifie, and also giueth motion of great reuerence.’ Two dayes after these princes came to this place, with conformitie they determi­ned to giue the battell, since either of thē had ioyned their [Page 291] whole powers, with the presence of their proper persones: vntill which time, betwixt them there was but small dif­ference, for that either of them had greate hope to haue the victorie. The night before they fought, Seuerus & Pes­senius were both sadde, and their armies in greate watch: for as the fatall houre of fight drewe neare (although their generous hartes gaue them hope to ouercome) their mor­tal bodies did feare to die. At the breake of y ^e day al the cap­taines made ready to y ^e battell: continually two houres be­fore the charge, both of the one parte and the other, they played vpō instrumētes of musicke, which w ^t their melody did yealde such dolefulnesse, that exactly it discouered the sorrowfull successe that shoulde followe in that cruell bat­tell. The hostes béeing ioyned the one w ^t the other, there was trauersed betwixt thē so cruel a fight, & of euery parte so traueled to obtaine the victory, y ^t the day ended, & y ^e bat­tell not finished. That battell was so bloudie, wounded, & of both partes so much contended, y ^t within the compasse of two leagues, there was not iii. foote of ground, y ^t was not couered w ^t mans bloude. If the two armies were valiant in fighting, surely y ^e two princes, their lordes, were no cow­ardes: but in the ende, when night was come, the Pesseni­ans turned their backes: & the whole conclusion was, that Pessenius fledde wounded, and Seuerus remained lorde of y ^t field. Vpon an horse of greate swiftnesse, & accompanied w ^t fewe persons, Pessenius tooke the way vnto Antioche: as the enimies did pursue him, at the doore of a poore cottage where he neither had time to rest, either place to hide him selfe, but groueling vpon his breastes, drinking with a pit­cher, at a blowe his enimies cutte off his head. This was the sorrowfull end of Pessenius Niger, vpon whose sepul­ture they placed this Epitaph: Here lieth Pessenius Niger, an auncient Romane, whiche in merite was equall with the vertuous: but in misfortunes exceeded the most vnfortunate.

When Seuerus sawe him selfe aduaunced to so great vic­torie, and that in all Asia, there was not one launce [Page 292] in the Rest against him, he procured to seaze vpon al prin­cipall persons, that had escaped from the campe of Pesseni­us: and commaunded not onely to kill them all, but also to execute them with greate tormentes. Many were founde in the campe of Pessenius, whiche did followe him against their willes, whome also Seuerus commaunded to be slaine as the rest: whiche in déede was rather the acte of a cruell tyrante, then a vertuous prince. Seuerus had with him the mother and the sonnes of Pessenius, whome he sente (both mother and sonnes) banished vnto an Islande.

All thinges set in order, that were conueniente for the prouision of the good gouernement of Asia, Seuerus moued talke amongst his moste familiar friendes, for the conquest of the kinge of Parthia, and the kinge of The­bes: not because they helde him as an enimie, but for that they were friendes vnto his enimie Pessenius. Seue­rus friendes did counsell him, that by no meanes he should publish any intente of warre againste the kinge of Parthi­ans, or the kinge of Thebanes: for y ^e notwithstanding Pes­senius was dead in the East, Albinius was aliue in the kingdomes of the Weste: and that hee was not so sure of the Empire, but y ^t it were better counsell for him to seeke newe friends, then to awake olde enimies. Seuerus dealt cruelly with the inhabitants of Antioche, because they had receiued and obeyed his enimie Pessenius, and with them did not onely vse iniurious wordes, but also did dis­charge them of al their auncient liberties. He slewe all the Senatours of Rome, that is to say, suche as folowed Pes­senius and tooke the name of captaines and Tribunes: & of other persones he slewe but one, and woulde neuer say, wherfore but he alone, and none other was put to death.

CHAP. IX. Of the Consul Albinius, and howe he rebelled against Seuerus being in Englande.

[Page 293]AMongest the moste extreme young gentlemen, that were bred in the house of the good Marcus Aurelius, were three, which in those dayes were placed for captains in the most famous and daungerous places of the empire, that is to say, Seuerus in Illyria, Pessenius in Asia, & Al­binius in greate Britaine. Their Lorde Marcus Aurelius had brought them vp so expert in science, so accustomed to vertues, so readie in armes, so skilfull in perills, and so made vnto trauels, that if they them selues, had not war­red & destroyed them selues, al the world had not bene suf­ficient to haue defeated thē. Aboue, it is said, how Seue­rus came to Rome to take the Empire, and howe Pesse­nius was ouercome in Asia: there resteth nowe to speake of Albinius, who was in Britaine: a man in his life righte venturous, and in his deathe no lesse vnfortunate. Albinius was natiue of Rome, and as soone as he was of age sufficient, he was made a Senatour, being of most auncient linage, and did inherite of his predecessours, greate wealth, whiche he wanted no skill to conserue, as also to increase, and excellently to inioy: for, notwith­standing his degree was but a Senatour: yet in seruice of his house, and behauiour of his person, he was af­ter y ^e manner of an Emperour. In the dayes of the empire of Pertinax, Albinius was sente as captaine and gouer­nour vnto greate Britaine: in whiche gouernement hee was very well loued, and no lesse feared: for by his greate iustice he was feared and with his greate libe­ralitie he was beloued. When Seuerus departed vn­to Asia, to warre with Pessenius, vnderstandinge how renouned the name of Albinius was throughout all the worlde, and howe well liked of the Romaine Empire: hee greatly doubted to aduaunce him selfe with the Ro­mane Empire: and the rather, for that he perceiued the principall Romanes, to fixe their eyes vpon Albinius. Se­uerus aduised him selfe to vse a certaine cautele with Al­binius, which was: before he departed frō Rome, to write vnto him into Britaine, aduertising him, that he would [Page 294] haue his felowship in the Empire, from thence forth in­tituling him Augustus: & since his departing to y ^e warrs of Asia, requesting him to take the charge of the gouerne­ment of the common wealth. With these and suche like wordes whiche hee sente him, and with a letter written vnto him, and certaine iuells whiche hee gaue him, Al­binius did endure to be deceiued, though voide of all mis­strust to be deceiued.

Albinius had with him an auncient knight named Cy­pro Albo, who (as it is reported) saide vnto Albinius: thou art not so neare a kinseman, either so deare a friende vnto Seuerus, that without thy request, hee will with thee diuide the Empire: for that truely, euen betwixt the father and the sonne, it were verie muche: but that I thinke hee will nowe be assured of thee, to the ende when hee returneth from the warres to destroy thee: be­cause from a man so noble as Seuerus is, so amorous let­ters, and iuells so precious, may not proceede, but wrapt in malice. Albinius woulde giue no credit vn­to Cypro Albo, but openly did reade his letters, and shewed his iuells: whiche when Seuerus vnderstoode, hee receiued greate pleasure thereof: and the better to finishe his guile, hee made money in both their names, placing Albinius his picture in the Senate. The minde of Albinius being wonne and obtained, to the ende to holde safe and sure the kingdomes of Europa, hee departed into Asia: and sundry times did write vnto Albini­us, and not vnto the Senate: giuing accompt of y ^t whiche hee had donne, and demaundinge counsell in that whiche hee mente to do.

Fifteene monethes Seuerus stayed in the warres with Pessenius: whome, after hee had ouercome and slaine, he determined to destroy Albinius: and because hee had no occasion, either greate or small to make him publike warre, hee aduised to kill him by guile. Many Sena­tours and noble Romanes did write him letters, and al­so persuaded Albinius in woordes, that hee shoulde ad­uaunce [Page 295] him selfe with the Empire: and to the same ende, they did sweare and affirme vnto him, that although Se­uerus were farre from his countrie, yet without compa­rison, hee was muche more distante from their willes. The case was thus, the warres of Asia béeing finished, Seuerus in greate secrecie conferred with certaine Purse­uantes by whome hee was accustomed to write letters: whome he commaunded to departe vnto greate Britaine, and to presente their letters openlye vnto Albinius: and further, to giue him to vnderstande, howe they had secret­ly to say vnto him: and that: if with them hee shoulde seperate him selfe, presently to kill him: promising them, that if they perfourmed that enterprise, hee should make them the greatest men of Rome. Hee gaue them also a boxe of fine poyson, & therew ^t this instruction, that if they might not by chaūce dispatch & kil Albinius, by such meane: they shoulde trauell in some meate to giue him of that poyson.

Albinius was gro [...] [...]mewhat suspicious of Seue­rus, partely for that so rarely hee did write vnto him, and also because hee was aduertised, that in secrete hee vsed euill speach of him: wherefore he liued more warely, not onely with suche as hee had talke, but also of his meate whiche hee shoulde eate. These Purseuaunts béeing ar­riued in greate Britaine, deliuered their letters openly vnto Albinius, saying, that they had to tell him in secret, and being nowe in doubt and suspicion of Seuerus his mat­ters, he commaunded these Purseuauntes to be taken, and grieuously tormented: which presently confessed, that Seuerus sente them, for none other purpose, but either w ^t yron or with poyson to take away the life of Albinius.

Presently Seuerus was aduertised, y ^t Albinius had ta­ken, tormented, and put to death his Purseuantes: where vppon followed, that the one did publishe the other o­pen enimies: and for suche they exclaymed them selues in woordes, defied in letters, and also vttered in workes.

[Page 296] Seuerus had greate sorrowe, for that Albinius had mani­fested him selfe his enimie: and the greater was his griefe, for that his enimies made common reporte, that he would haue slaine Albinius as a cowarde, and not deale with him openly as a man of a valiant minde. Seuerus also had greate griefe, of the generall reporte of Albinius boaste, before all men that woulde heare the same: of the greate numbers of people and armies of men that did obey him in greate Britaine: and muche more, that did loue and wish him in Rome. Seuerus not able to endure with patience, the reports that ranne of Albinius, aduised to assemble his armies, vnto whome hee did speake after this man­ner.

CHAP. X. Of a famous speach that Seuerus vttered vnto his armies, to bringe them in ha­tred with his [...] Albinius.

IT were not iuste, that any prince shoulde be noted vnstable, if by chaunce they be seene to abhorre at one time, that which they did loue at an other time: for that subiects changing their custōes, it is not much that Lordes alter their opinions. As much as a friend shalbe vertuous, so muche and no more, he shall be loued of his friendes: for if it be a thing commenda­ble to loue the good, it is no lesse vituperable to loue the euill. Admitting that princes deale hardly with some, and fauour others, neither for the one are they to be praised, either blamed for the other: because re­warde, or punishmente, is neither giuen or ought to be giuen conformable vnto princes wills: but agree­able vnto the subiects merite. Ye all vnderstand, how [Page 297] Albinius and I, beeing young men, were bred in the house of the good Emperour Marcus Aurelius: and truly, vnto this day, I haue intreated him, not as a companion, but as a brother: which seemeth no lesse true, for that I parted with him the Empire, which sil­dome is diuided betwixt the father and the sonne. I did not onely deale with him as with a brother, and with him did parte the Empire: but also at my iour­ney vnto the warres of Asia, vnto him onely I recō ­mended the gouernement of the common wealth: re­specting the possession which I had of him, and the confidence which I committed vnto him, when I did trust him with the cōmō wealth: I would haue parted my soule with him, if it had benepartible. Being (as I was) wounded in the warres of Asia, and he placed in the gouernement of great Britaine: notwithstanding the distance that was betwixt them, there passed fewe monethes wherein I did not write vnto him, giuing large accōpt of that which was done, and hideing no­thinge of all that I determined to do: In suche wise, that in him was registred al my triumphs, and he was the hoorde of al my profound secreats. Betwixt me & Albinius, there was neuer any thing y ^t was not com­mon, in my house there was neuer doore shut against him, the letters which he wrote I did with greate ioy reade, that which he requested me I alwayes perfour­med, whereof he warned me I euer corrected: final­ly, he neuer desired any thing of me, that he obtayned not: and neuer had trauell, but I was present, and prest to succour him. After all these things, his sorrowfull destinies woulde, and no lesse hath my fortune with­out al felicitie perfourmed, that our friendship is tur­ned to enimitie, our felicitie vnto treason, our benefits [Page 298] to ingratitude, our loue vnto hatred, our communi­on to diuorce, our confidence to suspicion, in such wise, that at this day there is nothing spoken more commonly throughout the Romane Empire, but of the greate friendship whiche wee haue had, and the cruell enimitie whiche nowe we haue. That Albini­us desireth to be Lorde, and procureth to be Empe­rour, I neither wonder, either is it to be marueled: but that which maketh me amased, is, that I placeing him with confidence in gouernement of the common wealth, he shuld procure to rise or rebell with Rome: that speaking according to the lawe of a good man, y ^t if Albinius had thought to attempte so foule a dede, if I had requested him to take the charge, he ought not to haue cōsented: for there is not the like traitour in this world, as he to whom I cōmitted my house, to robbe me of mine honour, and spoile mee of my goods. A greater faulte in lesse magistrates hath Albi­nius committed thē Pessenius Niger: for that Pesseni­us from the time that I was elected Emperour, pre­sently manifested him selfe mine enimie: & more, y ^t I neuer helde him as my friende, either did he accepte me as his Lord: and to say that which I had thought neuer to haue saide, Pessenius Niger did write vnto vs, that if wee would perpetuate the principalitie of Asia vnto him, he woulde vtterly yealde vnto vs all obedience: and for that we would not graunt it him, speaking without passion, although he had no reason to rebell, he had occasion to be offended. The matter hath not so passed betwixt Albinius and me, but that without his owne sute, or any other mannes for him, besides the gouernement of Britaine, I gaue him the principalitie of al Europe, sent him the ensigne of the [Page 299] Empire, commaunded him by proclamation to be intituled Augustus. & y ^t which is not smally to be es­temed, I caused with his image & mine, money to be grauen, and with mine owne proper handes I placed his statuie or picture in the Senate. In repaimente of these so notable benefites, he hath committed an hun­dreth thousand insolences, namely, hee hath muti­ned the armies, altered and offended the people, rob­bed our treasures, taken our castels, escandalized me with the Romanes, and nowe of late hath slaine my Purseuaunts: and that whiche grieueth me moste, is, that he made them say in their tormentes, that which neuer was in my thought. I hauing slaine the prince Pessenius, and beeing (as I was) triumphant of the fielde, no man hath to beleeue that I haue so small es­timation of my honour, that he beeing my detected enimie, shoulde be slaine in secrete at my commaun­demente.

In what heart may it be conceiued, that I hauinge (as I haue) armies of so greate power and dexteritie, here in my presence, shoulde procure to kill him with poyson. For to haue slaine Albinius by treason, it had beene blame to me, and shame vnto you, but to him glory: for as his name is renowned, and his fame spread throughout the Empire, his person to haue beene so inuincible, that wee durst not giue him battell as an enimie, but murther him as tray­tours.

The Godds neuer consent, neither my venturous destinies permit, that the slaunderous renowne of a traytour, whiche hee hath recouered with his e­uill life, shoulde cleaue vnto mee by his secreate deathe: for that (to conclude) I had rather [Page 300] holde him as an enimie all the dayes of my life, then to fixe any scruple in my fame. Albinius did sweare by the simulachre of Diana, not once, but thrice: not with one hande, but with both handes: not in one temple, but in many: for euer more to holde the gods in greate veneration, the people in iustice, the temples in reuerence, and to me obedience: all which the per­iured Albinius hath broken, and neither hath feare or shame for that which he hath done: but I hope in the Gods, it shal not come to passe as he thinketh, that is, to die with poyson: but the time shall come, that hee shall pay in the fielde, that which he hath sworne in y ^e temple. If this infamous deede had bene done against any particular person, they should both heare and see throughout the world, the amends that I would take thereof: but in as muche as it toucheth none but my selfe, who at this present am had in suspicion, Albini­us being held as innocente, it sufficeth that it is not in me, but to aduertise you thereof: and to you it apper­taineth to reuenge the same. In y ^e warres against Pes­senius Niger, ye folowed me: in this against Albinius, I will folow you: and I hope in the immortall Gods, that they wil giue you the victorie: and in my behalfe on Albinius wil take vengeance.

CHAP. XI. Howe Seuerus departed from Asia to Fraunce, and fought with Albinius and slewe him.

[Page 301]AT the instante that Seuerus had finished his speach, all the army exclaming with lowde voyces, againe confir­ming Seuerus in the Empire, manifested Albinius an eni­mie vnto the Romaine Empire. And for as much as none that was present, vnderstoode the treason that Seuerus had attempted against Albinius, they gaue him credite in all that he saide: & so in generall they conceiued as greate hatred against the one, as loue vnto the other: procee­ding no lesse by the presence of Seuerus, then by the absence of Albinius: for (according to the olde prouerbe) the ab­sent is neuer without blame, nor the present without ex­cuse. When Seuerus sawe that he had wonne y ^e hearts of his armies, hee recouered newe hope to be reuenged of Albinius: and to the purpose he made a generall muster of his men of warre, and founde tenne thousande horse­men, and xl. thousand foote men: all whiche he presently payde, not onely that whiche he did owe them: but also gaue them many and greate rewardes, adding therevnto many faire promises. ‘The first iourney that Seuerus made, was to besiege Bizantio (for thither the captaines repaired that had escaped the mortall battaile of Pessenius Niger) and in the ende tooke it, not by force, but by hunger: and hauing the citie vnder his power, he displaced the bul­workes, made plaine the towers, ouerthrewe the Theaters, subuerted their bathes, burnt their houses, strangled the straungers, & the natiues he did captiuate: finally, he behaued him selfe not as a Romane prince, but as a moste cruel tyrant.’

‘With the riches that hee recouered in Bizantio, and the aboundance whiche he robbed in other partes, he com­maunded the cities to be repaired, that Pessenius souldi­ours had sackt: and charged the fortes to be erected that they had throwne downe: and leauing officers necessarie for gouernement, and men of warre to defende those countries, he departed with greate celeritie vnto greate Britaine, with a determined intente to make furious warres against Albinius.’

[Page 302] ‘His desire was so disordinate to encounter with Albinius, that he traueled night and day, thicke and thinne, foule and faire: and that wherefore they most blamed him, was, that he neither obserued the solemne festiuall dayes, or had compassion of the tyred. Traueling on those wayes when it snowed, manie times hee was bare headed: and in the mire, hee woulde trauell one foote: when it rained, hee woulde marche in his doublet and hose: and wanting victualles, he woulde eate bareley bread: and (as he after reported) to be reuenged of his enimie, he thought it all well imployed. Hee sent before him valiant captaines, and men very light & of greate swiftnesse, to cleare the wayes vpon the highte of the mountaines, and to defende the most perilous places: chiefly when he passed the Alpes of Italie, doubting that Albinius might haue in that place some hidden ambushe. Nowe, when Seuerus sawe him selfe and all his armies in Gallia Transalpina, and that in so longe a iourney hee had incountered with no stumbling blocke: if vntill that time he went with hope, from thence foorth he marched in certeintie to obtaine victorie: for the feare whiche he had, was, that his armie trauelinge both weary and spent, Albinius at the souden might dis­couer to giue him battell. In al this time Albinius remai­ned in the Isle of Britane, which nowe is Englande: but presently after hee vnderstoode that Seuerus had pas­sed y ^e Alpes, he brought foorth all his armie out of y ^e Isle, & sente them into Fraunce, rather to defende the frontiers, then without any commaundement to make warre: be­cause Seuerus was so souden in his arriuall, y ^e he was then in Fraunce, whē they belieued him not to be departed from Italie. With great speede Albinius did write vnto the ci­ties adioyning, requesting their helpe for money, and com­maunding them to be stronge and valiant in his seruice, of whom manie disobeyed, and other rebelled against him: notwithstanding, they all confessed, that they rather did it for feare of the potencie of Seuerus, then for the hatred whiche they did beare vnto Albinius. But in the ende, [Page 303] the two armies beeing ioyned, and all the cities diuided into parcialities, euery day betwixt them there was in­counters, and daily meetings to skirmishe: and for the moste parte, the souldiours of Seuerus departed with broken heades, and Albinius his bandes returned victo­rious.’

‘They trauersed on a certaine day so furious a skirmish, that it was necessarie Seuerus shoulde come foorth armed vnto the same: and as hee was not able to make his soul­diours to retire, neither constraine his enimies to flie, thinking to enter to haue parted the fray, hee was vrged to fight in his owne person: in whiche fight he receiued so greate a blowe with a plummette of leade, that hee was feld downe to the grounde, and lay for deade so longe space, that many did kisse the handes of his sonne Geta, as Emperour. After Seuerus had escaped that daunger, and was cured of his wounde, in greate secrecie he called into his presence certaine Sorcerers and Inchanters that hee brought with him, both requesting, threatening, and promising them manie thinges, if they woulde tell him the ende of those warres: for if hee shoulde be conque­rour, hee woulde prosecute the same: and if hee shoulde be ouercome, he woulde returne into Italie. The Sor­cerers and Inchaunters answered, that his armie should receiue greate hurte, but in the ende his enimie Albinius shoulde be ouercome: and that hee shoulde not obtaine in this case, that which he desired, that is to say, to kill Albi­nius with his owne handes: but that hee shoulde sée him deade before his eyes. The tenth of March, Seuerus recei­ued this answere of his Inchanters, and presently on the next day, he tooke muster of all his men, commaundinge them to shooe their horse, and amend their armour: and the third day hee gaue battell vnto Albinius, neare to a citie named Lugduno, whiche nowe in Fraunce is cal­led Lions Sonarona, whiche on bothe sides was so ex­tremely contended, that a greate parte of the day it might not be knowne, vnto whome the victorie would incline.’

[Page 304] ‘When al the day was passed, and darke within night, the one army fighting with the other, in the ende Albinius was ouercome. This battaile was so bloudie, that of so greate a number of people, as both the hoastes did con­teine, there escaped not a man, that was not slaine in the fielde, or returned vnto his tente vnwounded. Albini­us remained to keepe the citie, and sent his capteines to giue battaile, who beeing beaten out of the fielde, the Seuerians entred into the citie, spoyling goodes, burning houses, and slaying people. Seuerus had a captaine na­med Letus, whiche was the cause of the conquest of that battell: for y ^t Seuerus his souldiours beeing in a manner ouercome, and Seuerus ready and prest to flie, he relieued the battell with a fresh bande of souldiours: Letus of skill and industrie woulde not fight that day, vntil he sawe Se­uerus fledde, and also fall from his horse: thinking, that if Seuerus shoulde die or be slaine, and hee ouercomminge and conquering the battell, to aduaunce him selfe with the Romaine Empire. Seuerus was not ignorant of the good seruice whiche his captaine had done him at that in­stant, either did he hide the intente wherewith he per­fourmed the same: for whiche cause the warres beeing fi­nished, he commaunded his heade to be cut off: not for that whiche hee did, but for that which he woulde haue done.’

‘When the Seuerians destroyed the citie of Lugduno, amongst the reste they slewe the sorrowfull Albinius, who so slaine they brought vnto Seuerus, commaun­ding to cutte off his heade, and to dismember and mangle his bodie all to pieces: whiche beeing done, he riding vpon a rough horse, all to trampled the body of Albinius, whiche was hackt and hewed to mamocks. All men that be­helde Seuerus vse so greate inhumanitie with the body of Albinius, wepte: and all men that hearde the reporte thereof, were escandalized, and not without greate reason, for The office of a prince of moste perfecte pietie, is, to pardon the liuinge, and to bury the deade.’

[Page 305] ‘ Seuerus treading and trampling the bodie of Albinius (af­ter the maner of a fierce Lion) his horse grewe fearefull, and gaue him so shrewde a fall against the grounde, that he remained a great space astonnied and in dismay, in such wise, that he missed verie narrowly, presently to haue paide with life, so enorme an iniurie. These matters be­ing finished, Seuerus dispatched his Purseuaunts into all partes, with the newes of this victorie: and the head of Albinius vnto Rome, and his bodie, as it was all to pieces troaden, trampled and drawen, he commaunded to be throwen into the riuer Rhodanus, to the ende that as he had taken away his life, so by no meanes any memorie should remaine of Albinius’

CHAP. XII. ¶Howe after the death of Albinius, Seuerus returned to Rome, and there slewe many.

‘ SEuerus not satisfied with slaying his enimie Albinius, treading his bodie vnder his horsse féete, casting the pie­ces thereof into the riuer Rhodanus, and sending his head vnto Rome to be set in the pillorie: but commaunded serch to be made for the bodies of all the noble Romans, which had béene slaine in the seruice of Albinius: and for that he might not chastice them in time of their life, he aduised to vituperate and defile them after their death, causing their bodies to be drawen, cut in pieces, and burnte: some throwen into riuers, to the ende they should neuer more appeare: and othersome vnto beastes to be deuoured. In all cities that receiued, obeyed, or succoured Albinius or his souldiours, Seuerus did greate hurte, robbing their goods, and punishing their persons. Manie cities and peo­ple made their excuse, saying, they had not serued or fol­lowed Albinius, for that they had a desire so to do: but be­cause they were not succoured of Seuerus, and yet ceased [Page 306] not to chastice and robbe them. Albinius had thrée sonnes, a daughter, and a wife, generous in bloud and beautifull of face, whose throte with his children he commaunded to be cutt, and their bodies also to be cast into the riuer Rho­danus. And as Albinius was of greate power in all the Empire of Europe, and of him self verie gratious, liberal, valiant, and noble minded: so in a manner all the nobles of Spaine and Fraunce, had followed his parte alike: the throtes of all which, Seuerus (after the battaile) cōmaun­ded to be cutt: and though he slewe the fathers, yet he did not therefore pardon the wife and children. Albinius his wife and his children being slaine, and execution done vpon all persons that followed his opinion: Seuerus ap­plyed all their goods and riches, for his owne chamber, which were so great, and of such value, that it was doub­ted whether any Emperour had euer attained vnto the like. The prouinces of Spaine and Fraunce being ordered, and two gouernours placed in greate Britaine, Seuerus departed vnto Rome, and led with him all his armie: not for that, in all Italie he had any enimie bent against him, but to terrifie the common wealth of Rome. Seuerus of his owne naturall inclination was so quarelous, proude, vnquiet, bloudie, and doubtfull, that although he had peace, yet he woulde goe alwayes after the fashion of a warriour. Seuerus was receiued with greate ioye of the Romanes, although most certeinly many of them stoode in greate feare, for that they had wished that Albinius might haue preuailed, whereof Seuerus had certeine in­telligence: whose condition was so harde, that to giue a cruell chasticement, a small occasion was sufficient. Af­ter that he had visited the great temple of Iupiter, he di­uided amongst the capteines that followed in the warres, many iewels and greate riches: and further, gaue them certeine liberties, which is to wéete, that they might wear rings of golde vpon their fingers, and entertaine Courti­sans within their houses. It was no small griefe vnto the Romanes, that Seuerus had giuen such liberties vnto his men of warre: saying, that from thenceforth for euer to [Page 307] weare ringes of golde, they woulde spende their owne, & robbe others: and to vse concubines in their houses, would cause dissention amongest the people, and also debilitate their persons. In Rome there was a Consul named Clau­dius, which had his picture placed in the Senate, & was praised before all the people with a publique Oration for his worthie actes done in Asia: whereof Seuerus tooke greate despight, because this Claudius was kinsman vn­to Albinius. Seuerus did not knowe how to be reuenged of the Senate, but publiquely by proclamation, commaunded (vpon paine of death) that al men should call Commo­dus a God: for confirmation whereof, he did not only place his picture in the Senate, to the end they should reuerence him, but also in the temples to be adored. To commaund the Romanes to adore & reuerence Commodus, as one of the Gods, being (as he was) the woorst of all men, it was vnto them so grieuous to heare, & so harde to perfourme, y ^t they determined, not to go to the church, either to offer sa­crifice vnto their Gods: because no parte thereof should be allotted vnto the God Commodus. Seuerus vppon a daye went vnto the Senate, & made there a long and truculent Oration, wherin, after he had spoken many threateninge & malicious woords, he commaunded certeine letters to be read, which he found amongst Albinius writings, made by many Consuls, Senatours, & other gentlemen amongst y ^e people, vnto Albinius, offering him their persons, sending their goods, & that he should not be dismaid in those warrs: for that in the common wealth he was much desired. The reading of these letters being ended, he commaunded them presently to be torne: & for the time did dissemble the mat­ter, or to say better, did deferre the chastisemēt: for y ^t after wardes, as well of such as were absent, as of them y ^t were present, he tooke so great reuengement, y ^t as y ^e stréets were bathed in bloud, y ^e fields filled w ^t carcases, y ^e wayes scatte­red with quarters, & the pillories beset with heades: they saide in Rome, y ^e Silla was reuiued, & Nero was not dead. Seuerus made a memoriall of all the riche men, valiant, & [Page 308] of power, that were in all the Empire: the greater parte whereof he charged to haue béene the seruauntes, friends or fauourers of Iulianus, of Niger, or else of Albinius, his mortall enimies: for which cause, of frée men, he made them slaues: of lordes, seruauntes: of riche, poore: and also of liuing, dead men: in such wise, that he slewe ma­ny, not for offences which they had committed, but to rob them of their goods, which they had gathered togeather. Seuerus slewe some, with some reason, & others vpon smal occasion: but all these which followe, he killed without all reason or occasion: that is to say, Munius, Sellius, Claudi­us, Bitalius, Papianius, Elius, Iulius, Lolius, Aurelius, Antoninus, Posthumius, Sergius, Fabius, Nenius, A­mussius, Casperius, Seyonius, Sulpitianus, Coceyus, Eructus, Assilonius, Claudius, Honoratus, Petronius, Pessenius, Cestus, Aurelianus, Materius, Iulianus, Albi­nius, Cerelius, Faustinianus, Herenius, Valerius, Nobi­us, Arabianus, Marcus, Fabatus. These men were glorious, both of bloud & also for noble déedes & riches: for they were either Consuls, Censors, Pretors, Senatours, Ediles, Tribunes, or capteines: whose goods he imployed not vnto the publique treasurie, but did incorporate vnto his patrimonie, for him selfe to inioy the dayes of his own life, & to leaue vnto his children after his death. Seuerus defamed Cincius an auncient Consul, affirming, that he had procured poyson to kill him, wherfore he commaunded him to be slaine: but the trueth being knowen as Seuerus afterward reported, but y ^e Cincius did much delight to goe on hunting, & had a fine yeark to kill the Bore & other ve­nerie in the mountaines. He commaunded also Narcissus to be cast vnto y ^e Lyons, who at the request of Martia cho­ked Commodus: it was nothing to commaund them to be slaine, but y ^t with his owne eyes he would behold them ex­ecuted, which was wont to be so straunge vnto Romaine princes, that they neuer vsed to sée any person put to deth, neither so much as in the citie to be resident: but they vsed, if any suffered, to ride or go foorth on hunting.’

CHAP. XIII. ¶Howe Seuerus returned into Asia, and con­quered many prouinces.

AFter that Seuerus had conquered and slaine thrée Em­perours, that is to saye, Iulianus in Rome, Niger in Asia, and Albinius in Fraunce: it séemed vnto him, that since he had chasticed and triumphed ouer the Romans, he ought also to make his name glorious amongest the Bar­barians: because all the warres that he helde vnto that daye, were more to make him selfe Lorde of the common wealth, then to magnifie his name. Seuerus aduised him selfe to go in his owne person to make warres with the Parthians, the occasion of which enterprise was: for that the king of Atrenoes had fauoured y ^e parcialitie of Niger, but had deferred the reuengement thereof, to make con­quest of Albinius being in great Britain. If Seuerus in this case had taken the opinion of the people, either the coun­sell of the Senate, he woulde neither haue taken those warres in hande, or made accompt of the iniurie: because at that time, those kingdomes were neither friendes or foes with Rome. And as the Romans were fatigated & tyred with warres, so they were contented (for the time) to ceasse the recouering of them for their vassals, to obtein them for quiet enimies. Seuerus departed vnto Asia, and in the way would first take the kingdōe of y ^e higher Arme­nia, whereof the king of Armenia being aduertised, and that he came with an armie of so greate power, and so de­termined to take his kingdome, met him vppon the way, not armed as a man of warre, but clad with the gar­ments of peace: his truce being set downe with Seuerus, presently he gaue him much money, and offered to sende him succour: for the accomplishment wherof, he deliuered vnto Seuerus his two sonnes in pledge: Seuerus did not onely confirme him in his kingdome, but also tooke him [Page 310] vnder his protection. The affaires of Armenia being dis­patched, Seuerus departed towardes the kingdom of Hos­droenos, whose king was named Anguaro, bothe crooked and same, but yet no foole: for he had such skill to recouer the good will of Seuerus, that he neither admitted him as a vassall, tooke no money, demaunded no hostages, or did his countrie hurt, but receiued him to his familiar friend­ship, and made him a confederate with the people of Rome. Hauing passed the kingdome of Hosdroenos, Se­uerus entred the landes and countries of Albanos, and being then the moneth of April, and spring time, he founde the fieldes full of flowers and grasse, and commaunded his horsses for the space of fiftéen dayes to be fedde, and his ar­mie to be recreated and refreshed: ‘because his horsses were growen leane, and his men tyred. Seuerus beeing de­parted from the fieldes of Albanos, entred the countrie of Arabia Felix, where they found that, which they found not in all the kingdomes of the worlde: namely, the trées that hare the precious Aromatike spices, and the boughes whereof they gathered the most fine and excellent baulme. Seuerus sacked all the townes of Arabia Felix, cut downe their fieldes, spoyled and oppressed all people, and as he afterwardes saide, he would not haue entred therein: for that being (as it was) so riche, so ioyfull, pleasant, and de­lectable: but because he found him selfe in greate cumber, to withdrawe his souldiours from thence: for that they felt them selues more delighted with the vices of Arabia, then with the hazardes and daungers of the warres. Hauing passed the delectable countrie of Arabia Felix, Seuerus entred the countrie and kingdom of Athrabanos, against whose king principally he made that iourney.’ Athras was a great citie, situated vpon the top of a most high hill, and chiefest citie of all the kingdome: and for that cause was named the kingdome of Athrabanos. Seuerus went presently to the siege thereof: but as the king had in­closed him selfe therein, with great readinesse and proui­sion, the wall being strong, the citie rockye, the people [Page 311] warrelike, and furnished with munition and victuals: small was the hurte that Seuerus did vnto them within, but which the Romans receiued was very greate. And as Seuerus gaue foorth no other bruite, when he came from Rome, but to be reuenged of the Athrabanos, he perfour­med that warre so exactly, that there was no daye but he battered the citie of Athras, and occupied his warlike engins, deuised and practised all manner fights and offen­ces, that might be against the enimie, and the moste noti­fied Romans, that there did not notifie them selues: but in the ende, might neither take the same, either as much as a capteine, or ouerthrow one windowe. ‘Those that were besieged within that citie, to iest with their enimies, tyed very subtily, little earthen pottes, vnto a kinde of byrdes like vnto Crowes, which flying ouer the armies of Seue­rus, let fall their pottes vpon their pates: by which iest many had their heades broken: but much more were the Romans despighted, to consider howe little they did es­téeme them, not fighting with them in armour, but with pottes, and tankardes. The ayre of that mountaine was verie subtile, the waters verie thinne, fruites in great a­boundaunce, and the Sunne verie hoat, and the grounde somewhat moyst: by which occasion Seuerus his whole campe fell into the disease of the fluxe, and there died a­mongest the rest seuen notable capteines, two of Seuerus cousins, and a little bastarde sonne, which all men like­wise thought to be his cousin: but by his greate sorrowe & teares, he discouered the childe to be of his owne proper fleshe.’

Seuerus considering the citie of Athras to be inexpug­nable, the people therein inuincible, and his campe also weakened through greate sickenesse, aduised to rayse his siege, before his armie were vtterly lost, which he did, not without greate griefe, and no lesse despight, being as he was, giuen vnto so many triumphes, and victories, he thought him self vāquished, since he might not ouercome: but fortune y ^t naturally discouereth her self to be variable, [Page 312] the victorie which shée denied Seuerus in fighting, shée in his flight gaue afterwardes more largely. The case was thus: that sailing on the Sea with all his armie, it was his chaunce to encounter with a tempest, and being for­ced to followe the disposition of the weather, and not as his heart desired, they brought him to riuers of the king­dome of Parthia, not thrée leagues distant from the greate citie of Tesiphont, where the king was further entred into feasting, then compassed with armour. Seuerus en­tred into the fielde of Tesiphont, committing so greate spoiles and robberies, that he put the people into greate feare, which as Seuerus did take at the soudeine and vn­wares, and being amazed, neither able to saye or aun­swere, if they were demaunded: for that to flye they had no time, and to resist they had no force: & that whiche was woorst of all, to make agréement, it was not in their handes: neither might they endure to submitt themselues vnto the Romans. Seuerus arriuing at Tesiphont did subuert it vnto the ground, slewe al that made resistance, and did captiuate man, woman, and childe: he tooke al the treasure and riches, bothe of the citie and royall palace: ‘fi­nally all the countrie, treasure, goods and persons came to the handes of Seuerus, except the king Arthabanus, who escaped on horsebacke. Seuerus led with him certeine skil­full painters, which as he went traueiling, they went drawing and painting, all cities, castels, riuers, moun­taines, nations, kingdomes, and prouinces, by & throughe which he passed: and all the battels and victories whiche he had made and obteined.’ Seuerus sent a greate Ambas­sage vnto the Senate and people of Rome, with whome he sent many captiues, much riches, and the tables wher­in his victories were set out at large: the Romains gaue greate thankes vnto the Gods, and also greate praises vn­to Seuerus: although moste true, that all men were plea­sed with the victories, but would not, that they shoulde haue béene obteined by Seuerus. ‘Departing from the kingdome of Parthia, he diuided amongest his armies all [Page 313] that he had taken from the Parthians: and for himselfe re­serued nothing but that which he sent vnto the Senat, and a ring of Vnicorne, a white parat or popingay, and a gréen horse: the which thinges he toke not for their value, but for­the straungnes of their colours. Seuerus came through the kingdome of Palestina, and gaue them many lawes con­formable vnto the lawes of the Romanes: commaunding vppon paine of death, that none should name himselfe a Iew, either call himselfe a Christian, or obserue the lawe’ of Christians. From Palestina he came through Assyria, vnto the citie of Alexandria, where also he placed new cu­stomes, and also made newe lawes, which he caused them to write and obserue: howbeit, they endured but the life of Seuerus: for after his death, they did not onely breake them, but also burnt the tables wherin they were writen.

CHAP. XIIII. ¶ Of Seuerus his sonnes, and of their euill inclination.

THe kinges that were enimies being ouercome, new cō ­federation made with old friends, and all the prouinces of Asia reformed, he came vnto Rome, and as the Romans had prepared the Parthicke triumph, he might not enter triumphing: for that he came so weake of a quartane, and so lame of the goute, that he might neither indure the cha­riott, or suffer the intertainement of the people. It had chaunced to none of y ^e Romane Empire, as it fortuned vn­to Seuerus, that is to say, that had slaine so many princes, & obteyned so many victories, and yet neuer entered trium­phing into Rome: which was not for his demerits, or re­pugnancie of the Romanes: but for his thrée first victories he might not triumphe, because they were Romane prin­ces, and to his other victories of Asia his disease gaue im­pediment.

Seuerus had two legitimate sonnes, y ^e elder was named [Page 314] Bassianus, the other Geta, who notwithstanding they were brothers in bloud, yet were they much different in conditi­ons, which infirmitie was not onely manifested in their infancie: ‘for that in their childish playes they could neuer agrée, either in weightie affaires yeld one consent. It was much noted amongest the Romanes, that y ^e two bretherne being but children, might neuer agrée in their childishe playes and deuises, that is to say, in making houses of clay, running at base, driuing topps, meating strawes, trilling the bowle, striking the drumme, and other such like chil­dishe trifles. That the one delighted, the other lothed: that which the elder affirmed, the younger denied: and if it happened their tutours to commaund them to play to­gether, if the one did winne, and the other loose, they tare their haire, scratched their faces, whirled stones, strucke with their fistes, in such wise, that as from their téeth and face they drue bloud, and rent off their lockes, so they séemed rather to kill eche other as enimies, then to iest as brethren.’

It was no small griefe vnto Seuerus, when hée vnder­stoode of the euil condition of his sonnes, and that alwayes they were diuided amongest themselues, who trauelled (by al meanes possible) to bring them to conformitie, which he might neuer (by any meanes) bring to passe, althoughe he requested: either would they obey, although hée com­maunded: for his sonnes were so wilfull, that they ceased not to execute their owne wills, notwithstanding their fathers gentle sute, or his extréeme commaundement. Seuerus also had a brother named Geta, a person of great bolonesse, and warrlike, who in all warres followed Seue­rus, and if Seuerus had hautie thoughtes, truly Geta his thoughtes were not humble: for hée helde it for most cer­taine, that vnto him Seuerus should leaue the Empire. Besides that Geta was valiaunt and warrlike, so was he also guilefull and diligent, that is to say, in seruing Seue­rus, contenting the Senate, and pleasing the people.

[Page 315]The hatred and brabbling that passed betwixte Bassia­nus and Geta his cousins, vsually hée reported it vnto all men, in such wyse, that Geta supposed to obteine by guile the Empire, that Seuerus had gotten with armes. Seue­rus well vnderstoode, howe Geta wente thus anglinge for the Empire, and therein to take awaye all occasions, in the fourth yeare of his Empire, going against Albini­us, at that time in the citie of Millaine, before hée passed the Alpes, hee created his elder sonne Caesar, and his youn­ger Consul: whereuppon a certaine Capitaine said vn­to Seuerus: it well séemeth Seuerus, thou remembrest not the displeasures that Bassianus and Geta thy sonnes haue done thée, either the seruice which thy brother Geta hath performed on thy behalfe.

To this Seuerus aunsweared, it well appeareth that thou speakest by hearesaye, rather then by anye experi­ence whiche thou hast in this case: for, as thou haste no brothers, either hast béene married to haue any children, no more knowest thou, what difference of loue is bee­twixte the one and the other: For I giue to vnderstande, that without all comparison, wee fathers doe more loue the thwartes of oure children, then the seruice of oure brethren.

The elder brother whiche was named Bassianus, chan­ged his name, and commaunded all men to call him Anto­ninus Aurelius, in the memorie of Antoninus Pius, and of Marcus Aurelius: because these Princes were verye glorious in their liues, and in their Common wealthes no lesse beloued.

‘When Seuerus returned from the warres of Parthia, his sonnes Bassianus and Geta were then men: and for that hee vnderstoode that the Romanes were thereof then very doubtfull, hée requested his sonnes, that notwithstan­dinge the variaunce betwixte themselues, they woulde bée in peace wyth the people: but héerewith mighte hee not tame the condition of the young men, either persuade them to be in friendshippe with the Romanes: for as much [Page 316] as he soldered with his good woords, so much did they escā ­dalize with their lewd woorkes. Seuerus finding himselfe infected with infirmities, compassed with enimies, and his sonnes so euill inclined, was alwayes sad, pensiue, melan­cholie, and (in a manner) in despaire: not onely doubting, they would diminish the estate wherein he left them, but also lose the honour which they did inherite. Seuerus consi­dering the daily complaints made of his sonnes in the Se­nate, and the continual displeasures which they gaue him, aduised to banishe them the vices and pleasures of Rome: the one hee sent into Germanie, the other into Panonia: but if they were euil in his presence, they were much worse in his absence: for that aforetime, by their subiecti­on, they absceined from some vices, but afterwards with libertie they committed all mischiefe.’ The parents that with their owne hands, and in their owne houses, may not frame vertue in their children, will hardly atteine it at the hands of others: for that vertue is not obteyned in seeking straunge countries, but in the amendment of old errours.

CHAP. XV. ¶Of a fauoured seruaunt of Seuerus named Plautianus.

JN the dayes of the Empire of the good Marcus Aureli­us, there came from Africa vnto Rome, a gentlemā na­med Plautianus, poore, blind in sight, craftie and subtile in condition: and being (as hee was) mutinous and quarel­ling, and wheresoeuer he went, mouing some debate, Mar­cus Aurelius commaunded him to be banished Rome: for he was a prince of such patience, that he suffered not in his common wealth a man that was vitious, or any young mā that was quarellous. Plautianus being banished Rome, departed vnto the garrisons of Illyria: and from thence al­so being caste as a seditious person, repaired at last, into the company of Seuerus, of whome he was very well han­dled, [Page 317] and also honoured, and in all thinges placed aboue all men: some said that it was done of Seuerus, for that hée was of his countrie: some for kindred, and some durst say that hée serued not onely for martiall affayres, but also to do him seruice in the chamber. After that Seuerus came to be Emperour, he gaue so great credite vnto Plautianus, and so strictly did follow his counsell, that he neither read letter, but hée did sée it, or signed commission that hée liked not, either gaue any reward that he craued not. In the Senate, he was placed in the most honourable seate: when he came forth into Rome, all the Gentlemen did accompa­nie him: when he came out of his house, all Embassadours did attend on him: in time of warre, all captaines sued vn­to him: if there were playes and pastimes, they were al­wayes represented before his palace: if they had to giue or receiue any money, all did passe through his hands: in such wise, that it was neuer séene in Rome, that any man with­out the title of an Emperour, enioyed so great portion of y ^e Empire. ‘ Plautianus naturally was proud, ambitious, co­uetous, and cruell: and the more to shewe his fiercenesse, crueltie, & magnificence, he alwayes had a drawne sword borne before him: and when he passed through the streats, hee would that none should dare to behold him in the face, but cast downe their eyes to the ground: and when hée trauelled vpon the way, he had alwayes one that went be­fore, to giue warning to all persons to giue way, where he should passe: in such wise, that hee neither would behold straungers, either be séene of the countrie natiues.’

Seuerus gaue in reward vnto Plautianus, the goods of al persons that were condemned and confiscate in the Em­pire: and as hée was of a gréedie and couetous nature, so they were infinite that he caused to be slaine in y ^e Empire: not because they had so deserued, but for their goods which they possessed.

The elder sonne of Seuerus named Bassianꝰ, being come to ripe vnderstāding, and perceiuing how al things went, was greatly gréeued, to se Plautianus haue so great power [Page 318] in the gouernement of the common wealth: and Plautia­nus presently finding y ^e hatred of Bassianus, practised with Seuerus that Bassianus should marrie with his only daugh­ter: and incōtinently, the elder sonne of Seuerus was mar­ried vnto the daughter of Plautianus. Plautianus behol­ding himselfe not onely the alone fauoured, but also father in lawe with Seuerus, it séemed vnto him but a trifle to be Lord of the whole world: and most truly, Plautianus in heaping honour vpon honour, and estate vpon estate, bredd his owne destruction: for that men neuer surfet to eate that which is necessarie, but in eating and drinking more then the stomache will beare. Though Plautianus daugh­ter was very faire, of good condition, and brought with her a most rich dowrie, yet did her husband Bassianus, most cru­elly hate her: which he discouered both in woord and déede, affirming her to be the daughter of a base and vile person, and that hée would one day kill both her and her father: and yet not therewithall satisfied, they did neither sléepe in one chamber, or dine at one table. Bassianus aunsweared certaine Romanes that requested him to bee friend with his wife, and to honour his father in law: I giue you Ro­manes to vnderstand, that I did not marrie, but my father did marrie mée, which I would not haue done if he had cō ­maunded me, but to defloure the daughter, and enioy the treasure of her father: and since it is done, let her séeke an husband, for I will séeke a wife. Plautianus vnderstanding what his sonne Bassianus had said, and that his daughter was not married, but dishonoured, that Seuerus was old & sicke, and that Bassianus held him not as a father in lawe, but as an enimie, determined to reuenge that iniurie: ei­ther els to loose both life and honour in the enterprise.

Bassianus informed his father Seuerus, of many tyran­nies which Plautianus committed in the common wealth, and Plautianus also complained howe euill hée vsed his daughter: and thus they went on cōfirming their enimitie, and giuing euery day new passions & tedious complaintes vnto Seuerus: but in the end, hée gaue eare vnto the com­plaints [Page 319] of Plautianus, as vnto a seruaunt: but vnto Bassia­aus, as vnto a sonne. Seuerus considering the continuall dis­pleasure giuen him by Plautianus, the tyrannies hee exe­cuted in the Empire, the enimitie betwixt him and Bassia­nus, and that also with his great fauour he estaéemed him litle, conceiued that some day he might rise with the Em­pire: wherefore, from thenceforth hée neither shewed him good countenaunce, either gaue him so great authoritie in the common wealth.

Plautianus did well perceiue, that he had not onely Bas­sianus vnto his enimie, but also stoode in disgrace of Seue­rus: and thought with himselfe, that to escape best cheape, either they would take away his life, or cast him out of fa­uour: and to deliuer himselfe of so great an infamie, he de­termined to kill them, to quite himselfe.

CHAP. XVI. ¶Of a certaine treason that Plautianus had ordeined against Seuerus, and how it was dis­couered.

THe order that Plautianus vsed, or to say better, the dis­order that he practised to kill Seuerus and Bassianus, procéeded as from a passioned tyraunt, and not as a man aduised: and so it afterwards redounded to his losse and de­struction. The case was thus, there was in Rome a Tri­bune named Saturninus, natiue of Assyria, who was the greatest friend that Plautianus had, with whome hée did most communicate, to whom he did most commend his se­cretes, and also for whom he did most pleasure. Plautianus sending for this Saturninus an houre within night, and in­closing themselues within a chamber, said in great secrecie these wordes following.

These and such other thinges Plautianus said vnto Sa­turninus: who aunsweared, that hée was readie to do his commaundement, vppon condition, that hée would giue him in writing, in what manner he would haue him to kill Seuerus, and Bassianus his sonne: which he desired to this end, that if in time he should forget the recompence of so great a seruice, he might shewe him that writing, both to remēber the seruice past, as also the reward vnperformed. Plautianus doubted not to giue Saturninus a writing sig­ned with his owne hand, wherein hee commaunded to kill Seuerus, and Bassianus his eldest sonne: the contents of the writing was thus.

Saturninus, as a man skilfull and subtile, for more assu­raunce vnto Plautianus, vppon his knées kist his hand, as though alreadie he had béene sure of the Empire: and then being in y ^e déepe of the night, he departeth vnto the Court, [Page 323] the guard presently giuing place, and the chāberlaines in like maner: who placing himselfe directly before Seuerus as he lay in his bed, said these words. O Seuerus, how care­lesse art thou of the ambassage that thy greatly fauoured Plautianus doth send thée, whose messenger I am, not to giue thée warning (as I do aduise thée) but to kill thée and thy sonne Bassianus: for that as thou hast trusted him with thine honour, and giuen him of thy goodes, it séemeth vnto him also, that thou shouldest serue him with thy life. Great was the admiration of Seuerus, when hee heard what Sa­turninus said: and yet most true, that presently hee mighte not beléeue the same, or could thincke that so vile treason might be conteyned in Plautianus: but rather y ^t his sonne Bassianus had béene the inuenter thereof, to lead him into disdaine and hatred against Plautianus. Bassianus being lodged within his father, at his voyce did awake and came foorth, whome his father Seuerus reproued & blamed with words very sharpe, for the inuention of so great euill: and sware (by the immortal Gods) to receiue him from thence­forth into his further grace and fauour, in the way of re­uenge, for so great an impietie: for Plautianus was not a man to haue any such thought in his heart. And as Bassi­anus had not heard the beginning of Saturninus speach, so was hee abashed to sée his father so gréeuously offended: wheruppon Saturninus seeing the incredulitie of the Em­perour Seuerus, & how entirely he loued Plautianus, puld foorth his writing, wherein hee was commaunded to kill both him & his sonne: and further, did humbly craue, that Plautianus might be sent for, with aduertisement, that Se­uerus and his sonne were slaine, and then it should be séene that he would come apparelled not in silk, but in yron. One was sent as from Saturninus, vnto Plautianus to come to Court, where, at his arriuall finding all in silence, Saturni­nus met him at the chamber doore, & receiuing him as new Emperour, vppon his knées did kisse his hands, and taking him by the hand in y ^e darke, said he would direct him where Seuerus was strangled, and his sonne Bassianus slaine. [Page 324] Plautianus thinking all safe & sure that Saturninus saide, entered the chāber alone, where Seuerus & Bassianus with certaine assistants were readie to receiue them: whome, when hée beheld liuing, that hée had thought to be dead, he chaunged countenaunce, and lost his speach.

‘A long time was Seuerus reprehending Plautianus, putting him in remembraunce of all thinges which he had done for him, and in especiall, so many & great displeasures which he had passed for his sake, and had aduaunced him a­boue all persons in the Empire, and aboue all the rest, had reuenged him of all his enimies. After Plautianus had a little recouered himself, he bowed his knées before his lord Seuerus, and with teares began to craue pardon for his of­fence, promising amendment in time to come, saying: that for his owne cause, hee ought to pardon him, although hee wanted all deseruing for any mercie, but to take away all occasion of reporte in the Empire, that euer he had fauou­red so wicked a person. Beholding Plautianus teares, the promises which he made, the hoarie head & beard that he so tare, and the great loue that he had borne him, Seuerus was in a maner determined to pardon him: but in the end, being found to be clad in a shirt of male, wheron Bassianus laying his hand, said. Tell mee Plautianus, into princes chambers at such an houre as this, do seruauntes enter ap­parelled in silke, or armed with yron: I sweare vnto thee by the immortall Gods, since thou bringest yron to kill vs, thou shalt here die with yron. And hardly had en­ded these woords, when he began to stab him with his dag­ger, whoe presently fell downe dead, and was beheaded: whose head was fixed vppon a launce ouer the port of Ho­stia, the body deliuered vnto boyes to trayle alongest the streates of Rome.’

This was the ende and conclusion of the fauoured and priuate Plautianus, whome Fortune s [...]st aduaunced, and follie afterwards cast away.

CHAP. XVII. ¶ Of the particular vices and vertues of Seuerus.

THe newes being spread throughout Rome, that Plau­tianus was dead, al the people tooke great pleasure: and no lesse would haue ioyed, if Plautianus had slaine Seuerus and his sonne Bassianus: for that all thrée were so euil wi­shed in the common wealth, that the least euill which they would them in the common wealth, was but death. The offices that Plautianus held in the common wealth, Seue­rus diuided amongest the Tribunes, simple and plaine mē, and not giuen to trouble: but the loue and fauour which he had vnto Plautianus, he neuer after committed vnto any person: for as afterwardes he said, he knew not whome to trust, since his priuate and fauoured seruaunt Plautianus would murther him. Plautianus being dead, there was none that might suffer or indure y ^e cruelties of the prince Bassianus, or follerate his tyrannies: for Bassianus stoode in awe of Plautianus, partly for that he was his father in lawe, as also for that he had bred him from his infancie. Se­uerus considering his sonnes Bassianus & Geta to increase in age, & decrease in wit, caused wilde beasts to be brought for them to kill, horses to runne, inuenting new playes to practise, & therein to occupie their persons, diuerting their mindes to those games, to reinoue them from vices. ‘Fin­ding no profite to lead his sonnes to vertue by those war­like exercises, he would cal them in secrete, and tel them of many old examples how such and such princes were cast a­way by discord: and that the same mischance must happen vnto them, if they did not behaue themselues as friends, & fauour eche other as brothers: for that with concord smal things increase, & by discord great things came to nought. Besids that, y ^e two brethren were ouerthwart in maners, and peruerse of conditions, (as before hath beene said) their [Page 326] tutours did them much hurt: that is to say, in dissembling their vices, & inciting them to greater enimities: whereof Seuerus being aduertised, some of them he banished, some he dispatched, & some he drowned in welles: affirming that they deserued more punishment that kindled enimities, then the persons that did execute them.’ Plautianus left a daughter, that was wife vnto Bassianus, and her sonne ne­phue vnto Seuerus, and sonne vnto Bassianus: as well the mother that was young, as y ^e sonne which was a child they banished into Sicyl, giuing them of al that which they had, no more but to serue them wherw ^t to eate: which Seuerus did, not for enuie that he bare to his nephue & daughter in law, but not to offēd his sonne Bassianus, Seuerus did vaunt himself, y ^t his predecessours had bin of a citie in Africa, na­med Tripol, which he did nobilitate, not only in buildings, but also in rents & priuileges, and plāted there and orchard of Oliue trées, which did yéeld so great quantitie of oyle, y ^t it was sufficient for a great part of Africa and Italie, Seue­rus was a friend of wisemē, fauoured, studious, & delt very well with such as were learned: but ioyntly with this, hee did most abhorre them, if they were either ouerthwart, or troublesome: for he vsed to say, that fooles set neighbours at variance, but men that were wise & malicious brought kingdomes together by the eares. He was also inclined to read books, and to vnderstand antiquities: & if he might not by his important affaires read himselfe, he made others to read: and further, if he chaunced to be so busied, y ^t he might not read himselfe, either heare reading at such times they read vnto him when he was eating or whē he went to bed. ‘He himselfe did write his owne life, & did write it as truly as if he had béen a chronicler that is to say praising his vic­tories, & reprehending his vices: and also most truly, made report of all men that he kild, but not of the smal reason y ^t he had so to do. Seuerus was much blamed for his great co­uetise of goods, & for want of care & negligēce of his honour: for y ^t his wife Iulia was a cōmon adulteresse, whom he did neither chastice, or put away: neither is it written, y ^t euer [Page 327] he did aduise or blame her.’ ‘It was sufficient for Seuerus to know his wife to be euil, to be named Iulia, whiche name was euer infamous amongest y ^e womē of Rome. Although he were an enimie of vices, and of vicious mē, much more was he enimie of théeues, aboue all other kinde of wicked people: and so is it said and found of him, that he did beare with many malefactors, but neuer pardoned any théefe. In his apparel he was not curious or costly, but alwaies was apparelled as a man of great sobernes: especially, much cō ­mended, that in his Empire he neuer beheld any person in Rome clad with silke or purple. Also in his féeding he was not disordinate, & yet truly of certaine fruits of Africa giuē to féede somewhat ouermuch, and vsed to say, that they had a better relishe then others: for that being a child, hee was bred with them. Hée delighted also more to eate fishe then flesh, and sometimes passed an whole moneth without the tast of any flesh: the flesh that he best loued was mutton, & of fish, the Trout. In many cities of y ^e Empire, they made by his comaundement very notable woorkes: especially in the citie of Tripol in Africa, where he was borne, he made there a fort, & an house, & compassed it with a very stronge wall. He was a prince very careful, that the citie of Rome should alwayes be well prouided, which was manifested at his death, at what time they found vij. yeares prouision in wheat and oyle.’

CHAP. XVIII. ¶ How Seuerus passed into great Britaine, where he died.

SEuerus being settled in securitie, and intending certaine buildinges in Rome, receiued letters from y ^e gouernour of great Britaine, which now is named England, y ^t a great part of the Island was reuolted from the seruice of Rome: and to appease & force them to obedience, his presence was right necessarie: because the Prefect himselfe was not on­ly denied al obedience, but they sought meanes also to kill him. Seuerus was not displeased with this newes, although he were both old and sickly: for that he alwayes desired the [Page 328] offer of great things to magnifie his fame, and perpetuate his memorie. Seuerus also was pleased with those warres, to haue occasion to withdraw his sonnes from the vices of Rome: and so it came to passe, that his elder sonne Bassia­nus he made captaine of the armie that he led by land: & to his younger sonne Geta, he gaue the charge of his armie & nauie that passed by sea. Seuerus at the soudeine and vnprouided, assailed the Britaines, who at that instāt they vnder­stoode of his arriuall in the Isle, sent their Ambassadours: partly to yéeld accompt, and partly to discharge themselues of their rebellion, as also to set downe betwixt them a cer­teine concord, which Seuerus would neither yéeld vnto, or a­bide to heare off: for he vented rather to obteine y ^e renoune of Britaine, then for any reason to make them warre. His armies being disimbarked, & the Ambassadours dispatched, euery man prepared, the one to offend, and the other to de­fend: Seuerus first prouided bridges, wheruppon his horse­men might passe, & his foote men auoyd occasion to swim. ‘The Britaines of that part of Britaine, in those dayes, had a custome in time of warre, to encounter their enimies in la­kes & waters, where they did place themselues vp vnto the arme pits, and from thence did fight and shew their skil: & when their enimies did shoote or whirle their dartes, they would stoope or diue vnder water: in such wise, that it chā ­ced thrée sundrie times, that neuer happened in any part of the world: which is to witt, that 100. naked men, ouer­came 1000. armed persons. Whē at any time they would fight in the field, they vsed certaine targets after the ma­ner of bucklers, & halfe swords girt vppon their bare flesh.’ All matters apperteining vnto the warres brought vnto perfection, Seuerus confirmed his younger sonne Geta, go­uernour of a certaine place of the Island that had not re­belled, and kept his elder sonne Bassianus néere vnto his owne person: executing cruel warres vppon the Barbari­ans, who vppon determination to doe hurte, or offend their enimies, dyed with great hardinesse: and vppon other determination, would put themselues to flighte: in whiche [Page 329] flight their enimies alwayes had the woorsse.

The warres being trauersed after this manner, the gowt did grieuously increase vppon Seuerus, in such manner, that he could neither go out of his campe, either sitt in counsel with his capteines: in so much, that he was con­strained to commende the whole charge of the armie vn­to his sonne Bassianus, who more did practise secreately to frame hatred amongest the armies vnto his brother Geta, then to make conquest of the enimies. ‘ Bassianus so much reioyced of his fathers griefe, and had so great care to in­herite, that he sawe no houre, wherein he wished not his fathers death. Not meaning to leaue any euil vnperfour­med that touched an euil nature, adding euill vnto euill, he suborned the Physicians that did cure him, and the ser­uaunts that serued him, in such wise, the one to serue him, and the other cure him, that if the gowte did not finish him, poison shoulde dispatche him. Although no man said vnto Seuerus any one woorde, he did well perceiue what his sonne Bassianus desired: and so it came to passe, that be­holding the disobedience which his sonne did beare him, & howe euil his seruaunts serued him, and howe slenderly his Physician did visite him: although he were olde and sickely, he died of pure sorrowe, and melancholy. The last wordes which Seuerus saide, before he dyed, they saye were these.’ When I tooke the Empire, I founde the common wealth throughout the worlde in trouble, and nowe I dye, I leaue it in peace: and although I dye without power to testar ny firmar, yet I leaue the Empire firme vnto my two sonnes Antonines: if they shal proue good, they remaine exactly made princes: and if they shal be euil, I leaue them nothing. Before Seuerus dyed, he commaunded two Fortunes of gold to be made, for either of his sonnes one: because it was the ensigne of the Em­pire, to take away all occasion after his death, for any of them, by him selfe, or for him selfe, to be aduaunced with the Empire, but equally to remaine in power and estate. This was the ende of Seuerus, whome his enimies might [Page 330] not kill with armes: ‘and yet with griefe and sorrowe was slaine by his sonnes. Seuerus liued thrée score and fiftéene yeres, and reigned two and twentie yeres: his bones were burnt, and the ashes carried to Rome.’

‘Of this Emperour Seuerus, the Senate determi­ned that, which of no other prince was determined, name­ly, Illum aut nasci non debuisse, aut mori: whiche is to saye: It had beene good (in respect of his cruelties which he did) he had not beene borne: and since that he was borne, (in consideration of the profite which he did in the common wealth) it had beene good he had not died.’

CHAP. I. ¶Howe Bassianus and his brother Geta did in­herite the Empire of their fa­ther Seuerus.

PResently after the death of the Empe­rour Seuerus in great Britaine, his two sonnes, Bassianus and Geta, did succéed him in the Empire, betwixt whome there was extreme discorde and cruell hatred: for, notwithstanding in bloude they were brothers, yet in wil & works they dealt as enimies. As Bassianꝰ was elder brother, and also more cauillous & troublesome, so he began secretely to practise and subborne the capteines of [Page 331] the armie to him onely to giue the Empire, and to exclude Geta his younger brother from the inheritaunce: and to drawe them vnto his purpose, he spake swéete wordes, blinded them with faire promises of greate hope, and also gaue them riche Iewels. Nothing might Bassianus at­taine with the capteines of his armie, for that euery one in particular, and all in generall, made him aunswer, that since they were sonnes vnto their lord Seuerus, and bothe brethren, and ioyntly had sworne vnto them as their Lordes and Princes, it were not iust they should be tray­tours in their promise vnto their father: or shoulde make a breache of their othe, that in the temples they had sworn vnto the Gods.

After that Bassianus might not corrupt the armie with woordes, déedes, or giftes, he tooke peace with the Britans, to the ende presently to departe towardes Rome: and his brother Geta being aduertised that Bassianus sought the Empire vnto him selfe, which the father Seuerus had lefte vnto them both, grewe into great hatred & disdaine with his brother: in such wise, that from thenceforth, the two brethren behaued them selues, not only as vtter enimies, but also the courte was diuided into bandes. Bassianus & Geta were brethren by the father, but not by the mother: for that Bassianus was his sonne by his first wife, and Ge­ta by Iulia whiche was the second wife. Geta his mother, and the auncient and honourable Romanes that were re­maining after the death of Seuerus, did not a little tra­uaile to confederate and set them at agréement: but in the ende, they were neither conuinced with the infinite beares of the mother, either might be persuaded by the great requestes and instant intreatance of their friendes. The affaires of Britaine being set in order, the two bre­thren much without order, departed towardes Rome, car­rying with them the reliques of their father Seuerus, that is to say, his bones made ashes, which in all cities, as they passed, were receiued with as great reuerence, as if Se­uerus had béene aliue.

[Page 332]From the time that Bassianus & Geta departed from Bri­taine, vntil they entred Rome, they neuer lodged in one lodging, or fedde at one table, or had conference vppon the waye, but had of eache other great suspicion: yea in meat and drinke to haue receiued poyson. To go in so greate doubt and suspicion, was cause of small staye vppon the waye, although it were very long: and before their com­ming vnto Rome, either of them had sent their secreate messengers, not onely to take vp the best lodginges in Rome, but also to solicite and to winne the willes of the common wealth, because they conceiued, that they might not ioyntly be conserued in their seigniorie, but that one must remaine with the Empire. That day on which Bassianus and Geta his brother shoulde enter Rome, all Rome came foorth to receiue them, which was mixed w ^t ioye and sorrowe: sorrowe, for the death and buriall of Seuerus: and ioye, for that his children were come aliue to reigne in his steade. Entring into the citie, the two brethren and newe Emperours went before, appareled in purple, on horssebacke: after them, came the Sena­tours all on foote, who bare on their shoulders, a chest of Unicorne, wherein was placed the ashes of Seuerus: such persons as attended the dead went wéeping: and those that accompanied Bassianus & Geta went singing. Being entred into the citie, and the day farre spent, they went vnto the temple of the greate Emperour Marcus Aureli­us, where the two newe Princes fell on their knées to a­dore his sepulchre, as a moste holie man, and there besto­wed the ashes of their father Seuerus. Before Seuerus de­parted vnto the second warres of Britaine, he had begon a most sumptuous sepulchre in the fielde of Mars: amon­gest other ornaments that it had, were seuen pillers po­lished verie high and stately, wherein was grauen all his actes and victories: but his life first was finished, before his sepulture was ended.

CHAP. II. ¶Howe in Rome they burie their Emperours, and of greate ceremonies which there they vsed.

After that Bassianus and Geta his brother had reposed the body of their father Seuerus in the temple of the Emperour Marcus Aurelius, presently they beganne to consecrate his body, and to place his soule with the Gods, accordinge to the custome of the Romans: whiche cere­mony was not done, but vnto dead Emperours: and the order thereof was thus. ‘Presently vpon the death of an Emperour, the Senate did assemble to determine, if hee deserued to be buried with the Godes, either els after his burial to leaue him to obliuion as other men: and if he had beene euill, the Senate woulde be absent at his buriall: and if he had bene good, all clad in blacke, woulde attend to consecrate his body. And to do the same, their firste at­tempt was to bury the body of the deade prince without any ceremonie, and then made him an image of woode af­ter the manner of a sicke and colourlesse man, which they placed alofte vpon a scaffolde ouer the Courte gate: and that image, although it were of a sicke man, yet did they clad it with garmentes of silcke and golde, as though the counterfeite were aliue. In the hight of that scaffolde, or throne, the Senate were set on the lefte hande, and on the right hand all the matrones of Rome: of whome none might he apareled richly, either deckt with iuels of gold or stone: [...]ut all persones were there clad in white, for that all white apparell in Rome was counted mourning. The Senatours and matrones were placed and sett at the ri­singe of the sunne, and did not rise vntill the sunne was set: there might they neither speake, or gaze about, but all that time was consumed in sighing, wéeping, and way­ling’

[Page 334]From houre to houre, Physicians came and went to visite that Image, and so did raise, beholde, and féele his pulses, as if the Emperour him selfe had béene there aliue, and al­wayes at their parting would report vnto the Senatours and ladies, that the sicke person drewe on to death. At which newes, the matrones did grite and shriche, and the Senatours did wéepe and waile. This order they vsed se­uen dayes together, but first vpon the sixt day, the Phy­sicians did forsake the sicke person, and finally, on the se­uenth day manifestly would publish his death: presently after he was denounced for dead, placeing the handles of the baire whereon the Image of the dead was laide vpon their shoulders, the chiefest and moste honourable Sena­tours on horssebacke did beare the same: and after this ma­ner went vnto the place named Vaieia, and might not go by any other way but by the sacred waye, whiche was a tracke where no man durst passe, but Emperours that were dead and priestes that were aliue. In that place named Vaieia, there was another buylding made of stone, after the manner of a Throne, hauing on bothe sides de­grées and staires to mount aloft, where they did place the Image of the dead Emperour: vpon the one staires, stoode children, the sonnes of the gentlemen of Rome, and on the other parte stoode the damsels and virgins of Rome, and there did singe many sorrowfull songes and hymnes, pub­lished in the praise of the dead. From thence they remo­ued the baire with the Image of the dead, vnto the fielde of Mars, where also was made another scaffold, all of drie woode, vnder the vaut whereof was laide stubble, stalkes, and strawe, and other kindling matter to burne: the out­side was brauely painted, and hanged with rich tapestrie, and aloft vpon the highest parte thereof, they placed the Image of the dead Emperour. On the day in which this ceremonie was perfourmed in Rome, they did concurre to beholde the same from all partes of Italie: and euerye Lord and ladie that was present, did throwe vppon the de­grées of that Throne, Myre, incense, aloes, amber, roses, [Page 335] and other thinges of fragrant sauours. When all men had offered their swéet perfumes, the Senatours did skir­mish on horsseback, and presently after them the two Cō ­suls gaue a boylt aloft on their chariots gorgeously ador­ned: and after them there followed on foote, all the aunci­ent Romanes and neighbourhood of Rome, and all such as had béene captaines of the warres: all which after they had gone a turne about the Throne, fel downe groueling, exclaming very lowde against the ground. After the thrée processions were done, which is to wéete, of y ^e Senatours, of the Consuls, and of the capteines, came he that did inhe­rite the Empire, who with a burning torche, gaue fire to that Throne, whiche being all of drye stuffe, presently was consumed. Before the beginning of this great cere­monie, the Senate sought out against that day a braue Eagle, which was placed betwixt the handles of y ^e baire, where the Image of the dead was laide: with great skill and subtiltie, at the time that the Image burnt, the Ea­gle was loosed and flewe away: and as her proper nature is to flye vpwarde, all men saide with loude voices, that it was the soule of the dead Emperour, that was gone to the Goddes vp to heauen. As oft as ye shall finde these words written of any Prince or notable personage, name­ly: Inter diuos relatus est, that is, they haue placed him with the Gods, all these ceremonies were done vnto him: vnto such a one, from thenceforth, they might sacrifice, a­dore, make temples, and place Priestes, in such manner, they had to honour him as a God, and not to talke of him, as of a man.

CHAP. IIII. ¶Of the mortall hatred betwixt Bassianus and Geta his brother.

AFter the two brethren had accomplished the funerall office of their father Seuerus, they went bothe to lodge [Page 336] in the sacred palace: not ioyntly, but parting the lodging betwixt them, euery one placing porters by them selues, and their gard to attende vpon them. Although their lod­ging was one, yet their willes and dispositions were di­uers: and suche as had to deale in matters of importance, conferred not with them, but with their mother: who tooke the opinion of the one, and so of the other, whiche af­terwardes was perfourmed by aduise and consent of the Senate: because otherwise the common wealth shoulde haue runne at randon and be lost. These two Princes neuer ioyntly came foorth, but when they went to the Se­nate, or to visite the temple of the greate Emperour Marcus Aurelius: for Seuerus had commaunded, that weekely they should offer sacrifices in that temple, and monethly his heires should visite that sepulchre. Bassianus and his brother Geta, had small care to visite temples, of­fer sacrifices, go to the Senate, reforme the comon wealth, either prouide necessarie matter for the warres: but all their bent and studie was, the one to beguyle the other, & to winne the willes of the people: to the ende that one be­ing dead, the other might reigne without contradiction. Both the brethren being thus diuided, and bothe leading the Empire into handes: notwithstanding that bothe had enimies and friendes, ‘yet alwayes the greater parte of the common wealth were more affectionate to the youn­ger sonne, which was Geta. Geta was white and redde, high, sharpe, milde, nimble, of groase lightuesse, and of verie good condition: and yet in respect of reigning he was as proude as Bassianus. Bassianus his brother was a fa­lowe blacke, cholerike adust, little of bodie, broade fore­head, muche skinne on his handes, hollowe and hoarse of voice, preignant, subtile, diligent, and a iyar: for if he née­ded anything, he would flatter all men with faire words, and after enuen all things in lies.’ The diuisions euery day proceedinge from euil to woorse, it was beyonde all mennes powers, to bring them agreed, or make them friendes: they bothe deuised, without aduertisement of [Page 337] any person to diuide the Empire: the manner was, that all kingdomes should equally be diuided in two partes, & that the name of Emperour should be indifferent vnto them both.

There was allotted vnto Bassianus all Europe, & vnto Geta his brother the kingdoms of Asia: and the end wher­fore they diuided the Empire, was, not to be friendes from thenceforth, but to haue libertie, men, and riches, to rise with Rome: and he that might do most, to dispatche the o­ther of his life. When this agréement was made, they determined to call their mother Iulia, and all the aunciēt seruauntes and friendes of the house of Seuerus their fa­ther: vnto whome Bassianus gaue to vnderstand, how his brother and he had agréed, and were become friendes: and their agréement was, that they had diuided the Empire, he remaining with the estate and seat of Rome, and Geta his brother hauing Antioche the head of his Empire, and the estate of all Asia. As Bassianus then saide, so it was a­gréed, that y ^e goods of the patrimonie were diuided in thrée partes, two partes for the two brethren, and the third for Iulia their mother: and further, that all Senatours, cap­teines, and other notable persons of the Empire, fréely (if they so liked) might go with Geta into Asia, or remaine with Bassianus in Rome. There was no man there that liked this agréement, much lesse allowed y ^e same: for they all did sée it was but fained, and that ere long the Empire would be inflamed with warres, as in the dayes of Iulius Caesar and Pompeyus, of Caesar Augustus, and Marcus Antonius. Although all men were grieued with y ^t which was saide, yet all men did both dissemble and kéepe silence, w ^t sad countenance casting their eyes to the ground: which their mother Iulia, possessing patience in sufficient, aun­swered and saide vnto them as followeth.

CHAP. IIII. ¶Of an excellent speache vttered by the mother vnto her sonnes.

[Page 338]I may wel call ye sonnes (O children of my heart) since thou Geta proceededst from mine intrailes, & thee Bassianus I haue nourished with my breastes: & I sweare by the immortall Gods, that much greater is the loue that I bare thee, then the affinitie which I haue with thy brother. Thou well knowest Bassia­nus, that from the first houre that I came to the court, & was wife vnto thy father Seuerus, I had the name of mother in lawe, & the works of a perfect mother: and that many times thou didst request mee to cherish thy brother Geta, for that it seemed vnto thee he was not fauoured: in such wise, that if he be the only per­son that I haue borne, thou only wast he that was cherished. I haue great reason to call you my children, & to bewaile you as children, to talke with you as chil­dren: for on the day y ^t the one proceeded frō my bo­wels, the other entred into my harte. Maruell ye not to see mee powre forth so many teares, & at euery worde to be dismaide & swoone? for, as ye see my sorrowfull eyes, so may you behold my lamentable heart: ye should well perceiue it gush out more with bloud, then mine eyes doe flowe with teares. If my husbande & your father shoulde heare that which I heare, and should see that which I see, it would grieue him that euer ye were borne: and no lesse, that euer he begate you: because you wil giue no credite vnto your friendes, either obey me your sorrowfull mo­ther, or perfourme his will & cōmaundemēt. Wher­fore do ye seeke the whole for one, since he left the same for bothe? what an heauie matter is this my children? the Gods haue created ye brethren, and you haue conuerted your selues enimies: the glory which ye possesse, to haue had such a father: ye would quite [Page 339] him with so much griefe, to haue so frowarde chil­dren. To leaue the Empire entire, your father slewe Iulianus, Pessenius Niger, and Albinius, that helde it diuided in three partes: and nowe againe ye will diuide and rent it in pieces. Do ye not vnderstand, howe Princes that haue their willes vnited, neede not to diuide their countries? Haue ye not heard say, that to obteine honour, & to defende that which we pos­sesse, for these two only things, & for no other cause warre is raised betwixt kinges and princes? If this be true (as it is) and both you falling out for goods, knowe ye not, that your father onely of him self, hath left ye more then all the Princes of the worlde haue left vnto them? And if it so be, that ye striue for the attainement of honour, I knowe not to what ende ye would haue more honour, then to be Emperours of Rome. O immortall Gods! I inuocate, and moste humbly pray you, that ye deale not according to the childishnesse of these young men, but agreeable vnto the great seruice which their father hath done you, & the abundance of teares which their lamentable mo­ther hath powred foorth: for otherwise, the memory of my Lord Seuerus shal perish & be lost, & the ma­iestie of y ^e Empire put in great danger. If we did think (my children) y ^t this diuision of the Empire, might be an occasiō frō henceforth to deale & liue like brethrē, we would hold it all for good, and thinke it all right well: but what doth it profite, that ye haue diuided the Empire onely in two partes: and ye twaine re­maine diuided in an hundreth thousande differences? If ye wil be fauoured of the Gods, & obeyed of men, call to remembrance your fathers commaundement: condescend vnto your mothers request, and yealde [Page 340] your selues vnto the iudgement of your friendes: for that young Princes do neuer knowe to gouerne wel, if they permitt not to be gouerned of the vertuous. Consider children, that ye are but younglings, and in great affaires haue small experience: and that your youth shall leade you vnto many vices, & your smal experience cause you to fall in great & many errours. Also (my children) ye haue to consider, that ye pos­sesse your heartes too much passioned, and go inui­roned with many lyars: which two thinges be most cruell and enorme, in the persons & houses of prin­ces: because with their passion, they committ much iniustice, and by lies, they cloake many foule and pernicious deedes. The passioned and furious hearte is sufficed with his owne furie, to be lead into all er­rours: and the lyar defendeth him from all knowlege and acquaintaunce of his owne fault. If ye remem­ber your selues, that ye be men, and that I am a wo­man, with great reason ye might haue small regarde vnto that which I do say: but if ye consider that ye be my children, and I your mother, greate estimation should ye conceiue of my counselles: for that credite which I lose to be a woman, I recouer for that I am your mother. If ye did loue your father, as your fa­ther loued you, your sorrowful mother should haue no cause so much to persuade you to be friendes: for that to remoue all causes to bring his honour in dis­putation, ye would refuse & cast behind you all inte­rest whatsoeuer of any goods. Since ye will not liue in peace, in as muche as it toucheth the seruice vnto the Gods, and the great mischiefes that must follow your owne persons, and the infamie wherewith ye shall infect your dead father, yet shoulde ye doe the [Page 341] same, for the loue and behalfe of your liuing mother: because the dissentions, trauelles, and infidelities of the children, many they be that doe beholde them: but in the ende, the mothers do onely bewaile them. Against the testament of your father, without the will of your mother, contrarie vnto the custome of the Senate, and without aduise of any friend, ye haue betwixt you diuided the empire, leauing me vnto my selfe to be diuided: wherein, speaking conformably vnto iustice, it had beene more reason ye should haue diuided your owne proper mother, then the landes & countries of others. O immortal Gods, vvhy haue ye taken away my Lord Seuerus vnto your selues, and left me placed in so many daungers and trauels? since ye haue giuen me two children, why was not giuen me two heartes? and if I craue two hearts, it is but to loue them: but two thousand hearts wil not suffice to endure their vnkindnesse. O my children, (although no children of my counselles) for that, though ye be mine by birth, yet are ye become straungers by diso­bedience. I knowe not my childrē, what to say more vnto you: but since ye be twaine, and my heart but one: that ye pull it foorth, & open it in the middest, and diuide it as ye haue diuided the Empire: and yet by the vestall mother, I sweare vnto you, that if ye opened my heart, and made search therein, ye shoulde finde in the same the greatnesse of my loue, but much more, that I suffer and am tormented.

CHAP. V. ¶Howe Bassianus, to obteine the Empire vnto him selfe, slewe his brother in his mothers armes.

[Page 342]JT was lamentable to heare the Empresse Iulia, but much more to beholde her, who séeing her children so ex­tremely diuided, and so farre from fraternitie, at euery woorde which shée saide, the Heauens did cleaue with sighes, and the ground was watered with teares. At the instant shée finished her talke, shée rose from her chayre, & going to her sonnes▪ with the right hande shée taketh Bas­sianus, and Geta with the left, imbraceing them with her selfe, traueiling to cause them to imbrace, and to be re­conciled and ioyning all their thrée faces together, with y ^e aboundaunt teares of the mother, the faces of her sonnes were all wett and bedewed. Many Romanes that were present began to mourne, in hearing what Iulia saide, and afterwardes howe with her children shée did behaue her selfe: no man replyed or spake more woordes, in as much as all men did allowe that which the mother saide: and improued the diuision of the Empire which the sonnes had made.

The heartes of these two Princes were so muche passioned, and ioyntly therewith of nature so indurate, that when the mother did talke vnto them, it seemed not, but that they were thinking of some other matter: which had most perfect apparaunce, because at that time they were neither moued with compassion of her teares, either afterwardes did take any profite of her counsell. The mother only profited not in her traueile to reconcile them, but that from thenceforth th [...]y ceased not to discouer gre­ter hatred: that is to saye, in that either of them sought to corrupt each others bloud, promising greate wealth in Rome to be giuen vnto him that would confect his lordes meate with poyson. When Bassianus perceiued, that he might not (by any meane) dispatche his brother Geta with poyson, and ioyntly therewith, that the Romanes were somewhat inclined vnto him by affection, determined on a daye, when all persons were moste inclined to sléepe at after noone, to go vnto the lodging of his mother Iulia, [Page 343] with whome Geta remained: and finding them at their rest, he gaue Geta so many stabbes with a dagger, that he was bereft of his life. When Bassianus set vpon his bro­ther Geta, the mother to saue him, cast her selfe vppon him: notwithstanding he ceased not to wound him, and kill him, The case was thus, that with one blowe he both wounded his brother, and imbrewed the garment of the mother: and finally, the brother remained dead, and the mothers garments defiled.

This done Bassianus goeth foorth through al the court, exclaming with a loude voyce, and with greate feare and trembling: treason, treason, my brother Geta would haue slaine me by treason in my bed, and if I had not leapt out at a windowe, and the destinies beene fauourable vnto mee at that instant, I had not escaped with life: and not satisfied with that which was saide, he commaunded his garde to conduct him out of the court, and to garde and at­tende him vnto mount Celius, where the Pretorian bands were lodged, infourminge that in y ^e palace there was no safetie: for that his brother had attempted to mur­ther him.

All men that heard the exclamation that Bassianus made, did beléeue that all things had passed as he had said: and the Esquiers of the bodie did accompanie and attende him, vntil they had brought him amongest the Pretori­ans: and entring the tent where they had their armour and pendons, knéeling vppon his knées, hee gaue greate thankes vnto the Gods, that had preserued him vnto that place: and also vnto his garde, that had succoured him in time of so great néede. To beholde Bassianus go at suche an houre, with so greate an heate, through the middest of Rome, and that with so great furie, all that beheld him were escandalized: and did imagine amongest them sel­ues, that he had slaine his brother, or done some vile déede vnto his mother in lawe. Assoone as he sawe him selfe a­mongest the Pretorians, he diuided amongest them, two thousande & fiue hundreth drachmes of golde, according [Page 344] to the weight of Athens ▪ & further, promised to giue them yerely, wheate to furnish their families, besides their or­dinarie wages. The fame being divulgate throughout Rome, and the trueth knowen of the great treason which Bassianus had committed, Geta his friends ioyned to séeke him, with a determined purpose extremely to haue reuē ­ged Geta: and as the matter was put to armes, and came to hande gripes, Geta his friendes being the fewer in number, were soone ouercom: which although they were subdued, yet truely deserue no dispraise: being but fewe in number, séeing their Lorde dead, and Bassianus in pos­session of the armie, they wanted no hardinesse to fight, & no lesse courage to dye: but what shall we saye, but that if their quarell were iust, their fortune was verie crosse. Small aduantageth it that the minde be generous, and the bodie warlike, if he that taketh armes be vnfortunate: for that one houre of happie fortune, is more woorth then all policies of warre. Greate was the compassion that all men conceiued of the cruell death of Geta, and no lesse was the hate which they did beare vnto Bassianus, not on­ly to kill him vppon so greate assurance, but also to mur­ther him in a place of so great priuiledge, that is to saye, within the sacred palace, & imbraced within the breastes of his mother. When Bassianus sawe that his brother ‘ Geta was dead, all his alies and seruaunts ouercome, & that whatsoeuer he had attempted with temeritie, suc­céeded with great prosperitie: he went vnto the temples, and tooke from thence all their treasure, in such wise, hee tooke away in one daye, that which manie princes had gi­uen in many yeres. A greate quantitie of those treasures Bassianus diuided amongest his Pretorians: who seeing themselues riche in money, and that their enimies were subdued, went into Rome, began to enter into the hou­ses, and killed all persons with whome they had vnkind­nesse: but that which was more odious, vppon wagers would kill a whole kinred, vntil they left no persone, in whome any remembrance might remaine.’

[Page 345]Many noble persons were determined to haue slaine Bas­sianus, in the beginning of his Empire: which they left not vndone for his deseruing, either for want of will, but for doubt that after his death, many should rise with the Em­pire: for presently they thought it lesse euill to suffer one, then to resist many.

Now when Bassianus sawe himselfe rich in treasure of the temples, and obeyed of the Pretorians, he determined to mount aloft vpon the high Capitol, and there to speake vnto the Senat: partly to giue accompt of that which was done, and partly to giue them to vnderstād what he would doe. Being placed in the middest of the Senate, and set in the imperiall chaire, and euery man vsing silence, he said after this manner.

CHAP. VI. ¶ Of a certaine speach vsed of Bassianus vnto the Senate, excusing himselfe of the death of his brother Geta.

ALthough in age I am but younge, and in mine at­temptes reputed as rash, yet I cease not to confesse that I am in great hatred with the people: and that my death should as much content them, as now my life is displeasant vnto them. And as princes are in the view of all persons, so are all their works iudged of al men: and from thence it procedeth, that their iust attempts are praised of many, but their errours condemned of all. They that presume to iudge the woorkes of prin­ces, are not alwayes so iuste, that they iudge continu­ally conformable vnto iustice: for as many times they praise the prince with lies: so it may happen, y ^t they accuse them with malice. One of the extremest tra­uels [Page 346] that princes haue, is: that such as throng in them­selues to talke of our liues, and to examine our deeds and actes, they talke not as we liue, but as we vse and deale with them: for if we honour & magnifie them, they report we be no princes, but gods: but if we cha­stise and bring them downe, they say wee be no men but furies. Many times princes do chastise many, not because we delight to punish, but y ^t it so agreeth with the imperiall authoritie so to be done: for as with rewardes and pardons wee magnifie our pierie & cle­mencie, so it is cōuenient, that with rigorous chastise­ments, wee make our iustice to bee esteemed. Many presume to iudge the vices of princes, which if they were princes, would not onely commit thinges wor­thie of iudgement, but also iustly to be depriued of the Empire: for the knowledge of good gouernement, is not a thing that men obtaine of themselues: but a gift which the Gods do giue vnto whome they please.

There is no prince so absolute or dissolute, that at the least, in his gouernment desireth not to be iust: but what shall wee doe, that haue no more power but to wish to do well? and the gods onely to giue grace to gouerne well. But comming to the case now chaun­ced, for which the whole multitude with me be escā ­dalized: I sweare by the immortall gods, y ^t if the truth as it was were manifested, I should be found without blame: but I am of the one part so vnfortunate, and of th other part the multitude is so variable, that it many times happeneth, that of my manifest actes they say nothing: and of that which neuer passed my thought, they accuse me. O ye iust gods, vnto you all I appeale as witnesses: who first would haue kild y ^e other, either whether my brother Geta would haue slaine mee, or [Page 347] I would haue slaine him: for ye well vnderstand, that being reposed on my bed, he entered vpon me with a naked sword: with which hee would haue drawne forth my soule, if by chaunce I had not found one at my beds head. If hee was the beginner of that quar­rel, and that fortune would fauour me at that instant, wherefore being vtterly without any fault, should I be blamed of all persons in Rome? What greater te­stimonie would ye of my innocencie, but respecting that hee being the person that offended, and I the man that defended my selfe, the gods haue brought vppon him, that which hee ment to perfourme on mee: nei­ther in any good iudgement may it be conteined, that if by malice or enuie I would haue slaine my bro­ther, that I should execute the same by stealth, and within the sacred palace, for that in so enorme a case, I deserued not so much chastisement for the deede, as to committe the same in the place where that was done.

I will not denie, that vnto my brother I was not bound to honour him, loue him, succour him, and to deale well with him: but I will not confesse that I was bound, for all treasons and iniuries to suffer him: for as it is honourable for great princes, to dissemble & pardō iniuries, that are done to them by their infe­riours: so necessarie is it for them to reuenge the dis­courtesies and displeasures, done vnto them by their betters or equals. It is notorious vnto al men, that in times past, many princes of the Romaine Empire had brethren, with whom they might not endure, but that many of them were slaine▪ or at the least driuen out of the Empire: for in fine, there is none of so great temperaunce, that in case of commaundement, [Page 348] would haue a companion: no not his brother.

Consider the behauiour of Remus and Romulus, Ti­berius and Germanicus, Titus and Domitian, Mar­cus and Lucius, & others infinite that were brethren: amongest whome, vppon the point of commaunde­ment and gouernement, there arose so great displea­sures and vnkindnes: not as though they had beene natural brethren, but as most cruel enimies. O fathers conscript and friends, giue thanks vnto the Gods, that haue preserued your prince safe & soūd. for that with out cause they would not haue giuen him his death, and conserued my life: for the workes of our gods are so profound, secreate, and vnknowne, that althoughe wee see what they doe: yet wee see not the end why they do it. Amongest all the gods, onely Iupiter is he that hath dominion, and so amongest al men the god Iupiter would not, but that onely one should possesse the Empire: for it were no lesse monstruous to go­uerne the Empire by two persons, then one body to haue two heads. If for all the Heauens, one God be sufficient, and for all Bees but one king, and all mem­bers be gouerned with one heart, & all birds haue but one guide: I demaund of you my friends, to gouerne the common wealth of Rome, if one man be not suf­ficient? As we haue read in bookes of our forefathers, and as we haue seene in our dayes, there is nothing more conuenient vnto the Romane Empire, as to be gouerned by one only person: for that we haue seene more warres raised, vppon which prince should com­maund, then for any disobedience of subiects. Howe fierce warres were raised betwixt Silla & Marius, Caesar and Pompeie, Augustus and Marcus Antoni­nus, Galba and Othos, Othos and Bytellus, Bytellus [Page 349] and Vaspasianus: & now of late betwixt Seuerus my father, and Iulianus and Albinius. All these great ca­lamities, whiche the miserable common wealth of Rome hath suffered, was not for that many would not be commaunded: but for that many would com­maund. Admitting that my father commaunded in his testament, that Geta my brother and I should di­uide the Empire: yet many doe know, & they are not fewe which presume, that he would neuer haue done it, but his wife and my mother in lawe constrained him so to assigne: and in a case so great, hard & graue, respect ought not to be giuen to that whiche hee did, but vnto that which he would haue done: because the magnificence of the Empire, and the wisedome of the Senate, ought not to be bound, to the procurement of a vaine woman: but vnto that which is most conue­nient for the common wealth.

CHAP. VII. ¶Of the great crueltie of Bassianus, and of such as he commaunded to be slaine.

ALl the time that Bassianus vsed this speach vnto y ^e Se­nate, no mā cut off his talk, or when he had finished, no person durst aunswere one word: but that he in ending his tale, beheld all his friends: & such as he suspected, he would not once looke vppon: wherof they remained not only des­pited, but also terrified: because the thinge that the heart loueth, is seene and knowne by the vents and windowes of the eyes. Neither for that Bassianus had said in open place, either for any aduisement of friends in secrete, did he cease to continue his cruelties: but that presently he commaun­ded to be slaine, not onely such as his brother Geta held for [Page 350] friends, but also the friends of his friends. ‘He slue all the seruaunts and officers of his brother, not only such as ser­ued him in the common wealth, but all such also, as serued him in all maner of vile things of his house: that is to say, cookes, butlers, caters, swéepers, moile kepers, turne spits, and boyes of the kitchen: at the death of whom, albeit both before and after he slue many: yet of none had they so great compassion in Rome as of those persons. Also he slue al his wagginers, all his horsekéepers, all his bakers, all his laū ­derers, all his musicians, al his taylers, finallie, he slue all that his brother loued: and all such as did serue him. Hée slue all the Senatours and officers of Rome, that folowed the parcialitie of his brother Geta, and kilde all Questors, Pretors, and valiant capitaines, throughout the Empire. He slue Lucilla, an excellent matrone of Rome, sister vnto the Emperour Commodus, and daughter vnto the great Marcus Aurelius, whome all Emperours past did honour as an Empresse, and serued as a mother: and this was in such wise, that as any temple of Rome her house was pri­uileged. The cause wherefore they say, he slue the Lady Lucilla, was: for that, when she heard of the death of Geta, shee went vnto the Courte to comfort the mother, and be­wailed her sorrowe: whereof Bassianus being aduertised, said. Since Lucilla mourneth for the death of my brother Geta, with my mother in law: it signifieth that she would ioy of his life, and of my death: but I will liue, and she shal die. Also he slue many of the vestall virgins, some that he accused for breaking their virginitie: and others, for that they presumed to be virgins: saying it was a iest, to beleue that any might liue and die a virgine in this life.’

‘He slue an auncient knight named Letus, which was at the death of Commodus: and also was acquainted with the death of Geta his brother. He slue Rufus a knight of Africa, and his néere kinsman, that is to say, his vnckles sonne, who at the euening did inuite him to supper, and in the morning commaunded to be slaine.’ ‘He slue Pompeya­nus [Page 351] the sonne of Lucilla, and nephue vnto Marcus Aureli­us, a man of great courage in warres, and venturous in armes, whome he commaunded to be slaine trauelling vp­pon the way, and cast foorth report that théeues had slaine him. Hée slue Papianus the learned Lawyer, who in those dayes was most famous in knowledge and counsell, that was in all the Romane Empire: and thus it passed, that Bassianus when hée came out of the Senate, did take Pa­pianus on his right hand, and all alongest the streate layde his righte arme vppon his shoulder, vntill they came vn­to the entrie of the house at the foote of the staire, where, with an axe, (such as they cleaue woode,) hee commaun­ded his head to be cut off.’

‘Hee slue Petronius whiche had béene Consul, Sena­tour, Questour, Pretor, Edil, and Flamen fourtie yeares: in all whiche time, hee neuer offended any man, either any person had complained of him: wherefore hee was named the good Petronius. Hee slue Samonicus Sere­nus, whiche also was a Lawyer: and of this man it is said, that in eloquence hee was very sweete, and in wri­ting no lesse Satyricall.’

‘Also hee slue a sonne of the Emperour Pertinax, na­med Elius Pertinax, who for a wonder was said in Rome, that in either woord or déede, it was neuer perceiued in him, that euer in his whole life hee did so muche as vent for the Romane Empire: whiche was not a little to bee praised, and also meruailed: because sonnes naturally are not onely inclined to inherite their fathers goodes: but also to succeede them in their honours. Furthermore, hee commaunded a notable Romane to be slaine, named Chilus, because hee had continually traueiled to make him friende wyth his brother Geta: whoe presupposing that they came to kill him, stripte himselfe cleane oute of his apparell, and escaped oute at a certaine windowe of his house.’

‘He killed his first wife, y ^e daughter of Plautianus, which was exiled into Sicyl, & caused search to be made in Rome [Page 352] throughout the Empire, for al that were sonnes, cousines, vnckles, nephues, or néere parentes vnto the bloud royall, all which hée commaunded to be slaine, both men and women: because neither roote, branche, or memorie, should remaine of auncient or generous bloud.’ As well in Rome, as els where throughout the Empire, Bassianus cōmaun­ded many others to be slaine: but that which was more cruell, the erecutioners had authoritie to take away their mi­serable liues, but not to burie their bodies, leauing them to the foules of the ayre: as for the noblest, they were carried in carres on heapes, and consumed with fire euen to ashes. He was not onely euill and cruell, but also did boast him­selfe to be a friend of such as were noted to be euil & cruell: for they neuer heard him say well of any prince past, but of Silla the cruell, Brute the traitour, Catiline the tyrant, the Gracchies seditious, Domitian the defamed, and Commo­dus the dissolute. Exactly to accomplishe his cruelties, it chaunced on a certaine day, represēting the Circen playes in Rome (vnto which feast an huge nūber of people were come to behold) that as the guide of the imperiall chariot, might not passe, because the streats were stopt with mul­titudes of people, he began by force to make his way, and teare and treade the people: who made resistance for their safetie, adding thereunto woordes ouer furious, as people passioned. And as the Emperour then being placed in the same chariot, although they said no word to his offence, he receiued the cochemans iniurie as his owne: presently cōmaunding al his Pretorians which there did guard his person, to make slaughter at their libertie. And as al per­sons there present were more deckt and trimmed for the feast, then armed, either in redinesse for battel: so great cō ­passion was it to behold the multitudes of people that died there, without any offence, and sheading of bloud of so ma­ny innocentes: for if tenne or twelue had offended, they were more then 15. thousād that were there executed. The Romanes did neither eate, drincke, sléepe, or doe any thing, but with great trembling, not doubting when they should [Page 353] be accused, but when Bassianus shoulde commaunde them to be slaine: for neuer tyrant did execute that, which he or­dinarily perfourmed in Rome: which is to wéete, with­out any accusement of fiscall, or complaint of enimie, or wante of seruice, to commaunde any man to be slaine.

CHAP. VIII. Of the prouinces whiche Bassianus did trauell, and the thinges which he did therein.

AFter that Bassianus had slaine his brother Geta, and his enimies, as also manie of his friendes, and infinite others y ^t were neither friends nor foes: he departed from Rome, iourneying towardes Germanie, whiche nowe is named high Almaine: with determination to visite those Prouinces, and to refourme his armies, whiche by conti­nuance of peace, were growne to greate negligence in matters of warre. A whole summer hee lodged neare vn­to the riuer of Danubie, where he exercised hunting, fi­shing, playing, running, torneying, and sometimes sate in iudgmente: and a matter wherein he made all men to woonder, was, that in hearing anie cause at the instant, he gaue sentence wherein he neuer erred, and also iudgmente according to iustice. He had greate delectatiō of that coun­trie, and the people of the same, makinge choyce of the va­liauntest and gallantest personages of the youthe of Ger­manie, for the guarde of his person. The prouinces adioy­ning vnto Danubie being set in order, he passed into Thra­cia, and from thence into the lande of Macedonia: with de­terminatiō to visite the natiue countrie of Alexander the greate. All thinges wherein the actes of Alexander were grauen or painted, hee repaired, renewed, and made bet­ter: & manie other thinges he did both adde and inuente, in such wise, that in al the kingdome of Macedonie there was neither citie or temple, where he did not erecte some edi­fice, or place some picture or counterfeite.

[Page 354] Bassianus perfourmed manie notable things in Mace­donia right worthy praise, and some other thinges no lesse to be derided: because in manie places he caused a bodie with two heads to be painted and also grauen, whereof one he intituled vnto him selfe, and the other vnto Alex­ander. The Macedonians did not a little scorne this acte, that Bassianus woulde compare with the greate Alexan­der: for they estéemed their kinge in suche possession and estate, that they say and affirme, neither anie in this life to be equall vnto him: either in the other worlde surmoū ­ted of none of the Gods. Bassianus grewe so proude, when he sawe him self so generally praysed for his woorthy actes done in Macedonia, that he cōmaunded al his house­houlde, not to call hym Bassianus, but Alexander: and com­maūded al the captains of his armie, to intitule thē selues w ^t the names of Alexanders auncient captaines: where­of the Romanes receiued no small griefe, and al the aunci­ente seruaunts of his father were not a little disgraced: for it séemed vnto them, y ^t since he did not trust them with the garde of his person, he woulde not loue them, either deale with them according vnto his accustomed manner. ‘Hee woulde ofte put off all his Romaine apparrell, and cladde him selfe after y ^e Flemmish fashion: and further, the more aptly to resemble them, he woulde weare counterfeite red haire: and howe muche the more he vsed these thinges, so muche the greater was the griefe vnto the Romaines. Also he obserued a custome, both in eating and drinking, in his apparrell and seruice, as in all other trauels which all wayes followe the warres, but as a common souldi­our. It happened manie times, that if a trench were to be made, he firste woulde digge, carrie forth earth, marche on foote, grinde breade corne for his owne diet, and bake it vnder the asshes.’

‘Hee delighted in base lodging, to resemble the common soldiour, and woulde not drinke in golde or siluer, but in woodden tankards: finally, he did not onely abhorre all thinges that séemed superfluous: but also manie times, [Page 355] that which was right necessarie.’

Hee commaunded also, that none shoulde attende him, except he were commaunded, or call him Emperour, but companion: all whiche hee did to obtaine their loue, and to seeme admirable in his trauels. He commaunded his armie to be diuided into three partes, and the one to be called Macedonike, the other Laconike, and the thirde Spartanike, in memorie of three famous prouinces of Gre­cia, whiche folowed the greate Alexander in all his wars, and the people which he estéemed most valiaunt and war­like.

From Macedonie hee tooke his way vnto Pergamus, a famous citie in Asia, to viewe y ^e temple of Esculapius: the father and founder of physicke, in which temple he slept manie nights: and as he afterwardes saide, receiued there manie aunswers of y ^e God Esculapius, & many coūsels, as well for conseruation of his health, as the gouernemente of his cōmō wealth. From Pergamus, Bassianus departed to the citie Ilion, that in times paste had beene head of the kingdome of Troy, where greate warres were long con­tinued betwixt the Greekes and the Troyans, whiche hee founde not onelie destroyed, but also plowed and sowen. Bassianus did there greately desire to burie some persone, after the fashion as in times past they had buried Patro­clus: and for accomplishment of his desire, he commaun­ded poyson to be giuen vnto Festus his priuate and fauou­red seruaunt: whome, after he was deade, he buried there according to the fashion whiche the Troyans vsed with Patroclus: whiche fact of his some excuse, affirming that Festus died without Bassianus his commaunde­mente. Before y ^t Bassianus entred high Almaine, he would visite Gallia Transalpina, & after a fewe dayes of his en­traunce therin, commaunded y ^e Proconsul of Narbona to be slaine: of which déede, as also of others which he executed he fel into y ^e hatred of y ^t cōmō people, & deserued y ^e name of a tyrant. In his nauigatiō frō Germanie into Asia, he foūd him self in so great danger, y ^t y ^e ship it selfe wherin he sailed [Page 356] did rent & sinke, & he escaped in a litle barke. He was strikē with so greate feare on sea, that after he had escaped that daunger, he woulde oftentimes say: I knowe not what man hauing breade to eate, and garments to weare and co­uer him selfe on lande, woulde (to become an Emperour) go to Sea.

CHAP. IX. Of an horrible crueltie that Bassianus com­mitted in Alexandria.

AFter that Bassianus had séene the greate Ilion, and the moste parte of Asia and Bithynia, he came vnto the ci­tie of Antioche, wher he was receiued w ^t great ceremonie: and all the time that he remained there, no lesse feasted. From Antioche he tooke his way into Alexandrie, with greate desire to sée that famous citie, which the greate A­lexander had builte: whereof the citizens beeing aduerti­sed, they made moste solemne & costly preparation, where­with to receiue him, which neuer had beene done to anie prince, either Greeke or Romaine: chiefly moued there vn­to, because it was saide, that he was a friende vnto Alex­ander. Manie leagues before Bassianus came vnto the ci­tie, they repaired the bridges, amended the high wayes, furnished all places with victuales, made manie summer houses with boughes, and scattered all the wayes with flowers: and further, all his traine did take all thinges at their owne pleasure, without paymente of anie money. But when he arriued in the citie, generally the Alexan­drines came foorth to receiue him, in moste gorgeous appa­rell, accompanied with instruments and manie kindes of musick. Presently at his entrie into Alexandrie, he went on foote vnto the temples: where he offered verie greate sacrifices, and burned therein great quantities of incense, myrrhe, aloes, and suche other fumes.

This beeing done, hee went to visite the sepulchre of [Page 357] the greate Alexander, where he vsed an imperiall magni­ficence, that is to wéete, he put off a most rich robe where­with he was clad, he tooke from his cappe a brooch of greate price, a curious collar from his necke, from his breste a stone of value inestimable, and from his fingers all his rings: & knéeling vpon y ^e ground did offer the same vpon the sepulchre of the greate Alexander. Incredible was the ioy that the Alexandrines conceiued, to behold a liuing prince of Rome, to haue a Greeke prince which was deade in so greate veneration: in respect whereof, they loued him with all their hartes, and serued him with all their power.

All whiche thinges Bassianus performed, not of intente to honour Alexander, or to pleasure the Alexandrines: but with more certintie to assure him selfe of them all, and afterwardes ioyntlie to kill them all. Manie dayes had past, since Bassianus had borne greate hatred vnto the Alexandrines and the occasion of his vnkindnesse was, because it was saide, that they scorned him with words, and also derided him in enterludes: saying, it was a scoffing matter for him to make cōparison w ^t Alexander, to name himselfe Achilles, and to imitate Hercules. Also Bassi­anus vnderstoode howe they had muche despised him, for y ^e death of his brother Geta, & laide their toungs vpon his owne mother, notinge her vnchastitie: which iniuries hee wanted not skill to dissemble manie dayes, & after to re­uenge the same at an instant.

The case was thus: the feasts beeing finished, he com­manded proclamation to be made, that al the lustie young men, either straungers, or natiues of the countrie, shoulde muster in a fielde, to the ende he would see, viewe, and al­so arme them after y ^e olde manner: saying, that frō thence foorth his will was, that al his men of warre should fight, not after the order of the Romanes, but according to the fashion of the Greekes.

Greate glorie, and also vaine glorie possessed the A­lexandrines, when they hearde these proclamations: and [Page 358] he that might soonest, came first into the fielde: concei­uing, that such as were the wordes of the crier, such should be the workes of the Emperour. All the youth of Alex­andria remaining in the fielde, Bassianus with all his ar­mie in armour issued forth to beholde them, and he com­maunded to bring them selues into a square, to y ^e end, that one by one, shoulde passe before him, of whome he woulde take his choyce and presently after giue them armour. Nowe when the miserable Alexandrines stoode all as sheepe together vnarmed, Bassianus gaue a signe vnto his soldiours, to giue the charge as vpon enimies: who in their slaughter made so great haste, that within an houre, those fieldes were all couered, not with flowers, but with dead bodies.

Greate was the hurte that Bassianus committed that day vpon the Alexandrines: for that he lefte the widowes without sonnes, graundfathers without nephues, vnckles without cousines, brethren without brethren, and neigh­bours without friends: in such wise, that none remained that was not slaine, or else tormented with the death of o­thers. The place where Bassianus committed this greate treason, and so inhumaine crueltie, was in a broade plaine fielde neare vnto the greate riuer Nilus: and the number was so greate of them which were slaine, that the bloude by streames ranne through those fieldes, and stayned and died that riuer Nilus: in such extreme manner, that that so stately a riuer semed not to runne with water, but with bloude. The Alexandrines may not be excused of their faulte, in speaking euill of Bassianus, defameing his mo­ther, & representing his vile factes in enterludes. Admit­ting that of euil we can speake but euill, yet princes enter not into this reckoning, whose workes we haue licence to iudge onely in our hartes, but not with the toung to blas­pheme and despise them.

And albeit the offence of the Alexandrines was verie great, yea, though it had béene much greater, yet without comparison, muche more vehement was the crueltie that [Page 359] Bassianus did execute on them: which if he had bene, as he ought to haue bene, the contrarie he would haue perfour­med: for In the houses of heroycall and excellent princes, chastisement is giuen by ounces, and clemencie without measure.

CHAP. X. Of a letter which Bassianus did write vn­to the kinge of Parthians to haue his daughter in marriage.

IT séemed vnto Bassianus, that to robbe temples, to sacke townes, to subuert walles, and to kill the whole neigh­bourhood of Alexandrie, was but a smal matter, in respect of his vile and cruell conditions wherwith he was inclined: and to this ende he determined to attempt so rare and odi­ous a treason, y ^t all men which should heare or reade ther­of, might counte his crueltie past but a trifle. Euen as a­mongst such as be vertuous, one vertue awaketh another vertue: so amongst the wicked, one euill or mischiefe draweth with it another mischiefe: in such wise, that there are some persons so vowed vnto euill and mischiefe, that without delaie fall into the profunditie of all manner of vice and mischiefe. The case was thus, that Bassianus sée­ing himselfe in the Easte partes, had a desire to make a conquest of the Parthians: and for that he durste not make them warre openly, he remembred to deuise a trea­son for them in secreate. So much more vile was the facte, as small was y ^e occasion which moued him to commit the same: for at that present the Parthians with the Romanes, & the Romanes with the Parthians, were in greate friend­ship, and confederacie.

Without aduice of parentes, friends, or counselers, Bas­sianus sente a greate Ambassage vnto Arthabanus king of Parthia, sending also manie and rich iuels, and writinge with his owne hande a letter after this manner.

The king of the Parthians, after he had read this letter, and hearde the Ambassadours what they had to saye in the behalfe of Bassianus, did aunswer him after this manner.

CHAP. XI. ¶Of another solemne letter, wherein the king of the Parthians aun­swered Bassianus.
Arthabanus, king of the auncient kingdome of the Parthians, to Antoni­nus Bassianus, the onely Ro­mane Emperour, health, & pro­speritie.

[Page 363]Before all thinges, I giue thankes vnto the immor­tall Gods, because they haue put into thy heart, that which thou hast written: and that which thou with thy Ambassadours hast sent to saye vnto vs. By that which I haue read in thy letters, and hearde of thy Ambassadours, I knowe that thou beleeuest in the Gods, and hast not taken counsell of men: for men alwayes giue counsell vnto Princes to make warre: but the Gods alwayes persuade them to keepe peace. Thou sayest that the Romane Princes, thy predeces­sours, alwayes passed into Asia, with a minde deter­mined to make warre with the Parthians▪ but ioynt­ly herewith, I would thou shouldest consider, that as the warre which ye tooke in hand against vs was vn­iust, so fortune was vnto them, alwayos vnfortu­nate: for it is not the will of the Gods, that by an vn­iust warre, an entire victorie should be obteined. Ye Romanes tooke the enterprise to be Lordes of the whole worlde: and to prosecute the same, ye rigged foorth many nauies and fleetes, ye ioyned greate ar­mies, conquered straunge prouinces, destroyed ma­ny kingdomes, killed much people, robbed infinite treasures, and aduentured your selues into great and immeasurable daungers: and in the ende, that which they had obteyned, they lost, yea, the conquerours also lost them selues: because, whatsoeuer is gotten to the preiudice of another man, is lost to the greate hurte & offence of him that obteined the same. That which thou promisest in thy letter, and in thy name thy Ambassadours offer mee, I am not onely bound to accepte, but also deserued greate displeasure, if I durst denie the same: beecause it is a thinge moste iuste, that the Goddes make warre vppon [Page 364] y ^t prince, which refuseth the request of men in peace. Thou sayest that the chiefest meane to cōfirme peace is, for princes to practise marriage betwixt thēselues. I denie not, but that in some persons it is moste true, but it is no generall rule for all men: for we daily see betwixte moste neare kinred and alies, moste greate quarelles and scandals to arise. My greate graund­father was father in lawe vnto kinge Arsacidas, and afterwardes the one slewe the other in y ^e fielde: and y ^e verie same we heare reported to haue chaunced a­mongst you: Pompey married with the daughter of Iulius, and afterwardes Iulius ouercame and destroy­ed Pompey his sonne in lawe: in suche wise, that the marriages which they made to conserue peace, did awake and inflame them to more cruell warre. The Prince that hath feare of the Goddes, and is natural­lie giuen to peace, may not finde a better meane to obtaine the same, thē to be quiet in his owne realme: for, speakinge the verie trueth, the prince that is satis­fied with his owne proper estate, needeth not to seeke affinitie in straunge kingdomes. Vnto my father were offered greate, noble, and mightie mariages frō straunge kingdomes: whereunto he woulde neuer consente, either hardely indure to heare thereof: and woulde ofte say vnto me, that manie kinges and king­domes he had seene lost by mariage in straunge coun­tries, and therefore woulde not marrie me, but with­in his owne kingdome: and saide, at the houre of his death, that if I woulde liue manie yeares in peace, I shoulde not abandon my children to straunge marri­ages.

I had three sonnes, whiche nowe bee all deade, and there remaineth vnto me but only one daughter, [Page 365] in whome remaineth all my hope: and if the Gods would, and my destinies permitte, I woulde giue her an husbande within mine owne naturall countrie, whome I might esteeme as my sonne, and he me as his father: for my intent, is, not to giue her an husband that hath much goods, but in his person greate wor­thinesse.

To that which thou sayest of the kingdoms of Par­thians, & the Empire of Romanes, would do verie wel to be ioyned in one: thou hast great reason in that which y ^u sayest, if it might be done with as great faci­litie, as it is spoken: but how is it possible they may be made one, being (as they are) so strange in nation? so distant in situation? so distinct in language? so diuers in lawes? and aboue all the reste, so contrarie in con­ditions? Since betwixt you and vs, there are so ma­nie landes, countries, nations, hills, and seas: howe is it possible, the bodies beeing so distante, that the harts may be vnited? Wee are much better knowne vnto the Godds, then wee knowe our selues: and since they haue created vs, and separated vs, the one from the other: howe is it possible for vs to liue, and enioy together? for by greate diligence that men may vse, either power that princes may practise, it is im­possible for them to scatter that, whiche the Godds do gather together: or to ioyne that whiche they do separate.

If thou wilte haue men for thy warres, I wil sende them! If thou wilt haue money to inrich thy treasure, I will furnishe thee! If y ^u wilt enter peace with mee, I will graunte it! If thou wilte that wee be brothers in armes, by othe I will confirme it! Finally, I ex­cepte nothing betwixte thee and mee, but that thou [Page 366] do not craue my daughter to wife: I am determined, & wil not, for giuing my daughter a good marriage, leaue my countrie tributarie vnto straunge people. The precious iuells and greate riches which thou sen­test me, I haue receiued with greate good will, and I sende thee others, although not such, either so riche: neuerthelesse thou mayest alwayes cōceiue by them, that the kinges of the Parthians, haue greate trea­sures in their keeping, and no lesse noblenesse of minde to spende them. No more, but the Goddes be thy defence, and that thou of me, and I of thee may see good fortune.

CHAP. XII. Howe Bassianus committed a greate treason against the Parthians.

THis letter being receiued by Bassianus, he made sem­blance of greate sorrowe, that the kinge of Parthians would not giue him his daughter to wife: howbeit, he cea­sed not therefore eftsones to write, & sende more presents, to bringe to passe by importunities, that which of will he might not frame. Arthabanus considering the importu­nities of Bassianus in writinge, and his largesse in sending more riche iuells, not doubting y ^t anie guile might be con­cealed in that marriage, did yealde him selfe vnto the iudgmente of his friendes: who counselled him, that hee shoulde not in anie wise, but accept the Emperour of Ro­maines for his sonne in lawe: for it might be, that hee shoulde recouer him for an enimie, that would not accept him for a sonne. The fame beeing spread throughout all [Page 367] Asia, that the kinges daughter shoulde marrie with the Emperour of Rome, Bassianus aduised to repaire and pre­pare with all speede: so that in all cities of the Parthians where he passed, they did not only not resiste him, but with greate ioy did receiue and feast him: for they helde it for greate vaine glorie, to sée their princesse demaunded for wife by the great Emperour of Rome. In all places where Bassianus passed, he offered riche sacrifices in their tem­ples, and gaue greate rewardes vnto suche as did attende and receiue him: all whiche he dissembled, to escape sus­picion of the exceeding malice, whiche he determined to execute. Bassianus beeing arriued at the greate citie Par­thinia, where most times the greate kinge of Parthians was residente: Arthabanus issued foorth to receiue his sonne Bassianus, who most truly ranne foorth, as cōforma­ble vnto peace, as Bassianus readie and determined for the warres. There issued foorth with kinge Arthabanus, not only the noble and valiaunt personages of his house and courte, but also all the men of power and wealth of his kingdome, which against that day were called and did attende: in such wise, y ^t by his traine y ^e kinge discouered his valure, as also the noblenesse of his people. Nowe when the Parthians beganne to ioyne with the Romaines, and of both partes greate courtesies offered, Bassianus gaue a signe vnto his armed knights, to giue a charge vpon the Parthians, vpon whome they executed as greate a slaugh­ter, as Hanibal at Canasse, and Scipio at Carthage. The kinge Arthabanus as he came in the troupe of all his royaltie, tooke his seruaunts horse, and gaue him selfe to flight: and then as it was night, & his horse verie swift, he had leasure to escape with his life: although not able to defende his countrie.

This beeing donne, he sackt the royall palace, and al the citie, and after commaunded fire to be giuen to all partes thereof, whiche he perfourmed in all cities where he passed, all the time that he remained in Parthia: and freely gaue licence vnto his armie, to take what they might, & to kill whome they would. This was y ^e manner y ^t [Page 368] Bassianus vsed, to subdue the Parthians: whiche conquest with more reason may be termed y ^e inuention of a tray­tour, then the conquest of an Emperour: for the innocente Parthians were rather solde, then ouercome. At the pre­sente when these thinges passed, Bassianus did write vnto the Senate: aduertisinge them that hee had subdued all prouinces and kingdomes of the Easte vnto the Romaine Empire: some by force, and others by good will: and that allthough the Romane princes, his predecessours, did ex­céede him in yeares and riches: yet not to be comparable vnto him in victories. The Senate béeing ignorante of the greate treason of Bassianus practised against the Par­thians (because they receiued his letters, before anie other messenger had made reporte thereof) were verie ioyfull, and made greate feastes in Rome, placeing his counter­feit vpon all the gates of the citie: but after they vnder­stoode the trueth of the treason committed, they were so muche grieued with that so vile a deede, that if the Parthi­ans did suffer, the Romanes did bewayle.

CHAP. XIIII. How Bassianus was slaine by the commaun­demente of his priuate captaine Macrinus.

THe Emperour Bassianus beeing departed from the ter­ritories of Parthia, came vnto the prouince of Mesopo­tamia, which was in the moneth of October: and beeinge full of woodes wherin were bred manie wilde beastes, he woulde remaine in the thickest thereof: for that he was more giuen to chase in mountaines, then to hawke in fieldes.

The captaines of Bassianus armie were two Romanes, named Audentius, and Macrinus. Audentius was a rus­tical person, as concerning maters of y ^e cōmon wealth: but verie expert & valiaunt in warrelike affaires. Macrinus [Page 369] contrarywise, in gouerning the common wealth, was wise and skilfull: but in martiall affaires, somewhat negligent, and not ouer fortunate. Bassianus did like very well of Audentius, and no lesse euill of Macrinus, and did not only wishe, but also said of him much euill: murmuring that hée was negligent, a coward, vitious, an epicure, a glutton that did eate much, and drincke not a litle: and that at his comming to Rome, he would remoue him from all charge in matters of warre. Macrinus was a man very wel lear­ned, and in his speach no lesse reformed: and in all thinges that they said vnto him, touching that which Bassianus should speake of him, he aunswered: that whatsoeuer his good lord had said of him, was spoken of great affection, not to the end to defame him as an enimie, but to correcte him as a sonne. Although Macrinus vsed this speach openly, yet he had other matter in his hart secretly, as afterwards in the successe of affaires it manifestly appeared: for, at such time as Bassianus would haue remoued Macrinus from his honour and estate, Macrinus dispatched him of his life.

The case was thus, that Bassianus being inclined of his owne proper nature, to knowe secretes, not onely of men, but also of Gods, and diuels, alwayes fearing himselfe, that by practise of some treason, they would take away his life, hée was neuer void of the conuersation of Sorcerers, sothsayers, and inchanters, to aduertise him how long hee should liue, and what death hee should die. Not satisfied with such Magicians, sothsayers, sorcerers, and inchaun­ters, as did attend on his person in the warres, hee would send vnto the Prefect of Rome named Maternianus, to whome Bassianus committed the credite of his secretes: writinge a letter vnto him with his owne proper hande, commaunding him, with great diligence and secrecie, to as­semble Magicians, Sorcerers, Sothsayers, Inchaunters, and Astrologians, to know of them, not onely how long he should liue, and how he should die: but also to demaund of them, if there were any person within the Empire, that [Page 370] desired or procured to be Emperour. Maternianus perfor­med all that, which his Lord Bassianus had written vnto him: whether it were any magician or sothsayer that said it, either any enimie of Macrinus finding opportunitie for his purpose: Maternianus did write and aduertise Bassia­nus, that he had assembled all the sorcerers, inchanters, di­uiners, magicians, sothesayers, astrologians and augurs: and that the resolution of their counsell was, that if hee would enioy y ^e Empire, it were conuenient that Macrinus were slaine. At the instant when the post returned w ^t his letters from Rome, Bassianus was placed in his coche, to go foorth on hunting: & not remēbring what he had writ­ten, either presuming what might be writtē, said vnto Ma­crinus, that he should open and read them all: and if that he found therin matter of great importance, to consult therin: and al other smal matters, that he himselfe should prouide aunswere, and dispatch. Macrinus reading these letters, as wel such as were written vnto Bassianus, as vnto himself, came also to read the letter of Maternianus, wherin he ad­uertised Bassianus of the aunswere which the magicians had giuen him, which is to say, that presently it were con­uenient that Macrinus should be put to death: whereof he was not a litle abashed, holding it for great good hap, that this secrete had chaunced into his onely handes, before any other person: for, at the instant that Bassianus might haue read this letter, he would haue cōmaunded Macrinus his head to flée from his shoulders. Macrinus doubting, that Maternianus might returne to write of the former matter vnto Bassianus, and that, were it but for cōcealing that let­ter, hee would shorten him by the shoulders, aduised to practise the death of Bassianus, before he should experiment the same on him. Amongest them that garded the person of Bassianus, there was one Martianus, who accordingly had a brother also of his guard (him for a small displeasure Bas­sianus commaunded to be slaine) and with Martianus vsed woords of great despite: in such maner, that Martianus w ^t those woords remayned disgraced, & of his brothers death [Page 371] gréeued and afflicted. After Macrinus vnderstoode this pas­sion to reigne in Martianus against Bassianus, hee first entered with him in familiaritie, and gaue him siluer and gold, receiued him into his friendship, and euery day lead him into remembrance of the vniust death of his brother: to the ende hee should not growe cold, but hote in hatred a­gainst Bassianus. Now when Macrinus felt, that by his benefits he had recouered Martianus for his faithful friēd, and brought him into great disdaine and mortall hatred of Bassianus, he grew to cōposition to depriue him of his life, for which déede, his reward should be great: whereof Mar­tianus did take great delighte, and bound himselfe to per­forme the same: partly to reuenge the death of his brother, as also to condescend vnto the request of his friend Macri­nus. Bassianus being resident in Careuca a citie of Meso­potamia, came foorth to visite a temple of the Goddesse Lu­na, two miles distant from the citie: and being constrayned vppon the way, to vnburden his bellie, hee entered the thickest of the couert, accompanied but with one seruaunt: and Martianus that attended but opportunitie to accōplish his promise, entered vppon Bassianus being withdrawen into the thickest of the shrubs, prosecuting his necessitie al alone, Martianus strake him with a launce downe flat vp­pon the ground: which wound was so mortall, that with­out more woordes, or strength to moue, where the launce went in, the life came out. After that Martianus had slaine Bassianus, he toke his horse and fled: but as the imperiall guard was at hand, within a leage he was ouertaken, and slaine with launces: in such wise, that after hee had taken reuengmēt of his enimie, he enioyed his life but one hour. This was the end of the vnhappie Emperour Bassianus, whose life did merite a slaunderous death: for that it was not vnreasonable, that he which had kild so many friends, by treason should be slaine with enimies.

CHAP. XIIII. ¶How Macrinus excusing himselfe of the death of Bassianus, did aduaunce himselfe with the Empire.

ON the selfe same day that Antoninus Bassianus was borne, which was the eight of April, he was slaine, xliiij. yeares of his age being accomplished, and vj, yeares of his Empire and reigne expired. The first man that came vnto him after he was slaine, was Macrinus, who bewai­led his death with so great dissimutation, as if he had not béene the mā that procured so vile a déede. Macrinus was right fortunate that Martianus was slaine when hee was taken: for all men thought and also said, that Martianus had slaine his Lord Bassianus, not by inducemente of any person, but to reuenge his brothers death. Many others were of this conspiracie besids Macrinus, that ordeyned it, and Martianus that sought y ^e same: y ^t is to say Nemesianus & his brother Apolinarius, Renonuus & Agrippa, al which had sworn his death: some for iniuries which they had re­ceiued, & others for seruice vnrecompenced. Presently vp­pon Bassianus his death, Macrinus commaunded his body to be burnt, and his ashes to be placed in a coffin of gold: & so with great gard, and no lesse accompanied, hee sente the same vnto Iulia his mother in law, being then at Antioch: who at the instante when she vnderstoode Bassianus to be dead, dranke a litle poison, wherewith she finished her life. The case stāding in this estate, newes arriued at the Ro­maine campe, that Arthabanus king of Parthians pursued Antoninus Bassianus, to execute vengeance for the iniurie which he had receiued: and to the same end, the king & his knightes, before they came to the field, made a vowe vnto their Gods, neuer more to returne with life, before they had slaine the Emperour Bassianus. The Romanes beheld themselues in great confusion, on the one parte, finde­ing themselues in so straunge a Countrie wyth­out [Page 373] hope of succour, and also for the death of their prince and their enimie so néere at hand: to repaire and remedie which mischiefe, with great diligence they elected a prince named Audentius, a man of honest life, and of great expe­rience in the warres: which he refused, alledging for him­selfe, age and sickenesse: and that of his election hee might not gather but trauel & offence vnto the common wealth. Two dayes was the armie without an Emperour, and in the end vppon Audentius his refusall, they elected Macri­nus for Emperour, which election did rather procéed of ne­cessitie, then of will: because their Parthian enimies were very néere, & the worthie persons of the Empire very farre. ‘Aboue wée made mention of Iulia, the mother in law vnto Bassianus: this Ladie being a widowe, and resident in the Court, in the summer time Bassianus beheld her at a feast, as she was, halfe naked, and inflamed with her loue said vnto her these words. If it were possible to renounce this name mother, which I owe thee: from henceforth I would call thee wife. Iulia aunswered: If thou wilt, thou mayest, because princes haue authoritie to make lawes, but are not bound to obserue them. And as in Bassianus loue did a­bound; so finding in Iulia a readie minde, presently he mar­ried with her: in such wise, that vnto patricide he added in­cest: that is to say, that hauing slaine his brother Geta, al­so he married his fathers wife.’

Bassianus naturally was euil inclined: and if his father were cruell, he was most cruell: in eating disordinate, in drincking vntemperate: for many times in his excesse of drinke, he would talke at large. From his infancie he was hated of all persons, no lesse of his owne, then of strangers, the Pretorian knights onely excepted: which was not for the benefites, that of him they had receiued: but for the li­bertie which he gaue them to robb and steale. Some no­table buildinges hee erected in Rome, especially certaine stately bathes, which hee named after his owne name, in cost and curiousnes excéeding all workes and buildinges in Rome. He made also a gate in Rome, & called it Seueriana, [Page 374] in the reuerence of the name of his father Seuerus: wherin he caused to be grauen al the victories and triumphes that his father had obteined, either after or before he was Em­perour. Hee was the first that brought vnto Rome the i­mage of the Goddesse Isis: vnto whome he edified a sump­tuous temple, and therein did constitute priestes. He left no child either legitimate or not legitimate, but Helioga­balus, whom he had by a néece of his mother Iulia, of whom we will speake in the historie following.

CHAP. I. ¶Of the linage and nouriture of the Empe­rour Heliogabalus.

THE second wife of Seuerus was named Iulia, which was mother vnto Geta, and mother in lawe vnto Bassianus: this Iu­lia, when she was married vnto Seuerus, brought vnto Court with her an elder si­ster, named Mesia, a woman of proporti­on sufficient faire and comely, but of condition very wilie. This Mesia had with her two daughters, whereof the el­der was named Semiamira, and the yonger Manea: both borne in the Emperour Seuerus his Courte, and bred and nourished a long time after in the house of the Emperour Bassianus. The writers of those times do not name, who was the husband of Mesia, and the father of Semiamira, & [Page 375] of Manea: and therefore doubted to be conceiued in adul­terie, or that the father was of linage obscure.

Mesia remayning in the Court of Seuerus with her two daughters, being young & very faire, Bassianus the sonne of Seuerus had accesse vnto Semiamira, and begate of her a sonne named Antoninus Caracalla: and for the loue of Iu­lia his aunt, and also to the end the damosell should not bee despised in the sighte of Seuerus, the graundmother vsed so great skill in this busines, that no person of the Courte might perceiue the daughter to be with child, or brought a bed: or whether y ^e child was put foorth to be noursed. The auncient linage of this womā Mesia, was of Phoenicia, & borne she was in a citie called Mesania, néere vnto whiche place (in times past) a battell had béene fought, betwéene y ^e Rhodians and the Phoenicians. Antoninus Caracalla on the fathers side, was sonne vnto the Emperour Bassianus, and on the mothers side sonne of Semiamira: and conceiued in adulterie. Whē y ^e child was fiue yeares of age, he was brought vnto the Courte, and there bred & nourished with the mother and graundmother: but all the dayes that Bas­sianus liued; they neuer durst say that it was his sonne: be­cause Iulia his aunt and mother in lawe to Bassianus, had married with the selfe same Bassianus: and if she had kno­wen the child to be such, she would haue slaine it, banished her Néece, & sent away her sister. This woman Mesia was so wise, & prouident, that in the reigne of Seuerus, at Court all men did serue her, & after in the dayes of Bassianus shée commaunded and gouerned all thinges at her owne plea­sure: and this was in such extréeme wise, y ^t with her he did take counsel for the affaires of the cōmon wealth, and shée did alwayes accompanie him, whither soeuer he went out of Rome, although it were vnto the warres. This Mesia was frank of speach, & of no great reformation of life, how­beit very skilful in al things which she aduentured to take in hand: for, notw ^tstanding al men had of her great suspiciō, yet they were fewe y ^t atteyned vnto her secrete drifts. Al­though on the one part, she was accused to be lewd & loase [Page 376] of life, yet on the other shée was praised, because shée was very wise in all thinges wherein she gaue counsell: which most clearely appeared, for that in the 16. yeares in which she remained in the Courte and manours of those princes (who by her iudgement and opinion were gouerned) shée was neuer séene to twite or reproue any person with her tongue: or giue counsel in any thing that offended the com­mon wealth. Being (as she was) sister vnto Iulia the Em­presse, and so accepted with those princes, this Mesia was marueilous riche: and the cause thereof was, that all good thinges which were vacant in the Empire she craued, and whatsoeuer was giuen her shee receiued. The second daughter of this Mesia, named Manea, maried with a Cō ­sul named Verius, and brought him forth a sonne, then na­med Alexius, but afterwards Alexander the Emperour: in such wise, that this Mesia had one sister, an Empresse: & sawe her two nephues Emperours. Mesia doubting that some day it might come to the notice of Iulia her sister, ‘that Antoninus Caracalla was the sonne of her husband Bassia­nus, aduised to send both her nephues vnto her owne pro­per countrie of Phoenicia, there to hold them more safe, and better taught. In the prouince of Phoenicia was a most sumptuous temple, dedicated vnto the God Helioga­balus, the woorkemanship whereof was wrought all of sa­wen stone, as if it had béene timber, in the ioyning whereof their appeared no seame, but all mē iudged (that knew not that secrete) that the whole temple had béene made of one stone. There was not in that temple, as was in other tē ­ples, which is to wit, any image or simulachre of any God: but that which it conteyned, was a blacke shining stone, great & large beneath, and vpwards more narrow, where­in was grauen the Sunne and the Moone, right curiously & subtily, which in viewe and beholding did dazill the eyes of men. The people of Phoenicia did report, that the tem­ple was made by mans hand, but the stone was sent by the Gods from heauen: for which cause they offered vpon the same, siluer, gold, iewels, and other great riches: and it [Page 377] was visited, not onely by the natiues of Phoenicia, but al­so from many partes of Asia.’

‘In that temple, there were not onely priestes, but also Philosophers: to the ende that some should sacrifice, and others teache and refourme maners: because that temple was indued with so great riches, that there was sufficient both for the one & the other. Heliogabalus being of y ^e age of xiiii. yeres, and his cousin Alexius of the age of twelue yeares, their graundmother Mesia placed them in that temple, to enure them to offer sacrifices, & to learne Phi­losophie. These two brethren went apparailed after the manner of two Priestes, which is to wéete, in shirtes of Linsey woolsey, their garments of gold and cotton, their sléeues buttoned with Corrall, their robes trailing, their heades couered with silke calles, about their neckes col­lars of golde, their féete bare vppon the instep, leaden ringes vppon their little fingers, and ringes of golde vpon their thumbes: but aboue al the rest, they might not eate but in their houses: either sléepe but in their temples. And because Antoninus was Priest, and brought vp in the temple of the God Heliogabalus, that is to saye, a Priest of the Sunne, he was afterwardes named Anto­ninus Heliogabalus: and also many dayes after that he was exalted vnto the height of the Empire, he kepte the garments, and receiued the stipend of his auncient priest­hood. Heliogabalus was of meane stature, redde haired, white faced, small mouthed, shorte legged, and largely, bearded: and as at that time he was young and faire, and his sacerdotall vestmentes did so adourne him: although the secrete of his parentage was vnknowen, yet all men presupposed that he was of noble bloud.’

CHAP. II. ¶Howe capteine Macrinus did exalt him selfe with the Empire, after the death of Bassianus.

[Page 378]AFter that Martianus had slaine Bassianus his Lorde, through the counsell of Macrinus, presently he exalted him selfe, or (to saye better) did tyrannize the Empire: neuerthelesse, the armies elected him, and the Romanes allowed him: not because they were pleased with Macri­nus, but for ioy to sée them selues frée and deliuered of Bas­sianus.

So generall was the ioye amongest the Romane people, to sée Bassianus dead, that they cared not to consi­der of Macrinus that should succéede, whether he were good or bad: because, heartes that be tormented, and men that be despighted, when they hap to oppresse their eni­mies, consider not so much of their profite, as they respect their reuengement. Tenne dayes after Macrinus sawe him selfe Emperour, Arthabanus king of the Parthians gaue him battell, to reuenge the iniurie which Bassianus had done vnto him: this battell betwixt both partes was so contended and so bloudie, that the victorie on that daye remained on neither side: yet least was the losse vnto the Romanes. Arthabanus being aduertised of the death of his enimie Bassianus, and his choler also somewhat alaide, made peace with the Romanes, and with his armies re­tired into his countrie. After Macrinus behelde him selfe elected, and confirmed Emperour, and king Arthabanus returned vnto his kingdome, and that in all Asia, not so much as a lance in the rest against him, he departed to the citie of Antioche: not of any intent to refourme his ar­mie, but of purpose totally to vowe him selfe vnto vice and filthinesse.

The case was thus, that being setled in Antioche, he gaue héede vnto no other matter, but to the vse of the Bathe, trimming his head, annoynting his bearde, going on hunting, prosecuting gluttonie and excesse, giuing him selfe vnto women: and that which was woorst, he fledde from affaires, and followed vices.

When at any time Macrinus did issue foorth, to viewe [Page 379] his men of warre, he walked not with a lance, but with a Caane in his hande, which they helde for no small iniu­rie: for that amongest them it was a lawe, that none might passe through their bandes except he were armed, with some armour.

It was a lawe muche vsed and obserued amongest the Romanes, that their Princes did neuer enter armed into the Senate, either vnarmed did viewe their Campes and armies: since in the one they did manage matters of peace, and in the other nothing but warres. ‘ Macrinus heard by reporte, that the good Marcus Aurelius spake sildome, and with lowe voice: and so he vsed for resem­blance to aunswere suters, with fewe woordes, and ve­rie base: in such wise, that in his speache he did imitate Marcus Aurelius, and in his life did resemble Nero.’ With none of the Antiochians, either with any person of all Asia, did he consent to haue conference, or to be serued at his table, either enter into his chamber, or sléepe in his house: but after the manner of a tyraunt, with his owne he stoode vppon his guarde, and with straungers not a little suspicious.

‘Auncient persons, his olde horsemen, and the Cap­teines of his armies, he woulde not commaund to stande vp, although they had long continued vppon their knées: either to put on their cappes, when they stoode barehea­ded: wherein, the Romane Princes alwayes vsed greate measure and consideration: for that curtesie costeth lit­tle, and profiteth much.’

The money which Macrinus receiued of his rents, or were presented him from the cities, he consumed them all in vices: and on the other parte, he woulde neither paye what he owed, or succour his men of warre: in suche wise, that the people stoode in despaire, and the armies (for want of paye) no lesse despighted.

The Romanes were afflicted with no small griefe, to beholde the tyraunt Macrinus in all his déedes and at­tempts, and to sée howe the Asians despised him: for they [Page 380] frankely saide, that he did not inherite, but they did electe him Emperour: and their fact to be imputed with grea­ter indignitie, that had chosen a person of so great vnwor­thinesse. In his apparell, in his diet, and in all his man­ners and fashions, Macrinus would néedes imitate, not the Romanes, but the Asians: which the Romanes recei­ued with great griefe, and the Asians with no lesse igno­minie: for that so euil a person would néedes resemble thē. For so muche as there were no warres in Asia, or in all the East, either by Sea or lande, the Romane armies would haue returned to Rome, but Macrinus would not consent: doubting (as they were discontented) that they should ioyne with the Senate, and determine to depose him from the Empire. Macrinus was muche blamed, for that he stayed to go to Rome: and much more, for want of pay vnto his men of warre: ‘for that many times, more hurt redoundeth to Princes by holding their armies dis­contented, then to encounter their armed enimies. In very short space Macrinus had recouered mortall hatred of his armies: of the one parte, to be so absolute a ty­raunt, and on the other parte, to be in vice so dissolute, and also so much puffed vp with pride: for that he séemed to ex­toll himselfe by commaunding, and loathed and despigh­ted with suites of his subiectes.’ ‘ Macrinus was a man of a lowe stature, quarellous, ambitious, and also couetous: but ioyntly herewith, he was valiant in the field, and yet woulde séeke great meanes to liue in peace: & notwithstā ­ding all these conditions, both good and euil, they woulde neuer haue taken away his life and Empire, if he had not béene nummed with the vices of Asia.’

CHAP. III. ¶Howe the great matrone Mesia bought the Em­pire for her nephue Heliogabalus.

[Page 381]IN the time that Macrinus was resident in Antioche, the Romane hosts, were in defence of the prouince of Phoe­nicia: because in that yere, that coūtrie did abound in grain for bread, and the people also were not fatigate or spent with warres. Wée haue said, how in that countrie, there was a temple dedicated vnto the God Heliogabalus: which in buildings was verie magnificent, and of priests much populated. Many Romane captaines, went many times to visite that temple: some to sée, some to pray, and some to offer sacrifices: for that, naturally, the Romanes presumed to be great worshipers of their gods, and to hold their tēples in singular reuerēce. Ther was in those daies, in those temples, two young priestes first cousins: one of whiche was named Heliogabalus, and the other Alexius: these yong men, in their vestments which they did weare, and in their life which they did leade, were iudged to bée priestes: one the other part, they well séemed by their gra­uitie, to bée the sonnes of princes. The matrone Mesia was so discreet, secret, and aduised, that the children being of the age of fiftéene yeres, neither them selues, or any other for them, did either knowe, or suspect, who were their fathers, either who their grandmother: but that shée sayd vnto all men, that those children were orphans, and sonnes vnto her auncient seruaunts. When Macrinus did tyrannize y ^e empire, amongst other errors which hee committed, hée banished the famous matrone Mesia from the courte: not for that hee did so much as suspect her of any euill, but béeing therunto vrged by his vile inclination: for that all princes, his predecessors, estéemed her as a mother, and ho­nored her as a ladie of great souereigntie. ‘In the courte of eight emperours, by the space of 53. yeres, the great ma­trone Mesia had béene resident, with all which shée vttered of her selfe so great valure, and yealded such estimation of her person, and also of them recouered so great gaine, that when Macrinus did reiect her from the court, she had more riches in her exile, thē Macrinus might finde in the whole empire.’

[Page 382]The matrone Mesia departed vnto Phoenicia, where her two nephues remained, namely Heliogabalus, and Alexi­us: and as there remained manie Romane gentlemen e­uill payed and worse pleased, so they ioyned with Mesia, and Mesia with them, to talke and murmur howe Macri­nus had slaine, by treason, his lorde the Emperour Bassi­anus, and made hauock of the Empire & common wealth: whiche matter was moued amongst persons that had de­sired to remoue this mischief, and on the tyrante also to take vengeance. The matrone Mesia receiued excéeding ioy, to heare with her owne eares, and see with her eyes, howe all the armie was bente against the tyrant Macri­nus: and their greatest care was, to finde a man suffici­ent, and of merite meete for the Empire: because the Ro­manes stoode with him in great and cruel hatred, for want of pay, and the matrone Mesia no lesse grieued with her exile. The matrone Mesia beholding her selfe in so good & apt assembly, to make her nephue Heliogabalus Ro­mane Emperour, called in great secrecie, sixe Romane cap­taines of the chiefest of the armie: all which were of great authoritie, and no lesse grauitie. Vnto these sixe captaines Mesia sayd in secrete, howe her nephue Heliogabalus was sonne vnto the Emperour Bassianus, and Semiamira her daughter: and that shée had helde him hidden in Asia, for doubt of y ^e Empresse Iulia: who (had she knowne it) would haue slaine the childe, and banished the mother. Mesia was not only satisfied to say & certifie these vi. captaines, that the Emperour Bassianus most truely was father vn­to that younge man, and nephue vnto her selfe: but ioynt­ly therewith, she brought them into her chamber, and dis­couered vnto them an huge masse of golde & siluer, whiche she promised, and sware vpon the altars of the temple, to distribute totally vpon the armie, if they woulde giue the Romaine Empire vnto her nephue.

Vnto these sixe captaines (to whome the matrone Mesia had committed this secreate, and discouered this treasure) shee both promised and sware, to bringe to passe [Page 383] with her nephue Heliogabalus, that he shoulde giue them the moste honourable offices in all the Empire, if in case they shoulde vse the meane to make him Emperour: in so muche that, if other men were payed and recompenced, they shoulde remaine both remunerated and honoured. Greate wisdome was vsed by the matrone Mesia, in this matter of so greate importance, especially in the choyce of so honourable captaines: whose credite was sufficient to frame the whole armie to perfourme the same. Of this ex­ample, princes and greate potentates may collecte, that in anie affaires, there is not greater daunger, either more safetie, then soundly to consider, in to whose hands they commende their causes.

The Pretorian bands being euill intreated, and worse payde, great was their ioy, when they hearde that Helio­gabalus was y ^e sonne of Bassianus, for whom the grandmo­ther craued the Empire: whome they all accepted, and bound them selues to receiue for their Emperour: not on­ly to be reuenged of y ^e tyrant Macrinꝰ, but also to possesse the money. For so much as the temple where he was Priest, was without the citie, agréement was made betweene the matrone Mesia, and the armie, that pre­sently the same night (notwithstanding it were verie late) both her nephue and also her owne person, by strēgth and deuise should be conueyed ouer the wall into the citie, that at the breake of day, they shoulde seaze the citie, and aduaunce Heliogabalus vnto the Empire. Neither was the matrone Mesia slack to acomplish their request, either was there anie wante in the promise made by the Preto­rians: but that Mesia and her nephue approching to the foote of the wall, w ^t purposed engins mounted them ouer into the citie: the young man being placed amids the Ro­maine captaines, beléeuinge him to be the sonne of Bas­sianus, by resemblance of his face, and by a marke in his hande, as Bassianus had.

The Romane armies receiued greate ioy, to beholde Mesia and her nephue Heliogabalus: chiefly, to see the [Page 384] young man so comely, faire, and towarde: ‘and in behol­ding they would all say, that since he had so good a face, ne­cessarily it followed, that his déedes shoulde be vertuous: but his inclination beeing discouered, there was no vice wherein he was not noted: either any vertue wherefore to be praised. The great matrone Mesia (as a woman that dealt in affaires both daungerous and escandalous) would first assure the Empire vnto her nephue, before shée departed from her treasure: and the case was thus. Shée framed all the principals of the armie, presently to sweare vnto Heliogabalus, as their onely Emperour, & to kisse his hande as their naturall Lorde. A matter most truely verie marueilous, and no lesse worthie to be commended vnto memorie, namely, the dispatche and diligence vsed by Mesia in one night: moste manifestly apparant, that with­in sixe houres, shée brought forth her nephue from the tem­ple, passed him ouer the wall, did yeald him credite to be the sonne of Bassianus, obteined their othes as vnto their Emperour, kissed his hand as loyall subiectes, diuided her treasure amongst the armies, fortified them selues in the fortes of the citie, and brought the whole hoste into ar­mour. At the breake of daye, in euery tower they did sound their trumpets, placed their Standards and Pen­dons, bothe on bulworkes and corteines, and with loude voices exclaimed through all streates: Viua, viua el Em­perador Heliogabalo, hiio del buen Bassiano: that is to saye: happie and long life vnto the emperoure Helioga­balus, sonne to the good Bassianus. This béeing done & pro­claymed, Heliogabalus came foorth into the citie, neither on foote or on horse backe, but vppon the shoulders of the moste auncient and honourable of the armie, wearing the imperiall crowne vppon his head, and holding the royall scepter in his hande, and haueing vppon his shoulders, the ensigne of Augusta, & before him the pendon of the Eagle: because these were the ensignes whereby the emperours of Rome were knowen. And now, after y ^e standards were placed, and the strength of the citie possessed, the armie [Page 385] publiquely proclaimed, and receiued the Emperour Heli­ogabalus for their lorde and Emperour: presently, the re­nowmed matrone Mesia did yelde vnto them all her trea­sure, both siluer and golde, without breache of any pro­mise, or reseruing of any one Iewell. The Romanes were so contented with the matrone Mesia, that there they did both sweare and vowe, to estéeme her as a mother, to hold Heliogabalus for their Lorde, and to persecute the tyrant Macrinus, euen to death.’

CHAP. IIII. ¶Howe Macrinus did write a letter vnto the renowmed Mesia, after he vnder­stoode his depriuation of the Empire.

THE tyrant Macrinus was settled with greate secu­ritie, in the citie of Antioche, when they remoued him from the Empire in Phoenicia: for so it hath béene, is, and shalbe, that when Princes moste greedily doe prosecute vices, then their enimies are weauing some webb of most deadly daunger. Heliogabalus was not the full age of seuentéene yeres when he was aduaunced to the Empire: when Macrinus in Antioche heard the newes of y ^t whiche was don in Phoenicia, he fell into a great laughter, & made a iest of it: chiefely, being certified to be so very a childe, & framed by his grandmother Mesia, whome he helde bothe for a woman ambitious, and also contentious. Those persons that remained with Macrinus (after they hearde of a newe Emperour, & that y ^e Romane hosts had don him homage and fealtie) aduised & also prayed him, that he would not estéeme the matter ouer light, but with better and riper counsell, should thinke and consider for the re­medie thereof: for it might come to passe, by conceiuing it to be but a iest, that the other might remaine Emperour in earnest.

[Page 386]As Macrinus naturally was both ambitious, orgu­lous, and disdaineful: so he demaunding ynke and paper, presently did write a cholerike letter with his own hands, vnto the famous matrone Mesia after this maner.

CHAP. V. Of a letter written by the great matrone Mesia vnto the tyrant Macri­nus.

When Mesia receiued the letter from the tyrant Macri­nus, her nephue Heliogabalus, & al the principall cap­taines of the armies beeing present (who of set purpose did beholde her countenance all the time that shée read the same, which matter was both merueilous and to be no­ted, in consideration of such a letter, so furnished with ma­lice, and fraught with despite) she neither chaunged coun­tenance, or saide one worde after the reading of the same. Aboue all men or women of her dayes, in two pointes this famous matrone Mesia excelled, which is to wéete, for great solicitude in affaires, and souereigne patience in tra­uells: and so it came to passe, she ofte vsed to say, that shée neuer loste matter by negligence, or euer aunsweared a­nie man as one passioned. Heliogabalus and all that were present, did not a litle request the renouned matrone Mesia to reade that letter vnto them, or tell what it con­teined, which she vtterly refused, saying vnto them, that it were a facte verie euill, presently to reade it, and a déede much woorsse, if after in time and place shée did not shewe it. This beeing done and Mesia withdrawne, shée aunswe­red to Macrinus his letter after this manner.