See heere the fface of Romes renowned ffoe.
Graue, larned, Fulk, whose worth his works, best show.

T. STAPLETON and Martiall (two Popish Heretikes) confuted, and of their particular here­sies detected.

By. D. Fulke, Master of Pembrooke hall in Cambridge.

Done and directed to all those that loue the truth, and hate superstitious vanities.

Seene and allowed.

AT LONDON, Printed by Henrie Middleton for George Bishop.

ANNO. 1580.

A CATALOGVE OF ALL SVCH Popish Bookes either answered, or to be aun­swered, which haue bene written in the Englishe tongue from beyond the Seas, or secretly disper­sed here in England haue come to our handes, since the beginning of the Queenes Ma­iesties reigne.

  • 1 HArding against the Apology of the Englishe Church, answered by M. Iewel, Bishop of Sarum.
  • 2 Harding against M. Iewels challenge, aunswered by M. Iewel.
  • 3 Hardings reioynder to M. Iewel, answered by M. Ed­ward Deering.
  • 4 Coles quarels against M. Iewell, answered by M. Iewell.
  • 5 Rastels returne of vntruthes answered by M. Iewel.
  • 6 Rastell against M. Iewels challenge, answered by Wil­liam Fulke.
  • 7 Dorman against M. Iewel, answered by M. Nowel.
  • 8 Dormans disproofe of M. Nowels reproofe, answered by M. Nowel.
  • 9 The man of Chester aunswered by M. Pilkington Bishop of Duresme.
  • 10 Sanders on the Sacrament in part aunswered by M. Nowell.
  • 11 Fecknams Scruples, answered by M. Horne B. of Winchester.
  • 12 Fecknams Apologie, answered by W. Fulke.
  • 13 Fecknams obiections against M. Goughes sermon, an­swered by M. Gough, and M. Lawrence Tomson.
  • 14 Stapletons counterblast, answered by M. Bridges.
  • 15 Marshall his defence of the crosse, answered by M. Caulfehill.
  • 16 Fowlers Psalter, aunswered by M. Sampson.
  • 17 An infamous libell or letter (incerto authore) against the teachers of Gods diuine prouidence and predestination, an­swered by Maister Robert Crowley.
  • 18 Allens defence of Purgatory, answered by W. Fulke.
  • [Page] 19 Heskins parle [...]ent repealed by W. Fulke.
  • 20 Ristons chall [...]ng, answered by W Fulke, & Oliuer Carter
  • 21 Hosius of Gods expresse worde translated into English, answered by W. Fulke.
  • 22 Sanders rocke of the Church, vndermined by W. Fulke.
  • 23 Sanders defence of images answered by W. Fulke.
  • 24 Shaclockes Pearle answered by M. Hartwell.
  • 25 The hatchet of heresies, answered by M. Bartlet.
  • 26 Maister Euans answered by himselfe.
  • 27 A defence of the priuate Masse answered (by coniectu­re) by M. Cooper Bishop of Lincolne.
  • 28 Certeine assertions tending to mainteine the Church of Rome to be the true and catholike church, confuted by Iohn Knewstub.
  • 29. Sander vpon the Lordes supper fully answered by D. Fulke.
  • 30 Bristowes motiues & dema [...]des, answered by D. Fulk.
  • 31 Stapletons Differences, & Fortresse of the faith, answe­red by D. Fulke.
  • 32 Allens defence of Priestes authoritie to remit sinnes, & of the Popish Churches meaning concerning Indulgences, an­swered by D. Fulke.
  • 33 Martials Reply to M. Calfehill, answered by D. Fulke.
  • 34 Frari [...]s rayling declamation, answered by D. Fulke.

These Popish treatises ensuing are in answering, If the Papistes know any not here reckoned, let them be brought to light, & they shall be examined.

  • 1 Stapletons returne of vntrruthes.
  • 2 Rastels replye.
  • 3 Vaux his Catchisme.
  • 4 Canifius his Catechisme translated.

AN OVERTHROW BY W. Fulke Doctor of Diuinitie, and Master of Pembroke hall in Cambridge: to the feeble Fortresse of Popish faith re­ceiued from ROME, and lately aduaunced by THOMAS STAPLETON Student in Diuinitie.

THOMAS STAPLETON student in Diuinitie, translated the 5. Bookes of Bedes historie of y English Church into the English toung, before which historie, it pleased him to set a table of 45. differences, betweene the Pri­mitiue faith of England, continued almost a thousand yeares, and the late pretended faith of the Protestants, all which we will consider in order.

First are fiue Apostolicall markes found in their preachers, and wanting (as he saith) in ours.

1 Augustine (whome he calleth their Apostle) shew­ed the token of his Apostleship, in all patience, signes, and won­ders, Bed. 2. lib. 1. c. 30. & 31. l. 2. c. 2. Miracles in confirmation of their doctrine, Protestantes haue yet wrought none.

I aunswere, Peter, Paul, Matthewe, Iames, Iohn, &c. are Apostles to vs, sent not from Gregorie of Rome, but by Christ him selfe, out of Iewrie, y signe of whose Apostleship, being shewed in all patience, signes, and wonders, and our doctrine being the same which we haue receiued of their writings, needeth no other con­firmation of miracles, to be wrought by vs. If Augu­stine sent from Gregorie a man, haue planted any hu­mane traditions, and confirmed them by li [...]ing signes and miracles, as a forerunner of Antichrist, which was euen immediatly after his time to be openly shewed, or if by subtill practice miracles haue bene feigned to haue bene done by him, and reported by a credulous [Page 2] man Bede, it hurteth not our cause: Gal. Mon. seeing other wri­ters report him to haue bene both a proud and a cruell man. And yet we receiue all that doctrine which he taught, agreeable to the doctrine of the Apostles of Christ: what so euer he taught beside, we are not to re­ceiue it, of an Angell from heauen, much lesse of Au­gustine from Rome.

2 Their Apostles tendered vnitie, labouring to reduce the Britaines to the vnitie of Christes Church. Nothing is more no­torious in Protestantes then their infamous dissention.

Augustine in deede laboured to bring the Britons in subiection to himselfe and to the Church of Rome, which argueth no desire to Christian vnitie, but fauou­reth of Antichristian ambition and tyrannie, as his cru­ell threatening executed vpon them, did shewe suffici­ently.

The dissention of the Protestants is not in articles of faith: nor such, but that they are all brethren, that vn­feignedly professe the doctrine of saluation: although they dissent in the matter of the sacrament, in orders, rytes, and ceremonies.

3 Their Apostles were sent by an ordinarie vocation, Protestantes haue preached without vocation or sending at all, such as the Church of Christ requireth.

They were sent by Pope Gregorie, who had none ordinarie authoritie to send Apostles or preachers into foreigne countries. Wherfore if they had any sending, it was extraordinarie: of charitie, and not of office. The Protestants that first preached in these last dayes, had likewise extraordinaire calling. But if the calling of the Papistes may be counted a lawfull calling: they were called of the Popish Church to be preachers and teachers, before they knewe or preached the trueth of the Gospell.

4 Their preaching was of God by Gamaliels reason, bi­cause their doctrine continued 900. yeares, whereas the Pro­testantes faith is already chaunged from Lutherane to Sacra­mentarie, in lesse then 20. yeares.

[Page 3] This reason of Gamaliel would proue Mahometes enterprise to be of God, bicause it hath likewise conti­nued 900. yeares: & yet it is false, that the Popish faith hath had so long continuance. For the Papistes are de­parted as from many other points of doctrine, so euen from that of the Lords supper, which Augustine plan­ted among the Saxons, vnto carnall presence and tran­substantiation, the contrarie of which were taught by Augustine, as appeareth by the publique Saxon Ho­mely, lately translated into English, and imprinted. The diuersitie of opinions concerning the sacrament, maketh no alteration of faith in them that agree in al other necessarie articles. Besides that, it is most false which he saith, that Luther of the Protestants is coun­ted a very Papist.

5 Their Apostles taught such a faith, as putteth thinges; by the beleefe and practise whereof, we may be saued. The faith of the Protestants, is a deniall of Popish faith, and hath no af­firma [...]iue doctrine, but that which Papistes had before.

The Protestantes faith affirmeth, that a man is iusti­fied by it only. That the sacrifice of Christes death is our onely propitiatorie sacrifice. That Christ is our onely mediatour of redemption and intercession &c. Generally it affirmeth what so euer the Scripture tea­cheth, and denieth the contrarie.

Then followe 39. differences in doctrine.

6 Their Apostles saide Masse; which the Protestantes abhorre.

The Popish Masse was not then all made, therefore they could not say it. They ministred y communion, which Bede and other writers called Missa, they saide no priuate Masse, such as the Papistes nowe defend.

7 In the Masse is an externall sacrifice; offered to GOD the father, the blessed body and bloud of Christ him selfe. lib. 5. cap. 22. This doctrine is expresly reported. This seemeth bla­sphemie to the Protestantes.

The wordes of Bede, according to M. Stapletons owne translation, are these, out of the Epislte of Ceol­fride [Page 4] to Naitan king of the Pictes. ‘All Christian Churches throughout the whole world (which al ioy­ned together make but one Catholike Church) should prepare bread and wine, for the mysterie of the flesh & precious bloud of that immaculat lambe, which tooke away the sinnes of the world, & when all lessons, pray­ers, rytes, and ceremonies vsed in the solemne feast of Easter, were done, should offer the same to God the fa­ther, in hope of their redemption to come.’ Here is no sacrifice of the body and bloud of Christ, but of bread and wine for the mysterie thereof: no sacrifice propiti­atorie for sinnes, but of thankesgiuing, and remem­brance of the propitiation made by the lambe himselfe, in hope of eternall redemption. No oblation by by the priest only, but by the whole Church, and eue­ry member thereof, as was the oblation of the Paschall lambe, wherevnto he compareth this sacrifice, inter­preting those wordes of Exod. 12. Euery man shal take a lambe according to their families and housholdes, & offer him in sacrifice at the euening. That is to say, (saith Ceolfride) all Christian Churches &c. as before. By which wordes it is manifest, that the Papistes nowe adayes, are departed euen from that faith of the sacra­ment and sacrifice thereof, that Augustine brought from Rome.

8 This sacrifice is taught to be propitiatorie: lib. 4. c. 22. which Protestants abhorre.

There is no mention of propitiatorie sacrifice in that chapter, but there is told a tale of a prisoner, that was loosed from his bonds, so oft as his brother which was a Priest, saide Masse for his soule, supposing he had bene slaine in battel: by which many were per­suaded, that the wholesome blessed sacrifice, was effec­tuous to the euerlasting redemption and ransoming both of soul and body. So were they worthie to be de­ceiued that would build a doctrine without the word of God, vpon the vncertaine report of men, who either deuised this tale as being false, or else if it were so, [Page 5] could not discerne the illusions of Sathan, seeking to mainteine an errour, contrarie to the glorie of Christ.

9 Confession of sinnes made to the priest, lib. 4. cap. 25. & 27. This sacrament of the Protestantes is abolished.

In neither of these chapters is mentioned the Popish auricular confession, as a sacrament necessarie to sal­uation. In the 25. mention is made of one, which being troubled with conscience of an haynous sinne, came to a learned priest to aske counsell of remedie, and shewed what his offence was. In the 27. chapter it is expresly saide, that all the people did openly declare vnto S. Cutbert in confession, the things that they had done. Such confession as either of both these were, the Protestants haue not abolished, although they num­ber not confession among the sacraments.

10 Satisfaction and penance for sinne enioyned, appeareth lib. 4. cap. 25. which the Protestants court admitteth not.

There is no word of satisfaction for his sinnes, but of fasting and prayers, as fruites of repentance, where­vnto he was first exhorted by the priest, according to his power and abilitie, but he not content herewith, vrged the priest to appoint him a certaine time of fa­sting, for a whole weeke together, to whose infirmi­tie the priest somwhat yelding, willed him to fast two or three dayes in a weeke, vntill he returned to giue him farther aduice. Euery man may see broad diffe­rence betwixt this counsel and Popish satisfaction and penance.

11 Merite of good workes in this storie is eftsoones iusti­fied. lib. 4. cap. 14. & 15. which the Protestants count preiudi­diciall to Gods glorie.

In the 14. chapter there is no mention of the merite of good workes, but that after the brethren had fasted and prayed, God deliuered them of the pestilence. We neuer denied, but that God regardeth our praier and fasting, though not as meritorious, but as our obedi­ence which he requireth of vs, and saueth vs onely for his mercy sake. The 15. chapter scarse toucheth any [Page 6] matter of religion, and therefore I knowe not what he meaneth to quote it, except it be a error of y Printer.

12 Intercession of Saints, Protectants abhorre the prac­tise, whereof appeareth lib. 1. cap. 20. & lib. 4. cop. 14.

In the former place Beda supposeth, that God gaue the Britaines victorie at the intercession of S. Albane, but where learned he this kinde of intercession, out of the holy scriptures?

In the latter place a boy being sicke of the plague, reporteth, that God would cease the plague, at the in­tercession of S. Oswald: as the Apostles Peter and Paul declared to him in a vision. But seeing the Apostles haue taught no such doctrine in their writings, they haue admonished vs to beware of such fantasticall vi­sions. Gal. 1. 2 Thessa. 2.

13 The Clergie of their primitiue Church after holy or­ders taken, doe not marrie, lib. 1. cap. 27. Nowe after holy or­ders and vowe to the contrarie, priestes doe marrie.

The Counsell of Gregorie to Augustine is this. ‘If there be any among the Cleargie out of holy orders, which can not liue chast, they shall take wiues.’ These wordes cōmaund some of the Cleargie to take wiues, they forbid not the rest to marrie. For what shall they that are in holy orders doe, if they can not liue chast? Againe, the histories are plentifull that Priestes were married in England three or foure hundreth yeares after Augustine.

14 In their primitiue Church the vow of chastitie was thought godly and practised: now they are counted damnable & broken.

Such vowes as were made without consideration of mens abilitie to performe them, are iustly accounted rash and presumptuous. Such is the vowe of virginitie in a great many, which our sauiour Christ affirmeth to be a rare gift, not in euery mans power. As for the vowe of chastitie, if any were made by Popishe priestes, it was oftener broken before the restoring of true knowledge, then since. Whose incontinencie hath infected the world with whoredome and vncleannesse.

[Page 7] 15 Such Monkes and virgines liued in cloysters, in obedi­ence and pouertie, which are ouerthrowne of Protestants as a damnable estate.

The horrible abuse of Cloystrall life, hath caused the subuersion of them, beside their errours, supersti­tion and idolatrie.

16 Prayer for the dead, Dirige ouer night, and Requiem Masse in the morning, was an accustomed manner, lib. 3. cap. 2. lib. 4 cap. 21. which the Protestants count to be abhomination.

Praier for the dead is an older errour then Popish religion. But Dirige and Requiem Masse had an other meaning, lib. 3. cap. 2. then the Papistes haue now, for there it is saide. ‘In the selfe same place the religious men of Hagustalden Church, haue nowe of long time bene accustomed to come euery yeare, the eue and the day that the same king Oswald was afterward slaine, to keepe Diriges there for his soule, and in the mor­ning, after Psalmes being saide solemnely, to offer for him the sacrifice of holy oblation.’ You must vnder­stand, that this Oswald was of them that so did, taken for an holy martyr, and therfore these Psalmodies and sacrifices were of thanksgiuing for the rest of his soul: not of propitiation for his sinnes, as the Papistes ac­count them. lib. 4. cap. 21. there is nothing to the mat­ter in hand, but in the next chapter following, is the tale of him that was loosed from his fetters by saying of Masse, by the relation whereof, and not by the word of God, many beganne to thinke the sacrifice of the Masse profitable for the dead.

17 Reseruation of the sacrament thought no superstition, lib. 4. cap. 24. nowe counted prophanation of the sacrament.

Reseruation was an older errour then Poperie, yet contrarie to the commaundement of Christ: Take ye, and eate ye.

18 Houseling before death vsed, as necessarie for all true Christians, lib. 4. cap. 3. & 24. Protestants vnder pretence of a Communion, doe nowe wickedly bereaue Christian folke of it.

These chapters shewe that it was vsed, but not that [Page 8] it was vsed as necessarie. The Communion of the ficke is also vsed of vs. Neither can M. Stapleton proue, that it was then ministred to the sicke person alone, as is v­sed among them. But in the 24. chapter of the 4. booke it may be gathered, that as many as were present with the partie, receiued with him, bicause there was a mu­tuall demaund of his being in charitie with them, and they with him.

19 Consecrating of Monkes and Nunnes by the handes of the Bishop, a practised solemnitie in their primitiue Church, lib. 4. cap. 19. & 23. which Protestantes by the libertie of their Gospell laugh and scorne at.

Chap. 19. it is saide, that Wilfride gaue to Ethelrede the vaile and habite of a Nunne, and cap. 23. that one Hein tooke the vowe & habite of a Nunne, being bles­sed and consecrated by Bishop Aidan. In those elder times, no virgine was suffered to professe virginitie, but by the iudgement of the Bishop, who was not onely a minister of the ceremonie of profession, but also a iudge of the expedience and lawfulnesse of the vowe, so that the vowe of virginitie was moderated and kept within more tollerable boūds, then is vsed of the Pa­pistes.

20. Commemoration of Saints at Masse time, lib. 4. cap. 14 & 18. such commemorations in the Protestants Communion are excluded, as superstitious and vnlawfull.

Chap. 14. it it saide vpon the report of a boyes visi­on, ‘And therefore let them say Masses, and giue thanks that their praier is heard, and also for the memorie of the same king Oswald, which somtime gouerned their nation.’ Admitting this vision to be true, here is but Masse and memorie of thankesgiuing: in the 18. chap. is nothing to any such purpose. In the Communion of our Church is a thankesgiuing, with Angels, Arch­angels, and all the glorious companie of heauen, al­though we make no speciall mention of any one Saint by name.

21 Pilgrimage to holy places, especially to Rome, a much [Page 9] waitie matter of all estates, lib. 4. cap. 3. & 23. & lib. 5. cap. 7. Nothing soundeth more prophane and barbarous in the eares of Protestants.

In the first of these places, there is mention of pil­grimage into Ireland, not for y holinesse of the place. but for the wholsome instruction that then was there. For it seemeth by the storie in many places, that Ire­land (although not subiect to y See of Rome) was thē replenished with godly learned men, of whome men sought out of Britaine, to be informed in religion. Peregrination to Rome was vsed of superstition, and opinion of great learning to be had from thence. Yet was there no pilgrimage to images, nor to Rome, so filthie a sinke of all abhominations, as it hath bene since those dayes.

22 Of the reliques of holy men, of reuerence vsed towards them, and miracles wrought by them, the historie is ful. Nothing is more vile in the sight of Protestantes, then such deuotion of Christians.

Such superstition and credulitie of the former age, is iustly misliked of vs, but the idolatrie and forging of reliques, which is too common among the Papists, is rightly detested of vs.

23 Blessing with the signe of the Crosse, accounted no super­stition, lib. 4. cap. 24. & lib. 5. cap. 2. In the deuotion of the Protestants is esteemed magike.

Signing with the signe of the Crosse, which some­time against the Gentiles was an indifferent ceremo­nie: vsed of the Papistes for an ordinarie forme of bles­sing, is both superstitious and idolatrous.

24 Solemnitie of buriall Protestantes despise, whereas it was the deuotion of their primitiue Church, to be buried in mo­nasteries, Churches, and chappels.

Honourable buriall of the Saintes bodies, which were the temples of the holy Ghost, and are laide vp in hope of a glorious resurrection, Protestantes des­pise not. Yet were the first Archbishops of Canturbu­rie buried in a Porch beside the Church, lib. 2. cap. 3. [Page 10] There was no buriall place appointed in the Mona­sterie of Berking, vntil by a light it was reuealed, as the historie saith, lib. 4. cap. 7. but with time superstiti­on on of buriall grewe, yet nothing comparable in that age to the superstition of Papists of these latter times. There was no buriall in S. Frances Coule, nor after the Popish solemnitie.

25 Benediction of the Bishop as superiour to the people, was vsed, which Protestants scorne at, lib. 4. cap. 11.

The Protestantes allowe benediction of the Bishop in the name of God, as the superiour, although they iustly deride the Popish maner of blessing, by cutting the aire with crosses: neither is there any such blessing spoken of in the chapter by him cited.

26 The seruice of the Church was at the first planting of their faith in the Latine and learned tongue, lib. 1. cap. 29. lib. 4. cap. 18. which the Protestants haue altered.

There is no such thing to be proued in the first place, nor any thing sounding the way, but only this, that Gregorie sent into England to Augustine many bookes, of which it is a Popish consequence to gather, that they were bookes of Latine seruice. In the latter it is declared, that Iohn y e Chaunter of Rome, brought from thence the order of singing, and reading: and put many things in writing, which pertained to the cele­bration of high feastes and holidayes, for the whole compasse of the yeare. But this being almost an hun­dreth yeres after the cōming of Augustine, it appeareth the Church of England had no such Latine seruice be­fore. For Gregorie willed Augustine to gather out of euery Church, what ceremonies he thought expedient for the English Church, and bound him not to the or­ders or seruice of the Church of Rome. And it may be gathered, that long after there was no certain forme of administration of the sacramentes put in writing & generally receiued; but that the priestes which then were learned, ordered the same according to their dis­cretion, for their chiefe labour was in preaching and [Page 11] instructing. For Beda reporteth vpon the credite of one which liued in his time, and was Abbot of Wye, He­rebald by name, that he being in great extremitie and daunger of death, by falling from an horse, S. Iohn of Beuerlaye the Bishop, that was his master, asked him whether he knewe without all scruple or doubt, that he was baptized or no, to whome hee aunswered, that he certainely knewe that he was baptized, and tolde the priestes name that baptized him. To whome the Bishop replied, saying: ‘If you were baptized of him, doubtlesse you were not well baptized: for I knowe him well, and am right well assured, that when he was made priest, he could not for his dulheaded wit, learn, neither to instruct nor to baptize. And for that cause I haue streightly charged him, not to presume to that ministerie which he could not do accordingly.’ By this it may be gathered, that the forme of baptisme was not set downe in writing, which euery dulheaded dog­bolt priest can reade, but that it was referred to the learning of the minister which did instruct them that were of age, and came to receiue baptisme. But this ig­norant priest whome S. Iohn of Beuerlay depriued of his ministerie, could neither cathechise nor baptize: for which cause, the yong man being cathechised againe, and after he recouered of his fall, was baptized a newe, as one that was not rightly baptized before. Moreo­uer, lib. 4. cap. 24. Beda sheweth of one Cednom in the Abbay of Hilda, to whome was giuen miraculously the gift of Singing and making Hymnes for religion in his mother tongue, of the creation of the world, and all histories of the olde Testament, of the incarnati­on, passion, resurrection, and ascention of Christ, &c. which by all likelihoode were vsed in the Churches. And when Latine seruice was first vsed, it is not incre­dible, but that the people did meetely well vnderstand it, for the Latine tongue was in those days vnderstood in most places of the Westerne Church. And Beda no­teth some especially which vnderstoode no language [Page 12] but the Saxon. The interpreters which Augustine brought out of Fraunce, do confirme this coniecture. For the rude Latine tongue spoken in France, was bet­ter vnderstood of the vulgar people, then that was spo­ken at Rome and in Italie: for which cause, there was a Canon made in the third Councel at Toures, that the Homilies should be turned in rusticam Romanam lin­guam, into the rude Latin tongue, that they might more easily be vnderstoode of all men. Againe, the Britaines and Pictes which conuerted the greatest part of the Saxons, howe could they haue been vnder­stood preaching in Welsh, but that the vulgare Latine tongue was a common language to them both. Final­ly, the manifolde vses of diuers Churches, as Sarum, Yorke, &c. declare, that the Latine seruice was but late­ly in comparison set downe, when knowledge decayed both in the Priestes and the people.

27 Protestants haue plucked downe altars, which they had of olde time.

They had altars, but standing in the middest of the Church, as y tables stood in the Primitiue Church.

28 Altar clothes and vestments vsed of them, Prote­stants admit not.

A sorie ceremonie, in which no part of Christianitie consisteth. The like I say of the 29. holy vessels, 30. holy water, and 31. Ecclesiasticall censure, about which there was no small adoe.

32 Their primitiue Church was gouerned by Synodes of the Clergie only, in determining controuersies of religion, which Protestants haue called from thence vnto the Lay court onely.

The latter part is a slaunder vpon the Protestantes, the former part a lye vpon the auncient Saxons, for at the Synode holden at Strenshalch, Vz. Whitby in York­shire. not only the kings Oswine & Alfride were present, but also king Oswine did order the Synode, and in the end concluded the matter in controuersie, lib. 3. cap. 25.

33 The spirituall rulers of the primitiue Church were Bi­shops and pastours duely consecrated, protestants haue no con­secration, [Page 13] no true Bishops at all.

This is an other lewd slander against y e Protestants, for they haue true Bishops, though not cōsecrated after the Popish manner. Laurence the second Archbishop of Canterburie, acknowledgeth the Ministers of y e Scots and Britaines for Bishops, although they were not subiect to the Church and See of Rome, lib. 2. cap. 4. Aidanus, Finanus, Colmanus, are iudged of Beda for true Bishops, although they were deuided from the Church of Rome, and so are such Bishops as were or­deined by them, for they conuerted the greatest part of the Saxons vnto Christian faith: As Northumbri­ans, Mertians, and East Saxons.

34 Protestants haue brought the supreme gouernement of the Church to the Lay authoritie: in the primitiue faith of our countrie the Lay was subiect to the Bishop in spirituall causes.

And so are they nowe in suche causes as they were subiecte then. But that the supreame autho­ritie was in the ciuill Magistrate at that time, it may appeare by these reasons. First Pope Gregorie him self calleth the Emperour Mauritius his souereigne Lord, lib. 1. cap. 23. & 28. & 29. & 30. and after him Pope Ho­norius called Heraclius his souereigne Lord, lib. 2. 18. King Sonwalch Preferred Agilbert and Wini to be Bi­shops, afterward he deposed Wini, which for mony bought for Wulfher king of Mercia the See of Lon­don, lib. 3. cap. 7.

Earcombert king of Kent, of his princely authoritie purged his realme of idolatrie, and commaunded that the fast of 40. dayes should be kept, lib. 3. cap. 8.

King Oswine ordered the Synod at Strenshalch, li. 3. cap. 25. Oswine and Ecgbert kings, deliberate touch­ing the peacable gouernement of the Church, and by the choice and consent of the Cleargie, did nominate Wighard Archbishop of Canturburie, lib. 3. cap. 29.

King Ecgfride deposed Bishop Wilfride, li. 4. ca. 12.

Ost for at y e cōmandemēt of king Edilred was cōse­crated by Wilfrid Bish. of y e Victians, li. 4. ca. 23. These [Page 14] places of the historie shewe, that kings had chiefe au­thoritie both ouer persons and causes Ecclesiasticall, such as we nowe acknowledge our Princes to haue.

35 The finall determination of spiritual causes rested in the See Apostolike of Rome; which is nowe detested of prote­stantes.

Although the See of Rome vsurped much in those dayes, yet was not the authoritie thereof acknowled­ged by the Churches of the Britaines, Irish, and Scots. The Britaines before Augustines time sent not to Rome, but vnto Fraunce for ayde against the Pelagi­an heretikes. At Augustines comming and long after, they refused to yelde obedience to the See of Rome; yea among the Saxons them selues, Wilfrid deposed by the king, and absolued by the Pope, could not be restored, but by a Synod of his own countrie, li. 5. c. 20.

36 Their faith and Apostles came from the See of Rome: the protestant departeth there fro.

The Protestantes are returned to the auncient faith which was in this land before Augustine came from Rome, which did not so much good in planting faith where it was not, as in corrupting y sinceritie of faith where it was before he came.

37 Their faith was first preached with crosse and proces­sion, Heresies first raged by throwing downe the crosse, and alte­ring the procession therewith.

The Popish faith beganne with superstition, which the Christian Catholikes haue iustly abolished.

38 Their first Apostles were Monkes. The first prea­chers of the protestants haue bene apostataes, as Luther, Oeco­lampadius, Martyr, &c.

Nay, they haue returned from apostasie to the true faith and religion of Christ. Augustine and the rest of the Monkes of that time, differed much from the Po­pish Monkes of the latter dayes. For they were lear­ned preachers, lib. 3. cap. 26. these idle loyterers: they laboured with their handes, lib. 5. cap. 19. these liued of the sweat of other mens browes. They made no such [Page 15] vow but they might serue the common wealth, if they were called thereto. Sigbard of a Monke was made King, lib. 4. cap. 11. these professed them selues dead to all honest trauell, either in the Church or common wealth.

39 The first impes of their faith, and schollers of the A­postles, were holy mē. Luther confesseth his schollers to be worse then they were vnder the Pope.

There were hypocrits in those daies, also there were incontinent Nunnes, lib. 4. cap. 25. And Beda confes­seth, that Aidane (which was no slaue of the Romish See) was more holy, then y Cleargie of his time, whose deuotion was key colde. If Luther flattered not his scholers, he is more to be commended, yet can not Sta­pleton proue, that he speaketh so of all, but of some carnall professours only.

40 Their first preacher liued apostolically in voluntarie pouertie. This Apostolicall perfection protestants that beare them selues for the Apostles of England, neither practise them selues, nor can abide in other.

First it is a slaunder, that any Protestantes beare thē selues for Apostles of England: secondly, let the world iudge whether the preachers of the Gospel, come nea­rer to the pouertie of the Apostles, then the Pope their great Apostle of the Romish Church, with the rest of the pillers of the same, the Cardinals, &c.

41 Their faith builded vp Monasteries and Churches, protestants haue throwne downe many, erected none.

The first Monasteries were Colledges of learned preachers, and builded for that end. King Edilwald builded a Monasterie, wherein he & his people might resort to heare the word of God, to pray, and to burie their dead, lib. 3. cap. 23. The like practise was in the Abbay of Hilda lib. 4. Ca. 23. From which vse seeing they were of late degenerated into idlenesse and fil­thie lustes, they were lawfully suppressed. And as for building of Churches, where they lacke, Prote­stants haue and do imploy their indeuour. [Page 16] 42 By the first Christians of their faith, God was serued day and night, protestants haue abolished all seruice of God by night, and done to the diuell a most acceptable sacrifice.

Protestants haue abolished no seruice of GOD by night, but such as was either impious or superstitious, for they also serue God both day and night, euen with publique praier, and exercise of hearing the word of God preached.

43 By the deuotion of the people, first imbracing their faith, much voluntarie oblations were made to the Church, by the rechlesse religion of the Protestantes due oblations are de­nied to the Church.

Of them that be true professours of the Gospell, both due oblations are paide, and much voluntarie oblations also, for the maintenance of the preachers, for reliefe of the poore, the straunges and captiues, &c.

44 Princes endued the Church with possessions and reue­nues. The lewde loosenesse of the Protestants hath stirred prin­ces to take from the Churches possessions so giuen.

Nay, the pride, couetousnesse, and luxuriousnesse of Popish Cleargie, haue moued them to do that is done in that behalfe.

45 Last of all, their faith reduced the Scottishmen liuing in schisme, to the vnitie of the Catholike Church. This late alte­ration hath moued them from vnitie to schisme.

Nay, their superstition at length corrupted the sin­ceritie of faith in the Britaines and Scots, and from the vnitie of y e Catholike Church of Christ, brought them vnder the schismaticall faction of the See of Rome, from which they are nowe againe returned with vs, God be thanked, to the vnitie of Christes true Catho­like and Apostolike Church.

These differences which he hath either falsely ob­serued, or else craftily collected out of the drosse and dregges of that time, he promiseth to proue, to con­curre with the beliefe & practise of the first 600. yeres, in the second part of his feeble fortresse, which is easi­ly blowne ouer, with one word. Although some of [Page 17] these corruptions haue bene receiued within the first 600. yeares, yet is he not able to proue, that they haue bene from the beginning, and so continued all that time, wherefore his Fortresse will doe them small pleasure, to establish them for Christian truthes, which haue had a later beginning then our Sauiour Christ and his Apostles.

But for as much as he hath gathered differences of the first Church of the Saxons from ours, I haue also gathered differences of the same from theirs at this time, and let the readers iudge of both indifferently.

1 The Church of English Saxons for 300. yeares after Augustine, did beleeue bread and wine to remain in the sacrament after consecration, which the Papists denie, proued by a Sermon extant in the Saxon tong, translated out of Latine by Aelfrike Archbishop of Canturburie or Abbot of S. Albones, appointed to be read vnto the people at Easter before they receiued the Communion, also by two Epistles of y e same Aelfrike.

2 The Church of English Saxons beleeued the sacrament to be the body and bloud of Christe, not carnally but spiritually, expressely denying as wel the carnall presence as transubstantiation which the Pa­pistes holde Aelf. Serm. Pasc & Ep.

3 The Church of English Saxons did giue the communion vnder both kinds vnto the people, which the Papistes doe not, Aelf. Serm. Pasc & Beda lib, 1. cap. 27. & lib. 5. cap. 22.

4 The Priestes of that time said no priuate Masse on working dayes, but onely on holy dayes, which therefore were called Masse dayes, Aelfr. Ser. Pasc. Po­pish priestes euery day.

5 The people did then communicate with the priest, Beda lib. 2. cap. 5. The Popish priest eateth and drinketh all alone.

6 The English Saxon Church did celebrate Easter with the olde Iewes in one faith, although they differ [Page 18] from them in the kind of external sacraments: where­by they affirmed the substance of the sacraments of both the testaments to be all one, which the Papistes denie. Aelfr. Serm. Pasc. & Epist. Bed lib. 5. ca. 22.

7 The sacrament of the Lordes Supper was not then hanged vp to be worshipped nos caried in pro­cession, bicause they had not the opinion of carnal pre­sence which the Papistes haue, &c.

8 The English Saxons Church denied, that wic­ked men receiued the body and bloud of Christ. Aelfr. Serm. Pasc. The Papistes holde, that not onely wicked men, but also brute beasts eate the body of Christ, if they eate the externall sacrament thereof.

9 The English Saxons allowed the Scriptures to be read of the people in the Saxon tong, whereof Ca­nutus made a lawe, that all Christian men should di­ligently search the lawe of God. The Papistes denie the search of Gods lawe to all Christian men, that are not of the Cleargie, or learned in the Latine tong.

10 The English Saxons decreed in Synode after Latine seruice preuailed, and the knowledge of Latine decaied, that the priestes shuld say vnto the people on Sundayes and holy dayes, the interpretation of that Gospel in English. Aelfr. lib. Can. which the Papistes neither do nor will suffer to be done.

11 The English Saxons commaunded that al men should be instructed by the Priestes to say the Lordes praier, the Creede, & the ten Commaundements in the English tong. Will. Mal. li. 1. de part. Aelfr. in lib. Can. Canut in leg. which the Papistes haue taught to be he­reticall.

12 The English Saxons decreed in Synode, and king Canutus made a lawe, that the priestes should in­struct the people in the vnderstanding of the Lordes praier, the Creede, &c. vbi supra, which the Papistes al­together neglect, affirming ignorance to be the mo­ther of deuotion.

13 The worshipping of images, and the second [Page 19] Councel of Nice that decreed the same, was accursed of the Church of God in England and France, & writ­ten against by Alcuinus, in the name of the Church of England and Fraunce. Math. West. Symeon Dunel. Rog. Houed &c. The Papistes defend both that idola­trous Councel, and their wicked decree.

14 The Priestes in the primitiue Saxon Church, were married for three or foure hundreth yeares, wit­nesse all histories of England, which the Papistes doe not allowe.

15 The vowe of chastitie was not exacted of them that were made Priests, for the space of more then 400. yeares after the ariuall of Augustine into Kent, which decree was made by Lanfrancus in a Synode at Win­chester, Anno 1076.

16 Notwithstanding this decree and many other, both Priestes refused to make that vow, and kept their wiues by the kings leaue. Gerard. Ebor Ep. ad Anselm. Histor. Petroburg. Papistes permit neither of both.

17 Lanfrancus decreed, that such priestes as had wiues, should not be compelled to put them away, the Papistes enforce Priestes to put away their wiues.

18 The Popes y t were founders of y e English Saxon church, acknowledged the Emperors to be their soue­reigne Lordes. Bed. li. 1. cap. 23. lib. 2. cap. 18

19 Pope Honorius toke order y t the Archb. of Can­turb. might be cōsecrated in England, w tout trauelling to Rome. Bed. l. 2. ca. 18. The latter Popes denied this.

20 Pope Gregorie exhorteth king Ethelbert to set forth the faith of Christ to his subiectes, to forbid the worship of idols, &c. Bed. lib. 1. cap 32. The Papistes would not haue the ciuill magistrate gouerne in Ec­clesiasticall causes.

21 And least you should say (as M. Sander doth) that the king was herein the Bishops Commissarie. Earcombert king of Kent of his princely authoritie purged his realme of idolatrie, and commaunded the fast of 40. dayes to be kept. Bed. lib. 3. cap. 8. The Pa­pistes [Page 20] denie that a king may doe such things of his princely authoritie.

22 Kings in those times preferred men to Bishop­rikes, Bed. lib. 3 cap. 7. which the Papistes affirme to be vnlawfull.

23 Kings in those dayes deposed Bishops, as Sen­walch did Wini, Bed. li. 3. cap. 7. Ecgfrid deposed Wil­fride, lib. 4. ca. 12. which the Papists do not admit.

24 King Ecgfride would not receiue Wilfrid be­ing restored by the Pope, Bed. lib. 4. cap. 13. & lib. 5. cap. 10. The Papistes count it blasphemie not to obey the Popes decree.

25 The same Wilfride being againe depriued by means of king Aldfride, and being the second time ab­solued by y e Pope, could not be restored to his Bishop­rike. but by a Synode of his owne Cleargie, Bed. lib. 5. cap. 20. By which it appeareth, the Cleargie were not then in perfect slauerie to the Pope.

26 Kings in those dayes were present at Synodes, and ordered them, and concluded in them as Oswine did at Strenshalch, lib. 3. cap. 25.

27 Archbishops were commaunded by Kings to consecrate Bishops, as Wilfride was to consecrate Ost­for at the commaundement of king Edilred, Bed li. 4. cap. 23. Papistes denie Kings to haue souereigne au­thoritie in ecclesiasticall causes.

28 Priuileges of Monasteries sought at Rome, had first the consent of the king vnto them, Bed. lib. 4. cap. 18. Papistes of later times seeke priuileges against the kings will.

29 Monkes in y t time were called to serue y e Cō ­mon wealth, as Sighard a Monke was made king of y e East Saxons, lib. 4. ca. 11. Papistes call such Apostataes.

30 Monasteries were thē Colleges of learned mē to furnish the Church with Ministers and Bishops, li. 4 ca. 23. Among Papists they be stals to feed idle bellies, y t serue neither the Church nor the Common wealth.

31 Studie of the Scriptures and hand labour was [Page 21] the exercise of Monkes in those first and better times, Bed. lib. 4. cap. 3. Idlenesse and vaine ceremonies is the exercise of Popish Monkes.

32 Monasteries were founded, that men might in them heare the word of God, and pray. Bed. li. 3. ca. 23. Popish Monasteries in latter times were builded only to pray for mens soules, and to say Masses in them, &c.

33 Vpon Sundayes the people vsed ordinarily to flocke to Churches and Monasteries to heare the word of God. Bed. lib. 3. cap. 26. In popish Monasteries there neither was nor is any ordinarie resort to heare the word of God, nor any ordinarie preaching.

34 The Monkes of that time were all learned preachers, Bed. lib. 3. cap. 26. The Popish Monkes are most vnlearned, and fewe preachers out of their dens.

35 In those dayes euery Priest and Clearke was a preacher, so that when any came to any towne, y e peo­ple would resort to them to be taught of them. Bed. lib. 4. cap. 16. The greatest number of Popish Priestes in these latter dayes, are most ignorant Asses, and void of all spirituall vnderstanding.

36 Vnlearned Priestes were forbidden to serue in the Church, Bed. lib. 5. cap. 6. in so much that S. Iohn of Beuerley baptized againe a young man, which was baptized of an vnlearned Priest. The Papistes allowe vnlearned Priestes to baptise and say Masse, that can not cathechise and instruct their hearers.

37 Songes and Hymnes out of the holy Scriptures were made meete for religion in the mother tongue. Bed. lib. 4. cap. 24. Papistes can abide no songs of scrip­ture in the English tongue.

38 Anchorets of that time laboured with their handes, Bed. lib. 4. cap. 28. Popish Anchorets liue idly, and labour not with their hands.

39 Dirige and Masse was saide for Saint Oswaldes soule, by which it is manifest, that they esteemed the Masse to be a sacrifice of thankesgiuing. lib. 3. cap. 2.

[Page 22] 40 Bega a Nunne, after she sawe the soule of the Abbesse Hilda carried into heauen, exhorted her sisters to be occupied in prayers and Psalmes for her soule. Whereby it appeareth that the doctrine of purgatory was not yet confirmed among them. Lib. 4. ca. 23. No­thing is so certainly defended among Papistes as pur­gatorie.

41 Holy men fasted then with eating of milke, as Egbert. Bed. lib. 3. ca. 27. and Cedda fasted lent with egges and milk lib. 3. ca. 23. Papists of later times haue vtterly forbidden all white meates in Lent and fasting dayes.

42 There was a Church of Christ in Britaine be­fore the comming of Augustine not subiect to the see of Rome, which continued long after his comming lib. 2. cap. 4. The Papistes account none Christians, but such as be bondslaues to the see of Rome.

43 Laurence the 2. Archbishop. of Canter. accom­pteth the Bishops of the Scottes and Britaines for Bi­shops, although they were not subiect to the see nor Church of Rome. Bed lib. 3 cap. 4. The Papistes take none for Bishops that be not vnder the see of Rome.

44 The Churches of the Britaines were builded after another forme then the Churches of the Romish obedience Bed. lib. 3. cap. 4. The Papistes affirme there were no Churches euer builded but in fashion and vse of poperie.

45 The Schottish Churche instructed from Ire­land obserued all such workes of deuotion as they could finde in the Prophetes, Gospels, and Apostles writings, and therefore of Bede and the Englishe Church were acknowledged for Christians, although they would not become members of the Churche of Rome Bed. li. 3. ca. 4. The Papistes hold that there is no saluation out of the Church of Rome; which is a newe Church in England, in comparison of the elder that was before Augustines time.

46 Aidanus a preaching Bishop hauing no posses­sions, [Page 23] labouring to fulfill all that was written in the holy scriptures, the prophets and Apostles, shining in miracles both in his life time and after his death, was neuer subiect to the Church of Rome, yet accounted a Saint of the Church in those dayes Bed. lib. 3. cap. 16. The Papistes allowe no saintes but canonized by their Pope.

47 The exercise of Aidanus company both shorne and lay men, was reading of the Scriptures and lear­ning of the Psalmes Bed. lib. 3. cap. 5. The exercise of Popish Bishops servants is nothing lesse.

48 The greatest parte of the English Saxons, were converted to Christianitie, by the Britaines & Scottes that were no members of the Church of Rome. As all the kingdome of Northumberland both Bernicians & Deires, were conuerted by Aidanus except a fewe per­sons whom Paulmus the Romaine in long time had gained. The whole kingdome of Mercia, which was the greatest part of England, receiued the faith and baptisme of Finanus the Scot the successour of Aida­nus Bed. lib. 3. cap. 21. The East Saxons by Cedda that was also of the Scottishe ordering lib. 3. cap. 22. The Papistes affirme that all our religion came from Rome.

49 Ceadda was consecrated by Wini bishop of the West Saxons, assisted by two Britain Bishops that were not subiect to the see of Rome, & was neuerthe­lesse accompted for a lawfull bishop Bed. lib 3. 28.

50 Beda accounted Gregorie for the Apostle of the Englishmen lib. 2. cap. 1. The Papistes nowe take Augustine for their Apostle.

I omit many other opinions and ordinances of that age: as Augustine would haue none forced to religion, that Wednesday should be fasting day. The bishop of London should haue a pall as well as Yorke &c. wherein the Papistes differ from them that bragge of nothing but antiquity, vniuersalitie and consent.

AN OVERTHROW of Stapletons Fortresse, or as he cal­leth it himselfe, the piller of Papistrie.
The first Booke.

CAP. I.

AN introduction, declaring the necessitie of the matter to be treated vpon, Stapleton. and the order which the auothour wil take in treating thereof.

OMitting the necessitie of the mater, Fulke. his order which he promiseth to keepe is this. First he wil proue, if he can, that Papistrie is the only true Christi­anitie. This proposition he will followe by two prin­cipall partes. In the former he will proue by autho­rity of Scriptures, and answering of the aduersaries ob­iections, that the Church cannot possibly erre. Second­ly that this Church must be a knowne Church, that no malignant Church can preuaile against it: that Pa­pistrie can be no schisme nor heresie. In the latter part after a fewe reasonable demandes that protestantes must not refuse to answere, putting the case that the knowne Church of 900. yeares is a kinde of papistry, he will proue that the faith of protestants is differing from that was first planted among Englishe men in more then fortie pointes, and that in all those pointes of difference, he wil shew they agree with the first 600. yeares, which he saith (but falsely) that protestants of­fer to be tried by. For although the Bishop of Sarum made challenge of many articles nowe holden of the Papistes, not to be founde within the compasse of the first 600. yeares, and therefore to be newe and false doctrines, yet neither he, nor any protestant liuing, or dead, did euer agree to receiue what doctrine so e­uer [Page 25] was taught within the first sixe hundreth yeares. But this I dare avowe, that what article of doctrine so euer we do affirme, that same hath bene affirmed of the godly fathers of the primitiue Church, what so euer we denie, the same can not be proued to haue ben vni­uersally affirmed and receiued of all the godly fathers by the space of the 600. yeares together.

CAP. II.

That protestantes doe condemne the vuiuersal Church of Christ of these many hundreth yeares, Stapleton. and the reason of the whole disputation following grounded therevpon.

To prooue that the Protestants condemne the uni­uersall Church of Christ these many hundreth yeares, Fulke. he alledgeth the sayinges of some Protestants, misera­bly wrested from their meaning: that Latimer was our Apostle, that Luther begat trueth, that the Gospel doth arise in the first appearing of the Gospel, &c: or as though by these sayings & such like they should de­ny, that euer there had ben any Churche in the worlde before these times, whereas euery childe may vnder­stand, they speake of the restitution of the truth of the Gospel into the open sight of the world, in these latter days. Likewise where some haue written, that the Pope hath blinded the world these many hundreth yeares, some say a thousand yeres, some 1200. some 900. some 500. &c. And the Apologie affirmeth that Christ hath saide: the Church should erre, he cauilleth that all the Church for so many yeares is condemned of all error. Whereas it is euident to them that will vnderstande that although some erronious opinions haue preuai­led, & in processe of time haue increased in the greatest part of the Church, for many hundreth yeares, yet so long as the only foundation of saluatiō was reteined, the vniuersall Church of Christe so many hundreth yeares is not condemned. But when Antichrist (the [Page 26] mysterie of whose iniquitie wrought in the Apostles time. 2. Thess. 2.) was openly shewed, and that apostasy which the Apostle foresheweth, was fulfilled then and from that time, whensoeuer it was, not the vniuersall Church of Christ is condemned, but the general apo­pasie of Antichrist is detected.

THE ARGVMENT WHEREVP-on this first part of the vawmure of this Fortresse is builded, is thus fra­med by the builder himselfe.

The knowen Church of Christ doth continew, and shall con­tinue alwayes, Stapleton. without interruption in the true and vpright faith.

But papistrie was the onely knowne Church of Christ all these nine hundreth yeares.

Ergo papistrie all these nine hundreth yeares hath continued and shal continue alwayes euen to the worldes end without inter­ruption in the true and vpright faith.

This argument hath neuer a legge to stande vpon, Fulke. for vnderstanding (as he doeth) the knowen Church, to be that which is knowne to the world, to continue without interruption: so knowne to the worlde, the maior is false. For although the Church shall conti­nue alwayes without interruption, yet it shall not continue alwayes so knowne, but, as in the dayes of Elias, be hid from the outward viewe of men.

Againe, the minor, that Papistrie was the only kno­wen Church, vnderstanding (as he doth) that it was on­ly reputed, taken, and acknowledged so to be, it is vt­terly false. For the Greeke & Orientall Church, which is not the Popish Church, hath beene reputed, taken, and acknowledged to be the Church of Christ, by as great a nomber of professors of Christianitie, as haue [Page 27] acknowledged the Popish Church. So that where he thinketh and saith, al his labour remaineth to proue y e maior, you see that if he could proue it, yet al his labor is lost. But to follow him in his maior, he deuydeth it into two partes. The one, that the Church doeth al­wayes continue in a right faith. The other, that this is a known Church. Both these he promiseth to proue by Scripture. And the first truely he shall not neede: but yet it followeth not, but that the church may erre in some particuler points, not necessary to saluation, although it continue in a right faith, concerning all principall and necessarie articles.

CAP. III.

Euident proofes & cleare demonstrations out of the Psalms, Stapleton. that the Church of Christ must continue for euer without in­terruption, sounde & vpright.

He is plentifull in prouing, that which needeth no proofe, Fulke. that the Church of Christ shall continue al­wayes: and first out of the 88 Psalme, which he rehear­seth and interpreteth of the Church out of Augustine, lest he should trust his owne iudgement, as he fanta­sieth, that our preachers do, altogether refusing to read interpreters. Wee affirme that the Church of Christ hath and shall continue to the worldes ende, but we deny, that the Popish Church is that, which could not be before there was a Pope, before their he­resies were brought out of the bottomlesse pit, which were not breathed vp all in 600. yeares after Christ, no not in 1000 yeares after Christ, and some not almost in 14. hundreth yeares after Christ, I meane the sacri­legious taking away of the communion of the blood of Christ from the people in the councell of Con­stance. What impudencie is it of Papistes, to vrge the perpetuall continuance of Christes Churche, without interruption, and then to begin at 600. yeres after Christ: and not to be able to shewe a perpetuall [Page 28] course of all their doctrine, from Christ his Apostles and the primitiue Church?

But to proue that the church of Christ cannot pos­sibly (as Protestants wickedly do fable,) haue fayled and perished these many hundreth yeares, he citeth the 61. Psalme, with Augustines exposition thereupon. But what Protestant so fableth M. Stapleton? you had neede to make men of paper, to fight against the pa­per walles of your fantasticall fortresse. The Papistes when they cannot confute that we say, they wil beate downe that we say not. How saye the Protestantes that these 900. yeares and vpward, the Church hath perished: it hath beene ouerwhelmed with Idolatrie and superstition? The Protestants neuer sayde so M. Stapl. The Church hath not perished, though the greatest part of the worlde hath beene ouerwhelmed with idolatrie and supersti­tion. God can prouide for his chosen, that they shall not be drowned, when all the worlde beside is ouer­whelmed. Another testimonie to the like effect, and with the like conclusion, he bringeth out of y e psal. 104 & thereupon a pithy syllogisme. We proue the Catholike Church by the continuance of Christianitie. The continuance of Christianitie only in Papistry is cleare, ergo Papistry is only the true Church of Christ. Nego tibi minorem M. Stepl. When will you proue the continuance of Christianitie only in Papistrie, when Papistrie began since Christ & his Apostles: and if you meane Christianitie, for the ex­ternall profession of Christes religion: then will you proue the Orientall Churches to be papistrie, which defye the authoritie of your Pope?

Last of all, out of the Psalm. 101. and Augustines application of the same against the Donatistes, which sayde that the church was perished out of al the wor [...]d except Affrica where they were, he would compare the Protestants to them, whereas in deede the Papistes are more like to them. For they holding that there is no Church of Christ but the Romish church, affirme in effect as the Donatistes, that the Church of Christ for [Page 29] many hundreth yeares hath perished out of all partes of the world beside Europa, where onely & yet not in all partes thereof they haue borne the sway. What­soeuer therefore Augustine writeth against the Do­natistes, for shutting vp the Church of Christ onely in Affrica, may be rightly applyed to the Papistes, for re­straining it onely to a part of Europa. But contrary to the Papistes and Donatistes, we affirme, that the Ca­tholike church of Christ is and hath beene, euen in the most darke times of Antichristes kingdome, dispersed throughout the whole world, nothing doubting, but God, which preserued 7000. in one corner of Israel, not much greater then some shyere of England, hath pre­serued seuen thousand thousande, in all partes of the wyde world, which neuer bowed their knees to the Romish Baal, nor kissed him with their mouth.

CAP. IIII.

Proofes and testimonies one of the Prophet Esay, Stapleton. that the Church of the Messias continueth for euer vnto the worlds end, assisted alwayes by God himselfe.

The testimonies of the perpetuitie of the Church out of the Prophet Esay, Fulke. with the exposition of Hiero­nyme vpon them, maketh nothing against vs, which willingly acknowledge the same: But denye that they perteine to the Popish Church, which had her be­ginning long after Christe and his Apostles, and her full tyranny confirmed more than 1000. yeares after Christe. The same Hierome disputeth against the cu­stome of the particular Church of Rome, and appea­leth to the Church of all the worlde. Si auctoritas quae­ritur, orbis maior est vrbe, &c. If authoritie be sought, the world is greater then a citie. And againe: Quid mihi profers vnius vrbis consuetudinem? What bringest thou forth to mee the costome of one citie? Euagr.’ We stand for the Catholike Church of Christ disper­sed ouer all the world, against the particular, schisma­ticall, [Page 30] hereticall, and Antichristian church of Rome, which though shee haue inuaded by tyranny ouer a great part of Europe, yet neuer did shee preuaile ouer the whole Church throughout the world, not yet ouer all Europe.

CAP. V.

The doctrine of Caluine touching the Church, Stapleton. is examined to the touchstone of the holy Scriptures alledged: Wherein also is treated and disputed, by what markes the Church may be known.

First he confesseth that Caluine hath learnedly, largely, and truely, Fulke. treated of the vnitie, authoritie, and obedience of the Church. He affirmeth also, that he acknowledgeth a visible Church in the worlde, whose communion we ought to keepe, and of her to receiue the spirituall foode of doctrine and sacraments, which ought not to be forsaken for the euil life of the mem­bers thereof. All this he commendeth and alloweth. But herein he sheweth his malicious cauilling stomak, that he supposeth Caluine to affirme, that the vniuer­sall Church of Christ is visible, where he speaketh but of particular congregations members of the whole, which are visible, not to the world always, but to the members of the same.

The markes of the Church which Caluine sayeth to be, true preaching of the worde of God, and due administration of the sacraments, although he con­fesseth them to be in the Church, yet he denyeth them to be the markes of the Church. For the marke must be better knowne then the thing whereof it is a marke, but the Church is more euident then those markes: ergo they be no true markes. The minor he proueth by that which Caluine teacheth, that wee must learne of the Church the true meaning of the Scripture. But hereof it followeth not, that y e Church is better known then these markes. For there is a far­ther [Page 31] tryal which ought to be better known: by which both are to be knowne: namely the worde of God, whereunto wee must haue recourse, to trye whether those things that are preached, are euen so in deede, as the Thessalonians did, by the preaching of Paul & Barnabas, Act. 17. ver. 11. The vnmouable trueth is to be sought in the Scriptures, what preaching or Church agreeth with that trueth, is to be receiued & none other. And whereas he sayeth that Heretikes challenge these markes as well as Catholiks, I grant they do so, but no more do they challenge these markes, then they challenge the Church to be on their side, for there was neuer heresie, but they bragged as much of the Church as of the trueth. Therefore the Church is not more cleare then these markes, but these marks tryed by y e worde of God, are more cleare then the Church, which is therefore the Church be­cause it maintaineth true doctrin. The doctrine is not true because the Church maintaineth it. The cause is better known then the effect: for knowledge is to vn­derstand by causes.

But M. Stapl. hath two better markes then Cal­uine describeth. To wit: the vniuersalitie and com­munion of all nations: The continuance and euer­remaining thereof among Christians. These markes by no Logyke, can be causes of the Church, but ad­iuncts vnto it, and therefore the worst arguments that can be to knowe it by: euen such as the foolish mans argument was, that knew his horse by the bry­dle. But admitt these to be proper adiuncts of the Church, yet shall not the popish Church be able to prooue those to be her markes. For Popery neither doth, neither euer did possesse all the worlde, except a peece of Europe be all the world. The Church of Christ is Catholike, although there were but three of foure persons in all the worlde that mainteined true doctrine, as there was not many when Christ & his Apostles and a fewe other were the onely Church [Page 32] in all the world, and the Catholike Church, before they were dispersed into many nations. For y e Church is called Catholike or vniuersall, not because all men or most men do pertaine vno it, but because all that be members of Christ, howe many or howe fewe so euer they be, and wheresoeuer they be, are mem­bers of that Church But M. Stapl. sayth: The vniuersali­tie of the Church is a matter euident to the eye, & therefore the Catholike Church is alwayes visible. To this I answer, that if the Catholike Church, or the vniuersalitie thereof, were alwayes visible, or at any time visible, or the v­niuersalitie thereof euident to the eye: it should be no article of faith: for faith is of such things as are not seen with the eye, but beleued with the heart. Heb. 11. ver. 1. We agree with Augustine against the Donatists, that no heresie was in all countreys & in all ages. For Papistrie which is the greatest heresie & apostasye, was neuer in all countryes & all ages. But if an heresie were in all countries and ages, yet proueth it not it self to be a Catholike trueth. Idolatrie hath beene in all countries and ages, yet is it not thereby prooued to be a Catholike trueth. The Church of Christe whereof we are members, hath bene in al partes of the world, and in all ages, though not alwayes not euer receiued of the greatest part of men. And if this be a most cleare and euident marke (as he saith) that no heretike can pretende to be ioyned in communion with all Christian countries. The Popish Church hath not this marke, which is not ioy­ned in communion with the Greekes, Armenians, Chaldeans, Aethiopians, and so many nations as at this day, and since the Apostles times haue bene Christened Countries.

But nowe wee come to the seconde marke of the Church. The continuance thereof from the begin­ning to the ende of the worlde, which is in deede a proper adiunct of the Church of Christe, not to be found in any heresie, nor in papistry the greatest of all heresies. But M. Stapleton, which cannot proue that [Page 33] Papistrie hath continued alwayes, will argue vppon that it hath continued a certeine time. The Church (saith he) hath continued a certeine hundred yeares in that faith and doctrine onely which Papistes do teache: But in those very hundreth yeares, the Church neither could lacke, neither coulde haue a wrong faith, or be seduced with damna­ble doctrine. Therefore Papistes had all that time the true faith, and their faith and doctrine is true, sound, and vpright. The maior of this argument he affirmeth to be our confession, which is nothing else but an impudent lye of his owne confiction. For which of the Prote­stantes euer confessed that the Church hath continu­ed so many hundreth yeares in that faith and doctrin onely, which the Papistes teache? If he haue the wit to drawe such confessions from vs, he may proue what he list against vs. But he promiseth to proue abundantly the continuance of Popish doctrine from the beginning, which wee so stoutly denye. In the meane time he returneth to Caluine, whome he char­geth to haue learned his opinion and doctrine of the Donatistes, concerning the markes of the Church. Taking to witnesse the Ep. 48. of Augustine ad Vin­centium, where the Donatistes answered the argu­ment of vniuersalitie: that the Church was called Catholike, Not because it did communicate with the whole worlde, but because it obserued all Gods commaundementes & all his sacraments. But what a vaine quarell this is, he him selfe doth sufficiently declare, when he bringeth in Augustine immediatly, confessing the Church to be called Catholike, because it holdeth that veritie wholly and throughly, whereof euery heresie holdeth a parte or peece onely, and addeth thereunto the cō ­munication with all nations: videlicet, that holde that veritie wholly and throughly. And lest this might seeme to be borrowed of the Donatistes onely, Au­gustine him selfe affirmeth as much, de Genesi ad lite­ram imperfect. Cap. 1. Constitutam ab eo matrem ecclesiam, [...] Catholica dicitur, ex eo quia vniuersaliter perfecta est, & [Page 34] in nullo claudicat, & per totum orbem diffusa est. ‘That by him the Church is appointed our mother, which is called Catholike, for that it is vniuersally perfect, & halteth in nothing, and is dispersed throughout the whole worlde.’ Whereas Augustine requireth vni­uersall perfection in all true doctrine and admini­stration of the sacramentes with vniuersalitie, the Papistes take vniuersalitie alone, which Augustine neuer sayde nor taught, to be a sufficient note of the Church.

After this he chargeth Caluine to denye the per­petuall continuance of the Church, because he sayde, that the pure preaching of the worde hath vanished away in certeine ages past, by which he meaneth not (as this foolish cauiller taketh him, or rather mi­staketh him) that true preaching had vtterly perished out of the whole worlde, but out of the Popish Sy­nagog, which in Europe boasted it selfe to be the onely Church of Christe, when in the chiefe articles of Christianitie, it derogated from the glorye of Christ, and was subiect to the doctrine of the man of sinne, the aduersary and enemy of Christ. And if malice had not blinded him, he woulde haue so vn­derstoode Caluine, alledging his saying immediat­ly after, wherein he confesseth, that the Church of Christ neuer fayled out of the worlde. Whereupon he demaundeth whether the Church of the Prote­stants is that which hath neuer fayled? If wee saye, it is, he demaundeth further, where those markes of preaching and ministring of the sacraments haue beene these many hundreth yeares? which question he hopeth some disciple of Caluine will assoile him. I aunswere those markes were to be seene in such places, where the Churches were gathered, that had separated them selues from the Church of Rome. If he vrge mee further, to shewe him the particuler places, let him resort to the booke of Actes and mo­numentes, which it seemeth he hath read ouer. If [Page 35] that will not satisfye him, by example of our Saui­our Christ I will refell his vaine question with an­other question: Where did those 7000. that GOD preserued in the dayes of Elias, assemble for prayers, preaching, and sacrifice. If he cannot tell, no more am I bounde to shewe him in what particuler places they preached and ministred the Sacramentes. And therefore neither neede the Apologie to recant, nor the Harborough be reuoked, nor M. Foxe call in his booke, nor M. Nowell his reproofe. It will not suffice a wrangling cauiller, an hundreth times to af­firme, that the Church hath alwayes continued, euen when Papistrie moste preuailed, and euen vnder the tyrannie and persecution of Papistrie: like as the Church was among the idolatrous Baalites in the dayes of Elyas, or among the wicked Iewes that per­secuted the Prophets. But hereto he replyeth, that though the assemblies of the Iewes were no Chur­ches, yet their temple, sacrifices, ceremonies, lawe, and doctrine was good. I aunswere, so much of these as they reteyned according to Gods lawe, was good, and so I confesse of the doctrine and sacra­mentes of the Papistes. As Baptisme, concerning the substance of the sacrament: the historicall faith of the Trinitie: of the incarnation, passion, resurrecti­on of Christ, &c. But if these and many more pie­ces of trueth, might be sufficient to make them the Church of Christ, many heretikes might challenge the Church, which haue confessed & practised a great number of truthes, more then they, which erre but in one article, as the Arrians, Pelagians, &c. Where as the Papistes erre in many: yea, in the whole do­ctrine of iustification by faith, and the worship of God. And therefore Papistrie is not onely a schisme, errour, or heresie: But as Caluine out of Daniel 9. and Paul, 2. Thessal. 2. rightly concludeth, an aposta­sie, defection and antechristianitie, not abolishing, but reteining the names of Christe, of the Gospell, & [Page 36] of the Church: but the true vertue, power, and strength of the same, vtterly forsaking, denying, and persecuting.

CAP. VI.

Other prophecyes alledged and discussed for the continu­ance of Christes Churche, Stapleton. in a sounde and vpright faith.

Diuerse textes of Scripture are cited, Fulke. some rightly, some strangely applyed, to proue that wee deny not, namely the perpetuall continuance of the Church of Christ, in a sounde and right faith, in all matters ne­cessary to saluation. Vppon euery one of which, he inferreth: howe could Christe forsake his Church these [...]00. yeares, as though wee saide that Christe hath had no Church in the space of nine hundreth yeares, which we neuer doubted of.

CAP. VII.

Proofes out of the Gospell, Stapleton, for the continuance of Christes Church, in pure and vnspotted doctrine.

When M. Stapleton commeth to proue that which wee denye, Fulke. his proofes will be neither so plentifull, nor so sufficient. His counterfait painted Fort must haue puppets made to assaile it. The Church of Christ concerning the substance of doctrine necessary to saluation, shall continue pure and vnspotted, al­though in other matters, shee may be deceiued, euen as euery one of Gods elect, for whome our Sauiour Christ prayeth, Iohn 17. which text M. Stapleton ci­teth to proue the continuance of the Church. Wee will neuer say, that hell gates haue preuailed against the vniuersall Church of Christ, though they haue preuailed against the see of Rome. Yet must wee say, as the Scripture teacheth vs, that Antichrist shal prevaile in the worlde, 2. Thessal. 2. One Scripture is neuer contrary to another. Wee are challenged to [Page 37] reade you out of the Scriptures, the breach, interrup­tion, and fayling of the Church of Christ so manye hundreth yeares. As you vnderstand the breach and fayling, for an vtter abolishing of the Church of Christ out of the worlde: such breache and fayling, as wee do not read it, so wee do not affirme it. But that wee affirme, wee reade that in the latter dayes some shall depart from the faith, attending to spi­rites of errour in hypocrisie, &c. whose markes are to forbid marryage, and to abstaine from meates which God hath created, &c. 1. Tim. 4. Wee read, that before the comming of Christe, shall be an apo­stasie, and the man of sinne shalbee openly shewed, which shall deceiue a great parte of the worlde, 2. Thess. 2. We reade that the whore of Babylon, which all auncient writers expound to be Rome, shall with her sorcerie enchaunt & make dronke all nations, &c. Apoc. This and much more we reade, to shewe what your vniuersalitie is, and to take away the obiection of our paucitie, and not appearing to the greatest part of the worlde, at such time as it pleased God, for the vnthankfulnesse of men, to send them the effica­cie of errour, to be deceiued, because they woulde not receiue the trueth.

CAP. VIII.

To denye the continuance of the Church in a sound & vp­right faith, Stapleton. is to defect the mysterie of Christes incarnation.

This man hath great leasure, with store of ynke & paper, Fulke. that filleth so many chapters, which proofe of that, which none of his aduersaries will denie Who al with one mouth confesse, and cry out against him so loud, that if he were not either deafe or dead, he might heare: that as Christe the head continueth for euer, so doeth the Church his bodye: but that the Popishe Church at this time and many hundreth yeares before this time is the body of Christe, the spouse of Christe, [Page 38] the flocke of Christes sheepe, which is deuided from Christ, which is an adulteresse from Christ, which hea­reth not the voice of Christ: this we all denie, and this you shal neuer be able to proue while the world stan­deth, babble and scrible as long as you will.

CAP. IX.

That Protestants doe condemne the practise and beliefe of the first 600. yeares in many thinges, Stapleton. no lesse then of this latter age.

If Papistes doe allowe the practise and beleefe of the first 600. yeares in all thinges, Fulke. they may iustly re­proue vs for refusing the same in some things. But if they refuse the practise and beleefe of that age in ma­ny things, bicause their Church, their iudge, doth now practise and holde the contrarie: why should they re­quire vs to be bound to the practise and opinion of those times in all things, when by Scriptures, the only rule of trueth, with vs, we finde that they haue erred in some things. But to leaue his impudent rayling and lying, that we or any of vs, did euer offer to iustifie what so euer was done or helde by godly men of the first 600. yeares: let vs see what practise and beleefe he chargeth vs to condemne.

First (saith he) they not onely reproue certaine Fa­thers for certaine errours, but in many pointes they condemne all the Fathers, for common errours: as in­uocation of Saintes, and praier for the dead. And doe not you Papistes, reproue the practise of al the Fathers, & Pope Innocent with them, not onely for ministring the Communion to infants, but also for holding that they be damned, except they receiue the Communion? Augustim. Cont. duas ep. Pelag. ad Bonifac. lib. 2. cap. 4. Doe you not reproue y e practise & opinion of all y Fathers, for allowing mariage in the ministers of the Church, which you vtterly condemne? What shall I say of the [Page 39] Communion in both kindes, giuen to the lay people, by consent of all antiquitie, of communicating with the Priest, and many such like thinges: the practise and beleefe whereof you vtterly refuse?

But to returne to the examples of inuocation of Saintes, which Stapleton saith, are cleare by all wri­ters of the first 600. yeares, rayling like a saucie mar­chant at M. Iewell and M. Grindall, men whose lear­ning and godlinesse he may enuie, but will neuer at­taine vnto. What a bolde bayard is this, to affirme that innocation of Saints is cleare by all writers of the first 600. yeares, when no writer of 300. yeares after Christ, hath any one iot either of practise or beleefe to alow it? Epiphanius among the heresies of y Caianes counteth inuocation of Angels. Tom. 3. Haer. 3. The other errour of praying for the dead is more aun­cient, but yet it sprang first from the heresie of Monta­nus, neither is there any writer auncienter then Ter­tullian a Montanist, in whome any steppes of praier for the dead are to be found. To these he adioyneth a slaunder of Caluine, whome he affirmeth to teach, that God is the cause and authour of euill: which how im­pudent a lye it is, all they that haue read Caluine of Predestination can testifie. The reseruation of the Sa­crament of the Lordes supper, Caluine confesseth to haue bene an erronious practise of the ancient Church. And what say you Papistes? was it not erronious to re­serue that which Christ commaunded to be eaten and dronken? But you make no bones of Christes com­maundement. If it were not erronious, why was it forbidden in diuers Councels?

If you care not for that, yet thinke not to mocke y e world with the auncient practise of reseruation, which you your selues condemne. Will you suffer men and women to carie home the sacrament and locke it in their chestes? to hang it about their neckes, to receiue it in their houses when they list? If you allowe not these thinges which was the reseruation of auncient [Page 40] times, you are twice impudent to charge vs for repro­uing that practise, which you your selues doe not ad­mit to be lawfull. But yet againe, he chargeth Caluine to condemne the whole primitiue Church of Iewish superstition, for saying the Fathers folowed rather the Iewish manner of sacrificing, then the ordinance of Christ in the Gospell. What a shamelesse beast is this, to slander Caluine to condemne the whole primitiue Church? when he speaketh only of the later and more corrupt times, in which he sheweth their errour, but condemneth not the Church.

But nowe he will proue, that Protestantes hold sixe heresies condemned within the first 500. yeares. The first is iustification by faith only, condemned in Aeri­us and Eunomius, August. Haer. 54. Epiph. Haer. 76. which is a very shamelesse slaunder, for there is no such iu­stification by faith onely condemned in them, as we holde, which no man of the auncient Fathers more co­piously defendeth, then Augustine him selfe. The second is also a most impudent lye, that to condemne free will in man, to worke well, as we meane it, is an heresie of y e Manichees & Marcionistes: for both which opinions as we holde them, Augustine him selfe shall speake, Ep. 105. Sixto. Restat igitur vt ipsam fidem vnde om­nis iustitia sumit initium, propter quod dicitur ad ecclesiam in Cantico canticorum: Venies, & pertransies ab initio fidei, non hu­mano, quo isti extolluntur, tribuamus arbitrio, nec villis praece­dentibus meritis, quoniā inde incipiunt bona quaecun (que) sunt me­rita, sed gratitū donum Dei esse fateamur, si gratiam veram, id est, sine meritis cogitemus. Therefore it remaineth, that we ascribe not faith it selfe (from whence all righte­ousnesse taketh beginning, for which it is said vnto the Church in the Balat of Balats, Thou shalt come & passe through from the beginning of faith) vnto mans free will, whereof they are proude, nor to any merites going before, for all good merites what so euer they are, beginne from thence▪ but that we confesse it to be the freely giuen gift of God, if we thinke o [...] true grace [Page 41] which is without merites.’Thus writeth Augustine a­gainst the Pelagians, which mainteined free will to do wel, and were counted heretikes therefore: the contra­r [...]e whereof Stapleton doth nowe count to be heresie in vs. The third heresie imputed to Aerius, was the de­niall of praier for the dead, which neither Augustine, nor Epiphanius that count it for an errour, can by the word of God conuince to be so. The fourth is Iouinia­ans opinion▪ making marriage equall with virginitie, which we doe not hold, but that in some respect virgi­nitie is preferred, as the Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 7. But y t we exhort them to marrie which can not keepe their vowe of continence, which rashly and presumptuously they made, we are warranted by Epiphanius Contra A­postolicos, Haer. 61. Hieronym. Ad Demetriadem. The fift, that is, the contempt of fasting daies appointed by the Church, we holde not with Aerius and Eustachius, but cōtrariwise, that they are to be obserued, although we make none account of the fasting daies appointed, and superstitiously kept by the Popish Church. The sixt, the superstition of Christians vsed at the tombes of Martyrs, we condemne with Vigilantius and Augu­stine, De moribus ecclesiae Catholicae lib. 1. cap. 34. Neither is Vigilantius condemned of any man in his time, but by the priuate iudgement of Hieronyme only.

Nowe in howe many heresies the Papistes commu­nicate with the olde heretikes, I haue shewed before in other treatises, which it were needlesse here to re­peate.

CAP. X.

Obiections of Protestants to proue the Church may erre, Stapleton. by the example and similitude of the olde lawe, aunswered and con­futed.

The obiection is onely this out of the Defence of the trueth fol. 94. as he saith: The Church of the Iewes lacked not Gods promises, Fulke succession of Bishops [Page 42] and priestes, opinion of holynesse and austeritie of life, knowledge of the lawe of God: And yet they er­red, why may we not thinke the like may be in this our time. Both maior & minor of this argument he saith is false: for first they had not such promises as the Church of Christ hath, of perpetuall continuance in the trueth, bicause they were not appointed to conti­nue alwayes, wherein he bewraieth his grosse & beast­ly ignorance, that can not discerne betweene the nati­on of the Iewes, and the Church of God among the Iewes, which hath euen the same promises of euerlast­ing continuance, that the Church of the Gentiles hath, which is not an other Church from the Church of the Iewes, but an accession and an addition vnto it. Howe many promises of eternall continuance, be made in the Prophetes to Israel, to Zion, to Ierusalem? Reade Esa. ca. 60. 62. & 63. among a number. The accōplish­ment whereof, although it be seene in the Church ga­thered of the Gentiles, yet who would be so impudent to denie, that they pertaine principally to the Church of Israel, as to the elder brother? But what striue we further? when the Apostle to the Romanes, cap. 9. vers. 3. expresly affirmeth, that the promises pertaine to Is­rael, euen as the adoption, the glorie, the couenants, the giuing of the lawe, &c. yet M. Stapleton thinketh him selfe a sharpe disputer, when he obiecteth out of the Epistle to the Hebrues, Heb. 8. that the testament of Messias is established in more excellent promises, bicause of y e new couenant out of Ieremie 31. as though both the testaments did not pertaine to the Catholike Church of Christ, as wel that of the Iewes, as this of y e Gentiles. The newe Testament & promises are better, then that was made in Sinai, but the new testament of Messias, pertaineth as much to the Church of y e Iewes, as to the Church of y e Gentiles. Or els the Apostle had laboured in vaine, writing to the Iewes, to drawe thē from the ceremonies of the olde testament, to the co­uenant of Messias, established onely in mercie and for­giuenesse [Page 43] of their sinnes. Christ was the Lambe slaine from the beginning of the world, whose redemption pertained as much vnto the fathers that liued before his incarnation, as vnto them that are borne sincer ther­fore the promise of the eternitie of the Church, begin­neth not at the natiuitie of Christ, but at the begin­ning of the world. So that for continuance and perpe­tuity of Gods spirite with his Churche, without the which it can not be the Church of God, the promises from the beginning, haue bene the same that are now, although according to Gods moste wise dispensation, they haue bene more clearely reuealed in the latter times, & most clearely of all by Christ himselfe and his Apostles.

Now remaineth the minor to be proued. That the Church of the Iewes hath erred. Which he denieth, because the high priestes answered truely of the nati­uitie of Christ, & because Caiphas prophecied vnwit­tingly of the vertue of Christes death, then the which nothing can be more blockish. They erred not in one article, ergo they erred not at all. One of them spake the trueth against his will in one point, ergo the syna­gogue of the Iewes neuer erred. Againe he saith, the whole synagogue, before the law of Christ took place, in necessary knowledge of the lawe of Moyses did ne­uer erre. For proofe whereof, more like a blocke then a man, he bringeth such places of Scripture, as either shew what the Priestes duty should be, but not affirme what their knowledge was, or else prophesie a refor­mation of the corrupt state of the Cleargie, from igno­rance to knowledge. As Ez. 44. The Priestes & Le­uites shall teach my people. And Mal. 2. The lippes of the Priest should kepe knowledge, and men should require the law of his mouth. Agg. 2. Aske the priest the Lawe. But what dronken Flemming of Douaie, would reason thus? The Scribes and the Pharisees sate in Moses chaire, therefore the Synagogue did either neuer or not then erre. Our Sauiour Christ willed thē [Page 44] to be heard, while they spake out of Moses chaire, not while they taught to worship God in vaine, preferring their traditions before the commandement of God. But who would spend any more time in reasoning a­gainst such a one, as defendeth that the Scribes and the Pharises did not erre, whose false doctrine cōcerning adulterie, murther, swearing, the worship of God, not onely the person, but also the qualitie of Messias and his kingdome, our sauiour Christ him selfe so often & so sharply doth reproue. But the whole synagogue (saith he) in necessary knowledge of the lawe of Mo­ses did neuer erre. If he vnderstand the whole syna­gogue for euerie man, we confesse the same, and so we say that the whole Church, that is all the elect, neither in the first sixe hundreth, nor in the latter nine hun­dreth yeares, did neuer erre in necessary knowledge of the Gospel. But if you take the whole synagogue, for the whole multitude that had the ordinary autho­rity, and did beare the outward face and countenance of the Church, they haue erred before the comming of Christ▪ Example in the whole synagogue, in the dayes of Iosias, when the very booke of the lawe was vnknowen vnto the Priestes, vntill it was found by oc­casion of taking out of mony out of the temple, by Hilchiah the priest. So that from the beginning of the reigne of Manasse, vntill the 18. yeare of the reigne of Iosias, which was almost 80. yeares, Idolatry openly, preuailed in the temple of God, the whole synagogue, that is, all in authority and countenance, embracing the same, except a fewe poore Prophetes, that were slaine for crying out against it. 2. King. 22. & 2. Chro. 34. And such was the state of the Church in the most corrupt times, continuing as then, but yet in persecu­tion, aduersity, and beeing vnknowen vnto the worlde, except now and then God stirred vp some witnesse to testifie his truth, which was slaine of the beast Apoc. 11. Now concerning the childish sophisme, that although it was not possible that the Church could erre, yet [Page 45] it is not proued, that it hath erred, what shold I speake? When the defender directly oppugneth that paradoxe which the Papistes holde: namely, that the Churche cannot erre. To conclude, while he walketh vnder a cloude of the Church sanctified, and assisted by the ho­ly Ghost, defended by the presence of Christ, &c. He playeth bo peepe vnder a coverlet. For what so euer promises are made to the faithfull spouse of Christe, pertaine nothing at al to the Popish Church of Anti­christ, which is departed from the faith, carrying the brandmarks of hypocrisie, in prohibition of marriage and meates, so euident, that all the water in the sea can not wash them out.

CAP. XI.

Obiections out of the News Testament moued and assoyled. Stapleton.

The first obiection is the abhomination of desola­tion standing in the holy place, that is the Church, Matth. 24. He asketh where the defender hath learned to expound this holy place of the Church? Forsooth where M. Stapleton learned, that it may be vnderstood of the temple at Ierusalem, where Pilate placed Caesars image, or of the Image of Adriane. Namely, in Hie­rome, vpon this text Matth. 24. which vnderstandeth the abhomination of desolation to be Antichrist, of whom Saint Paule speaketh, whom he denieth not, but that he shal sit in the Church: his wordes are these. De hoc & Apostolus loquitur, quòd homo iniquitatis & aduer­sarius eleuandus sit contra omne quod dicitur Deus & colitur: ita ut audeat stare in templo Dei, & ostendere quòd ipse sit De­us: cuius aduentus secundum operationem satanae destruat eos, & ad Dei solitudinem redigat, qui se susceperint, Potest au­tem simpliciter aut de Anti christo accipi, aut de imagine Cae­saris, &c. Of this abhomination of desolation the A­postle also speaketh, ‘that the man of sinne, and the ad­uersary shalbe lifted vp against all that is called God, [Page 46] or worshipped: so that he dare stand in the temple of God, and shewe himselfe as God: whose comming, ac­cording to the working of Satan, may destroy them & bring them to solitarines frō God, which shal receiue him: and it may either be taken simply of Antichriste, or of the image of Caesar, &c.’

Let him now reason with Hieronyme, howe the sa­crifice should ceasse after the ende of 62. weekes? Although for my part, I thinke, the pollution of the temple, whiche was a token of the desolation immi­nent, was a figure of the corruption of the Church by AntiChriste.

The 2. obiection. S. Paul witnesseth that Antichrist should sit in the temple of God, that is in the Church. What of this? (saith he) will it followe that he hath sitten there these 900. yeares? As though the defender were to proue how long Antichrist should sit, and not rather that the visible and outwarde multitude of the Church should erre.

Like madnes, shal I say, or impudence, he sheweth, where he saith, the protestantes commonly name S. Gregorie to be that Antichrist. Which I am sure he neuer read nor heard any protestant affirme. But the Pope cānot be Antichrist (saith he) because Antichrist should then labour to extirpe the faith of Christe, for the Pope hath called people from infidelitie to Christianitie. That letteth not, but that he is Anti­christ: for the Pope calleth none but vnto the name of Christianitie, vnder colour of which, he exerciseth ty­ranny, otherwise he laboureth to extirpe the faith of Christ, and to preferre himself before Christ, whose re­demption, he teacheth to take away onely the guilt of sinne, whereas his pardon taketh away, both the paine and the guilt of sinne.

The thirde obiection is out of S. Peter, that in the Church should be many masters and teachers of lyes: But these (sayth he) shall not tarie 900. yeares, for their destruction sleepeth not. A wise shift, as though [Page 47] the Apostle gaue not a generall admonition, for the Church in all ages, euen in that wherein he liued him­selfe.

The last is out of 1. Tim. 4. that in the latter dayes such should come, which shall giue eare to the do­ctrine of deuils, forbidding to marrie and eate suche meates as God hath created to be receiued with thanksgiuing. In this matter he professeth to be short, as he hath no lust to tarrie being in that, wherein his cauterized conscience is so galled. But he aunswereth briefly, it was fulfilled in the Manichees, what then? doth it followe that it is not fulfilled in the Papistes? Doth the spirite speak euidently of the Manichees, an obscure heresie, and not rather of the Apostasie of An­tichrist, whose hypocrisie should be cloaked by fained chastity and fasting? No no, Master Stapleton, your conscience although marked with a whot iron, yet can not but inwardly confesse, that this prophesie per­teyneth especially to Papistrie, the greatest heresie that euer was.

CAP. XII.

Other common obiections of protestantes, taken out of the law, Stapleton. discussed and assoyled.

The obiections are these: where was the outwarde face of the Church in the time of Noe, Fulke. in the time of the departing of the tenne tribes, in the dayes of Elias? He aunswereth out of Augustine De vnitate ecclesiae a­gainst the Donatistes, cap. 12. which made the same ob­iections, that as these examples of fewnesse of the Church are read in the Scriptures, so the Church to be dispersed ouer all the world, is read in the same Scrip­tures, and therfore it can not be restrained to the com­munion of Donatus in Affirica.

The like say we, (how of euer it pleaseth his malice to slaunder vs) that the Church is and was these 1500. [Page 48] yeares dispersed ouer the whole worlde, and therefore can not be restrained to the faction or communion of the Pope in a parte of Europe.

Concerning the apostasie of the 10. tribes, he an­swereth, that the Cleargie, vide licet the Priests and Le­uites, remained in sound religion, and many of the people, so God hath his Church alwayes, which we de­nie not. Yet in the dayes of Manasse, where can he shewe me any Cleargie of the Iewes that continued in sound religion? And yet I doubt not, but there were some particular persons, for GOD had his Churche among them euen then. But the outward face of the Church, was all turned into idolatrie and false worshipping of God. Where he saith; except the Church had remained in Europe these 900. yeares, pro­testantes should not haue had from whence to departe. I answere, protestantes are not departed out of the Church of Christ, but out of Babylon. And yet I ac­knowledge, that there were members of Christes Church dispersed, yea and Churches gathered also in the time of deepest ignorance, in moste regions of Europe, though not regarded, or condemned for he­retikes, in Calabria, in France, in England, in Bohe­mia. Finally whereas he would seeme to repaire the Popes losse in Europe, with the recouery of large countries in the East, wise men may easily see, and fooles also may laugh at it, howe vaine a bragge it is, to boast of matters so farre of as none can beare wit­nesse of, but himselfe, and such as he is.

CAP. XIII.

That the true Church of Christ, Stapleton. which continueth for e­uer, is a visible and known Church, no priuie or secrete congre­gation.

[Page 49] His name is Thomas forsooth, and therefore he saith, Fulke. he will neuer beleeue, that there was any other Church, but the Church of Rome, except he may so see it, that he may point to it with his finger. But gentle Thomas, our Sauiour Christ saith, blessed are they that beleeue & see not. If the catholike Church of Christ might be seene at any time, it should be no ar­ticle of our faith, which is an euidence of thinges that are not seene, Heb. 11. The members thereof, as seue­rall congregations, are seene, sometimes of many of all sortes of men, sometimes of them onely, that are true members of them, but Ierusalem which is aboue, and is the mother of all the faithful, is not seene, but with the eyes of faith. Therefore Thomas, if you wil neuer beleeue the Catholike Church, except you see it with your bodily eyes, you can neuer be any mem­ber thereof.

You alledge out of Esay 2. The hill of the house of the Lord shal be prepared in the toppe of all hilles, &c. This is fulfilled in the calling of the Gentiles, which haue not ceased to walke in the light of our God▪ since they were first called, though not alwayes in like numbers, not always in fauour with the pow­ers of the worlde, nor alwayes in sight of the blinde worldlinges. And Christ is the light of the Gentiles, Es. 49. vnto the vttermost partes of the earth, therefore not vnto one part of Europe only, as you Popish Dona­tistes do affirme. And the Apostles were the light of the worlde to carrie the light of saluation vnto the furthermost partes of the earth. Matth. 5. Es. 61. And their seede shal­be knowen among the Gentiles, and their buddes a­mong the people. All that see them shall know them, that they are the seede which the Lord hath blessed. The Church of the Gentiles, confesseth the seede of Abraham, which sometimes was obscure and knowen to fewe, to be the blessed seede, and reioyceth that by faith she is engraffed into the stocke of Abraham, to be partaker of the same blessing.

[Page 50] All this prooueth no light, sight, or knowledge of a Church to be pointed at with vnfaithfull Tho­mas his finger, but heauenly, spiritual, and to be dis­cerned by faith.

Againe when Esay sayeth: God hath prepared his arme in the eyes of all nations, and all the endes of the earth shal see the saluation of our God, Es. 52. he mea­neth to the electe and chosen of all nations, to the predestinate people. Not onely so sir Protestant: Why so syr Papist? The Prophet sayeth further, Quibus non est narratum, viderunt, & qui non audiuerunt contemplati sunt. Such as the Messias hath not beene preached vnto, yet they haue seene. And such as haue not heard, haue yet be­holden.

Ergo not the Electe onely: What then syr Pa­piste, tagge and ragge, all the reprobate of al times: is this your interpretation? But Thomas? I pray you giue vs leaue to beleeue the interpretation of S. Paule before you, who expoundeth it cleane con­trary to you. Romanes 15. ver. 20. ‘Yea I enforced my selfe to preach the Gospel, not where Christe was named, least I should haue built on an other mans foundation. But as it is written: Es. 52. To whome he was not spoken of, they shal see, and they that hearde not shall vnderstande.’ Loe Thomas, Saint Paule ex­poundeth this text of them which had seene Christe and knowen the Gospel, first, by his preaching, and not of such as the Messias hath not bene preached to. Therefore be no more vnfaithfull, but beleeue the Catholike Church, though it can not be seene. Yet will he not leaue the matter so, for Esay prophecy­eth.

That the Lorde would be a perpetuall light and glory of his Church: That the sunne of the Churche shal not goe downe any more, nor the moone vade, because the Lord shal be her euerlasting light. Na­tions shal walk in their light, and kings in the bright­nesse [Page 51] of her arising.

Verily Thomas, though our bodily eyes can not see this, yet doe wee moste constantly beleeue, that it is fulfilled in the Churche as it was promised.

But that the externall brightnesse of the Church is☜ not promised to bee in all ages alike, wee may clearely see by this, that he saith: Kinges shal walke in the brightnesse of thy rising vppe. For euerye age of the Churche hath not had kinges to walke in the brightnesse of her light.

Let Thomas which will not beleeue the conti­nuance of our Churche, except it be so shewed that hee may point at it with his finger: Let him I say point out with his finger, what Kinges in euery age for the space of the first three hundreth yeares, did walke in the brightnesse of the Churches arising. It will not serue him to name Algarus of Edessa, or Lucius of Britaine. But he must shewe a con­tinuall succession of Kinges for all that time, or if he can not, let him confesse, that the externall glorie and brightnesse of the Church, is not in all ages to be seene, as the spirituall magnificence and light thereof is euerlasting.

His nexte reason is, of the continuance of Pa­stours and teachers in the Churche, which he ima­gineth to haue fayled in our Church, for nine hun­dreth yeares, but he is altogether deceiued. For when the state of the Romishe Churche was gro­wen to be such a confuse Babylon, that it was ne­cessary for GODS people to goe out of it. Apoc. Chap. 18. verse 4. Which came not to the full ripe­nesse of iniquitie, vntill a thousande yeares after Christe, GOD sent Pastours and teachers to his Churche so departed out of Babylon, in these partes of Europe, which continued by succession, euen vntill GOD restored his Gospell into open light of the worlde againe.

[Page 52] Beside that a great number of Easterne Churches, haue continued euen from the Apostles time vnto this day, though not in soundnesse of all opinions, yet in open profession of Christianitie, among whome doubtlesse, some reteyned the foundation alwayes, which were neuer obedient to the see of Rome, nei­ther partakers of a greate nomber of her horrible he­resies, so that if it were graunted, that the Churche must alwayes be visible, yet the Papistes are neuer the neare, to proue their faction to be the Church, because the Greeke Church, for outward shewe of a Churche, hath bene alwayes as notorious in the East, as the Latine Church in the West.

Finally, where Augustine sayeth (although vpon a text wrongly interpreted) that the Churche is pla­ced in the sunne, that is, a manifest place of the worlde, not in a corner, like the conuenticles of heretikes. He meaneth not, that the Church is alwayes seene of all men, but that it seeketh no corners or couerture of darkenesse, as heretikes doe, to shrowd their falshoode in: although in the time of persecution it be driuen into streightes, and is content to be hidden from the aduersaries thereof, except in some cases, where the glorie of CHRISTE requireth an open con­fession.

The same Augustine, would haue the Churche to be known onely by the Scriptures De vnitate Eccle­siae. Cap. 16. Sed utrum ipst Ecclesiam teneant, non nisi divinarum scripturarrum Canonicis libris ostendunt. But whether they holde the Church, let them shewe by none otherwayes, but by the Canonicall bookes of the holy Scriptures.’ If the Papistes were able to proue their doctrine by the scriptures, they would not labour so muche for the title of the Church, which of necessitie would followe them if they taught nothing but that, and all that, which the holy Scriptures doe teache.

CAP. XIIII.

Three reasons why the Church of Christ ought of necessitie alwayes to be a cleare, Stapleton. euident, visible, and knowen Church. In the seconde of which reasons a sensible disputation is made to trie whether our countrie among other might possiblie haue at­tayned to the right Faith without the helpe of a knowne Church, in all this pretensed time of Papistrie.

The first reason is, that except the Church and true pastors thereof might be openly knowne, Fulke. the infidell seeking for Christianitie shall come from paganisme to heresie &c. the grace and gift of Christ shoulde bee vnprofitable as a riche treasure fast locked vp &c. which were inconuenient in many respects &c. there­fore the Church must be openly knowne and euident &c. I aunswere: this reason sauoreth of Pelagianisme, which is enimie to the grace of God, presupposing that Infidels of their owne good motion, without the grace of God, may seeke Christianitie. But if wee re­member what our Sauiour Christ saith: No man com­meth vnto me, except my father drawe him: Ioan. 6. ver. 44. Wee must acknowledge, that as it is the onely grace of God, that moueth in infidels a desire to seeke Christ, so the same grace, and no outward appearance, to be iudged by carnall reason, shall directe them, whom he hath chosen to eternall life, among so many sectes in the worlde, to finde, see, and acknowledge the onely true Church, and piller of trueth, out of which there is no saluation. Wherefore this reason hath no grounde, but vppon a supposition of Pelagianisme, that GOD hath onely reuealed his trueth vnto men of the worlde, and lefte men to their owne reason to find it out by external notes, such as Infidels not ligh­tened by Gods grace, by the light of naturall reason may descerne.

The seconde reason is, that it hath pleased God, that be­cause [Page 54] The seconde reason is, that it hath pleased God, that be­cause faith leaneth vpon authoritie, and authoritie is strong in a multitude, although in the primitiue Church by miracles & euident giftes of the holy ghost, the authoritie of a fewe drewe whole countryes to the faith, yet miracles ceasing, to keepe the Church alwayes in a knowen multitude, whose authoritie might drawe the simple, persuade the learned, and keepe out the here­tikes. If this carnal reason were good, there were smal or no vse of the scriptures at all. The authoritie of the Church, and that alwayes knowne, might suffice for all matters. But Augustine (saith hee) in his booke de vxilitate credendi, ad Honoratum. Cap. 14. vseth this rea­son to bring Honoratus from the Manichees to the Catholikes, out of whome he citeth a long discourse to this effect: That as the common multitude and fame moueth a man to beleeue, that there was such a one as Christ, and that his writings and scriptures are to be credited, so of the head rulers of that multitude, and not of any priuie and newe sect, such as the Ma­nichees was, he must learne the vnderstanding of this booke and scriptures. This he taketh vppon him to exemplifie, by the state of our countrey, at the firste conuersion thereof by Augustine. Although this carnal reason might haue some shew with Honoratꝰ, a straunger from the Church, and one not lightened with the spirite of God: yet howe vaine it is, being applyed to the Papistes, you may easily see by this, that since the Church of Rome hath been the Church of Antichrist, as great a multitude, which might and hath moued many infidels to receuie the profession of Christianitie, hath beene seperated from it, as hath cleaued to it. Put the case then of an infidell in the East, which moued by the fame and consent of many nations, hath thought well of Christ, hath giuen cre­dite to the Scriptures: to what head rulers shoulde be resort for instruction in the Scriptures? to the ru­lers of that multitude, by which he was first moued to beleeue? then shoulde he neuer become a Papist: [Page 55] For all the Patriarches of the East Church haue been and are stil at vtter defyance with the Pope of Rome. You see therefore by plaine demonstration, that this reason holdeth no further then Augustines authoritie extendeth: who in other places appealeth onely to the Scriptures, and euen against the Manichees con­fesseth, that the playne demonstration of the trueth (which is to be founde in the holye Scriptures) is to be preferred before the consent of nations, authoritie of miracles, succession of Bishops, vniuersalitie, con­sent, name of the Catholike Church, and whatsoeuer can be taught beside, Contra Epist. Manich. quam vocant fundamenti Cap. 4.

The thirde reason, why the Church must alwayes be a known multitude, is for keeping out of wolues and heretikes, which must be, y t they which are tryed, may be made manifest, which cannot bee in a secrete congregation. Yes M. Stapleton, very well. The Church was neuer so secrete, but it was knowne to the members of it, which might vse the authoritie thereof, for trying, auoyding, and excommunicating of heretikes, according to the holye scriptures. But euermore you do wilfully deceiue your selfe, when you affirme that there was no Christians knowen in the worlde by the space of 900. yeares but Papistes. You cannot denye, but Brytannie, Scotlande, & Ire­lande had Christians at and since the comming of Augustine, which were no Papistes, as by the history of Beda is manifest. What should I here name so many nations of Europe, Asia, and Africa? which yet to this day continue in profession of Christianitie, & neuer were subiect to the tyrannye of the Romishe byshop, and from whome the Romish byshop, with his sect of Papistes, hath clearely departed many hun­dreth yeares agoe. Wherefore, according to Augu­stines sentence: the Catholike church is not a parti­culer sect in Europe, but an vniuersall gathering of y e dispersed ouer all the world, Cont. Faust. li. 13. Ca. 13. where God hath his elect [Page 56] in all places. Or if you vnderstande the Church for a visible multitude professing Christ, there is no reason why the churches of the East, so many, so large, so an­cient, should be excluded, and the multitude of Pa­pists holding of one citie in Italy only, to be receiued.

CAP. XV.

A number of shamelesse shiftes and seely surmises, Stapleton. which Protestants haue inuented to establish their variable doctrine, and to confounde the authoritie of the Church.

In deede a number of these which he rehearseth as shamelesse shiftes, are shamelesse lies and impudent slaunders, deuised by the diuell, to bring the trueth in disdaine: but yet so openly proued to be false, Fulke. that they neede no confutation. First he sayeth, that Lu­ther condemned all councels and fathers, yea, al lear­ning of Philosophy and humanitie, so that bookes were burned, and common schooles ceased for certein yeares in Germany, with other like monstrous lyes, alledging for his author that beastly Apostata Sta­phylus. This slaunder deserueth no aunswere, being raysed by one shamelesse lyer against an hundreth thousand witnesses.

The seconde shift is, that Luther did afterwarde receiue Philosophy, and bookes of humanitie, yea & diuines of▪ 500. or 600. yeares, and some Councels also, with this perilous condition, so farre as they re­pugned not to holy Scripture. This seemeth an vn­reasonable condition to Stapleton, who belike would haue all gentylitie, and many heresies absolutely receyed.

The thirde: The fathers should not be admitted, when they taught any thing beside the expresse scrip­ture. As worshipping of Images, praying to Saints, &c. which they had by tradition. If such things came from the Apostles, why were they not written by [Page 57] them, as well as such fathers of later time? yea, why did the Apostles write that which is contrary to such traditions?

The fourth: The first 600. yeares they did admit, be­cause they knewe there was litle in them against them cleare & open, because fewe bookes were writen in that time, and many lost that were written. And yet there remaine more wri­ten in that time then a man can well reade ouer in seuen yeares. Agayne cities being stuffed with heathen, Iewes, and heretikes, euery mystery was not opened in pulpit, nor committed to writing. These belike were greater my­steries then the Apostles and Euangelistes haue com­mitted to writing. But I marueile howe they were taught, if neither in pulpit nor in writing, belike in secrete confession, but our Sauiour Christe woulde haue his mysteries preached in the house toppes. Last of all, for that many controuersies nowe in hand were neuer heard of in those dayes. Therefore M. Iewell made his challenge of the first 600. yeres, which Stapleton thin­keth he was not able to abyde by, and that M. Nowel suspected no lesse, because he accounted it a very large scope. But howe he hath abyden by it, is sufficiently proued to the glory of the trueth, and the confusion of Papistrie.

The fifth: They reiect the latter 900. yeares, because Paynims yelding to the faith, and heretikes to the Church, the mysteries of our faith were more openly published in Pulpits & writings. It appeareth, and that in recordes of the latter 900. yeares, that many old heretiks still remai­ned in the cities, beside the Iewes remaining vntil this day, of which he made the fathers of the first 600 years so much afraide, for vttering the mysteries, a [...] of Paynims and heretikes.

The sixt: Some holde, that all the Church might erre for a time. None euer helde that all the Church might erre so farre, as that they fell away from Christ.

The seuenth: Other said, there was a Church all this 900 yeares, but oppressed by the miscreants, being priuie and vn­knowen. [Page 58] This he sayth is vaine & blasphemous, being against holy Scripture and good reason, as he hath proued. What he hath proued, you haue seene, and howe the Scripture must be fulfilled, which prophecyeth of the comming of Antichrist, and the apostasie of men from the faith: which cannot be, if the Church should alwayes florish in multitude & externall appearing of visible glory.

The eyght: That Protestants bookes haue beene lost.

The ninth: Bookes of holy fathers haue beene corrupted.

The tenth: False writings haue beene deuised and fathe­red vpon the first Popes of Rome. All these he compteth to be but suspitions & surmises, which are yet so ma­nifest truthes, that euen Thomas the vnbeleeuing A­postle without the iudgement of his senses, might feale them with both his hands, and be satisfyed, al­though Thomas the Apostata from God, and traytour to his Prince & countrey will neither see nor handle them. But all these surmises he will ouerthrow with supposing one case. If a man haue continued in pos­session, and coulde bring recordes of his right from William the Conquerour, and all his neighbours to say for his quiet possession, without checke or nay, as the Papistes can deduct the possession of their religiō from 800. yeares, &c. were it a good plee against such a man to say: his recordes are false, his euidences for­ged, his possession iniurious, &c. without bringing in any affirmatiue proofes, recordes, euidence, or wit­nesse, &c. I answere, it were no good plee. But firste I denye, that you Papistes can bring such recordes, wit­nesse, and possession of 900. yeares. And secondly, I affirme that wee can bring good recordes, euidences, and witnesse to the contrary. Wherefore this case helpeth you nothing at all, as it is false that the reli­gion nowe called Papistry hath beene professed these 900. yeares, which I haue proued by more then 40. differences, gathered out of the historie of Bede, and other monuments of antiquitie.

CAP. XVI.

A note of countries and prouinces brought to the faith of Christ from Paganisme, Stapleton. within the compasse of those latter 900 yeares.

He beginneth with the conuersion of the English Saxons and Britanie, Fulke. and so proceedeth to the conuer­sion of diuers small nations in Germanie, and other partes: last of all, he commeth to the conuersion of many thousands in the Isle of Goa, testified by letters of the Iesuites, al which he maketh to be conuerted in­to one faith and religion of Papistrie. But that is false, for I haue proued by many differences, that although the first beginning of these 900. yeares was corrupt in many thinges, yet was it not so corrupt as Papistrie, nor agreeing with Papistes in many of their chiefe he­resies for 300. or 400. yeares after. Now touching such as haue bene conuerted to plaine Poperie since y t time, or by y e Iesuites in this time, if their monstrous reports be credible, it proueth not y t they are of an Apostolike spirit. The Scribes and Pharisees were zealous to make Proselites to Iudaisme. The great and mightie nations of the Gothes, Vandales, Hunnes, &c. that ouerranne the greatest part of the Romaine Empire, were con­uerted from Gentilitie by the Arrians, whose heresie along time they helde, as all histories doe record. The Nestorians conuerted great nations that yet continu­ed in their heresie. Photius the heretike conuerted the Bulgarians. Finally, the Greeke Church hath conuer­ted as many nations vnto their profession of Christia­nitie, as the Romaines haue done to their Papistrie: wherefore this argument of conuersion of nations doeth no more proue Papistrie to be true Christianitie, then it doth iustifie Iudaisme, Arrianisme, Nestoria­nisme, Grecisme, which the Papistes count to be an he­resie as well as the other.

CAP. XVII.

Whether at any time the religion of Protestants haue con­uerted any infidels to the faith. Stapleton.

The religion which we holde, whome he calleth Protestantes, Fulke being the same which was deliuered by Christ him selfe and his Apostles, hath conuerted all nations of the world that euer were cōuerted, from in­fidelitie to y e true faith and religion of Christ. Where­fore it is a folish fantasie, that he requireth vs to shew one countrie, citie, or man, conuerted within these 900. yeres. If Protestants could brag as well as the Ie­suites, they might boast of many thousands conuerted by them in the new found lands of Gallia Antarctica, and India, beside many Iewes that are knowne to be turned to the Christian faith in this part of the world. If in the time of persecution, when they had much ado to saue their owne faith from deceiuing, and their liues from crueltie, they had no leasure to trauell into Hea­then countries, to seeke the conuersion of infidels, no wise man will maruell. The slaunderous reportes of Villegagnon and the Iesuites are of as good credite, as their persons are of honestie and soundnes of religion.

CAP. XVIII.

The argument of continuance of the knowne Church, Stapleton. is for­tified out of the most auncient and learned Fathers.

The auncient and learned Fathers, neuer allowed a­ny continuance of the Catholike Church and faith, but such as had their beginning at Christ & his Apostles, and not such as beganne fiue or sixe hundreth yeares after Christ, Fulke. as all the testimonies which he cyteth, do plainely proue vnto vs. First Augustine, Ep. 166. repro­ueth the Donatistes. For that they would not acknow­ledge [Page 61] the Church which Christ him selfe had planted, and which had continued euen vntill that time. But it pleaseth this man greatly, which Augustine writeth. Cont. Ep. Parm. lib. 3. cap. 5. ‘That there is no securitie of v­nitie, except the Church be declared out of the promi­ses of God, which as it is saide, being set vpon an hill can not be hid, and therefore it is necessarie that it be knowne to all parts of the earth.’ The knowne Church. that Augustine speaketh of, is not the peculiar Church of Rome, but the vniuersall Church of Christ disper­sed ouer all the world: which is in such sort knowne & seene, as the mountaine whereon it is builded, is kno­wen and seene. But that mountaine is Christ, spoken of in Daniel, which is not knowne or seene but by faith, no more is the vniuersall Church of Christ knowne or seene but by faith. And thus he writeth against the Donatistes, which challenged the societie of the iust to be only in Africa, whereon as also that the mountaine in y e which y e Church is set, is Christ, August. writeth in y e same chapter. Qui ergo nō vult sedere in concilio vanitatis, non euanescat typho superbiae, quaerens conuenticula, iustorum to­tius orbis vnitate separata, quae non potest inuenire. Iusti autem sunt per vniuersam ciuitatem, quae abscondi non potest, quia su­pra montem constituta est. Montem illum dico Dani [...]lis, in qu [...] lapis ille praecisus sine manibus, creuit & impleuit vniuersam terram. Per totam igitur istam ciuitatem toto orbe diffusam, iu­sti gemunt & moerent, ob iniquitates quae sunt in medio eorum. He therefore that will not sit in the councel of vani­tie, let him not vanish away in swelling of pride, see­king the conuenticles of the iust, separated from the v­nitie of all the world, which he can not finde. Now the iust are throughout the whole citie, which can not be hid, bicause it is set vpon an hill. I meane, that hill of Daniell, in which that stone being cut off without handes increased, and filled the whole earth. Therfore in al this citie dispersed ouer all the world, the iust doe grone and mourne, for the iniquities which are in the middest of them.’

[Page 62] Thus Augustine being rightly vnderstoode, maketh altogether against the schismaticall Church of Rome, which is not set vpon that mountaine which is inuisi­ble to the eye of the flesh, but seeketh the vtter ruine of that citie which being builded on Christ, is known in all partes of the world by faith.

But Hieronyme saith much for the matter, Contra Luciferianos. ‘I could drie vp all the streames of thy pro­positions,’ with the fame of the Church. And who dou­teth, but where the Church is acknowledgeth to be, the cleare doctrine thereof may stoppe the mouth of any heretike which acknowledgeth it for the Church? The same Hieronyme Ad Dam. mach. & Oceanum de error▪ Orig. cur post &c. writeth thus: ‘Why after 400. yeares labourest thou to teach vs which we knewe not be­fore? Why doest thou bring foorth that which Peter and Paul would neuer teach? Euen vntill this day the Christian world was without thes doctrine, I wil hold that faith an olde man in which I was borne a childe.’ A worthie saying of Hierome, which may be rightly applied against the Papistes, which teach such doctrine, as neither Peter nor Paul would euer teach, nor the Christian world knewe for 600. yeares after Christe, yea for almost a thousand yeares after Christ in many pointes. The like force is in the saying of Gregorie Nazianzen, against the Arrian, Ep. 2. ad Clidon. Si ante hos triginti &c. ‘If our faith beganne but 30. yeares agoe, when there are almost 400. yeares since Christe was shewed, and the Gospell hath for so long space bene in vaine, our faith also hath bene in vaine: and they which haue giuen witnesse thereto, haue testifid in vaine, so many and so worthie prelates in vaine haue gouerned the people.’ This saying is verified of Chri­stian faith, which had cōtinued in the world sixe, seuen, or eight hundreth yeares, before Papistrie in many pointes began, Christ hath bene preached, and yet Pa­pistrie neuer heard of, yea what so euer doctrine had a latter beginning then Christ and his Apostles, this fa­ther [Page 63] condemneth of error. Euen as the same man wri­teth in the other place by M. Stapl. cited, De Theod. li. 2. Vt haec praesidia omittam &c. To omit these helpes, yet it should satisfie vs, that none of those which haue bene inspired with the spirite of God, hath hitherto either pronounced this sentence, or allowed it being vttered by any other, and the doctrine of our church doth ab­hor it. He braggeth not vpon the present opinion of y e Church, but as the same hath alwayes bene allowed of al the Apostles and their successors, and y e contrarie ne­uer receiued. Therfore wheras Theodoret reporteth y t that confession of the faith was admitted (in y e Councel of Nice) which preuailed, & was published throughout y e world, he meaneth not y t the Fathers folowed either y e multitude, or the cōmon opinion of men, which were reputed for the Church in that time, but bicause y e same confession had alwaies euen from the beginning, bene receiued and continued in y e Church, as consonant & a­greeable to y e word of God, by which the Church must be tried to be y e true Church, & wheras articles of faith are not proued true, bicause they be helde by thē y are commonly taken to be of y e Church. To conclude: The prescription of Tertullian against Hermogenes we do willingly admit, & offer to be tried therby: y t whether of our religion or theirs is y e more auncient, y t vndoub­tedly must be truth. But thē y e prescriptiō of 900. yeres wherof Stapl. so often & so much doth cackle, will not serue y e Papists, as they cannot prescribe scarse halfe so long, for many of their opinions. For except we be a­ble to proue our religion, as auncient as the time of Christ and his Apostles, we refuse not to be accounted heretikes. If we teach nothing but that we can iustifie, by manifest demonstration out of the holy Scriptures, y same also in the most principall points, being confir­med with the testimonie of the auncient fathers of the primitiue Church, the Papistes which accuse vs of here­sie, shall be found not onely to be heretikes, but blas­phemers of God, and slaunderers of his Saints.

CAP. XIX.

It is proued by three reasons or arguments deducted out of holy Scripture, Stapleton. that all the time of Papistrie can be no schisme on heresie, and therefore was true Christianitie.

The first reason is this. No heresie or schisme is vni­uersall. Fulke. The faith of England these 900. yeares was v­niuersall, ergo, it was no schisme or heresie. The minor which is false, he would proue by this reason. The faith of England was the faith of France, Spaine, Italie, Germanie, and of all other Christian countries, there­fore it was vniuersall. This antecedent is false, for be­side y t in England, Fraunce, Spaine, Italie, &c. since the Church of Rome ceased to be the Church of Christ, there were alwayes true Christians, which yelded not to Papistrie: as many regions as he hath named of the East countrie, helde not the faith which was then open­ly receiued in England, in many principall articles, & namely in that which they make to be y e chiefe of all, y e article of the Popes supremacie and subiection to the Church of Rome: therfore al Christened coūtries were not of y e same faith of Papistrie these 900. yeres. He la­boreth like a wise man to proue y t no sect is vniuersal: but that Poperie was vniuersall, it is sufficient for Pa­pistes to say, bicause they are neuer able to proue it.

The second reason is, that no heresie is of long con­tinuance to preuaile ouer true beleeuers, to oppresse the trueth, &c. Papistrie hath continued these 900. yeares, therefore Papistrie is no heresie. Although the minor be not simply true, yet y e maior is vtterly false. But he would proue the maior out of S. Paul, 2. Tim. 3. saying of such as should withstand the trueth, like Iannes and Iambres, that they should not further pre­uaile, for their foolishnesse shall be made knowne to all men, euen as theirs was. Admit that this were spoken of those which should forbid marriage and [Page 65] meates which he would haue to be the Manichees, 1. Tim. 4. as it is spoken of hypocrites, which shall be in the Church to the end of the world, yet here is no shortnesse of time prescribed for the continuance of their errour, for he saide before, 2. Tim. 2. vers. 16. That they shall increase vnto more vngodlinesse, and their word shall fret as a canker. He meaneth therefore, that they shall not long continue vnknowne, not to all men, but to all faithfull and godly men, as the follie of Iannes and Iambres was not made manifest to all the Egyptians, but vnto the Israelites. Likewise, where­as Peter saith, 2 Peter 2. That the destruction of false Prophetes sleepeth not, he meaneth not, but that they may haue by succession a long continuance in the world, for he him selfe admonisheth vs, that we may not count the Lordes delaying of iudgement to be slacknesse, as Stapleton doth, if it should be deferred 900. yeares: for one day with the Lord is as a thousand yeares, and a thousand yeares as one day. Heretikes therfore shal haue a quicke iudgement, & heresie shall shortly haue an end: for that neither of both shal cōti­nue alway vncondemned. But that his maior proposi­tion is vtterly false, which is: No heresie is of long continuance; I shewe by these instances. The heresie of them that ioyned Circumcision with the Gospell, is more then 1500. yeares olde, and yet it continueth in Affrica among Aethiopians, as witnesseth Munster and other writers of Geographie, as also the heresie of the Nestorians, which is 1200. yeares olde, and yet con­tinueth among the Georgians. Finally, so auncient as the full tyrannie of the Pope is, so auncient is the de­parture of the Greeke and Easterne Churches from him, which they count to be a schisme and heresie.

The third reason: No heresie can continue and o­uergrowe the true Church, Papistrie hath continued, Ergo: Papistrie is no heresie. The minor of this syllo­gisme is false, for Papistrie hath not continued from the time of Christe, but hath had her beginning long [Page 66] since, and was not growne to a ripenesse of all her he­resies in more then a thousand yeares after Christ▪ as I haue shewed in the table of differences. Therefore what so euer he saith to proue the maior, is to no pur­pose, when the minor is manifestly false.

CAP. XX.

The third reason of the former chapter, Stapleton. is fortified out of the aunicient and learned Fathers.

Nowe he taketh in hand a goodly piece of fortifi­cation, Fulke. and like a worthie surueior of the Popes buil­dings, he bestoweth great cost out of Hilarius, Chry­sostome, and Clemens Alexandrinus, for defence of such a point, as none of his aduersaries would euer of­fer to assaile. Nameley, the continuance of the Church, and true religion, which can not be ouercome, not kept downe by any tyrannie or heresie, but the more it is persecuted and oppressed, the more it will flourish and increase. And for this cause the true Church and faith of Christ, although it haue bene long troden downe and afflicted by the tyrannie of Antichrist, euen to such time as God had appointed, that Antichrist shuld rage in the world, for the sinnes thereof, and especially for the contempt of the trueth, 2. Thess. 2. yet hath it in the end preuailed, encreased, and flourished, and by no craft or crueltie of Antichrist, could any longer be suppressed or kept vnder. Let not Papistes therefore bragge, that they haue preuailed so long, but let them nowe behold their ouerthrow, by the increase of Gods Church, and looke for their finall destruction, at the glorious appearing of our Sauiour Christ. We doubt not therefore, but determine with Augustine De vtili­tate credendi, to rest in y e bosome of that Church, which from the seate of the Apostle, by consent of mankind, hath continued by succession of Bishops, and hath ob­tained the height of authoritie, all heretikes barking [Page 67] about it, which partly by the iudgement of the people partly by the grauitie of Councels, partly by the ma­iestie of miracles haue bene condemned. But we vtter­ly denie the Popish Church to be this Church, which hath had no continuance of succession from the Apo­stles seate, in faith and doctrine, though it claime ne­uer so much the succession of persons and places: with the Donatistes, Symon Magus, Martion, Eunomius, and other heretikes, we haue nothing to doe. If trueth in Aerius and Vigilantius was condemned for errour, not by the scriptures, but by the tradition of men, such condemnation can be no preiudice to them or their o­pinion, when being called againe into iudgement, they are found by sentence of Gods word, & the iudge­ment of the more ancient Fathers, to haue ben wrong­fully condemned. To conclude, Papistrie hath not pre­uailed against the church of God, which hauing sought by all meanes so long time to roote her out of the earth, yet was neuer able to bring to passe her wicked deuice, but that the Church of Christ, and the true re­ligion thereof, hath at last, in the sight of al men, got­ten the vpper hand, in despight of the Pope and Papi­strie, and all Papistes.

THE SECOND part of the Fortresse.

CAP. I.

CErtaine demaundes to Protestantes, Stapleton. putting the case that Papistes these many hundreth yeres haue liued in a wrong faith: all which (the case so put) they ought of necessitie to satisfie.

WHat so euer the Protestantes can say for them selues (as their credite is not great with him) except they can proue one of his two demaūds, Fulke. he thinketh no godly or wise man will regard any thing they can say.

The first demaund is, where, or vnder what Pope, or Emperour, Papistrie beganne. I aunswere, Papistrie be­ing antichristianitie, the mysterie of that iniquitie be­gan euen in the time of the Apostles, 2. Thess. 2. Clau­dius being Emperour of Rome, and so contiuned in­creasing in Apostasie, vntill the time of Sigismund the Emperour, who procured the Councel of Constance, in which the lay people were robbed of the cup of the Lordes bloud. Stapleton must beare with me, if I can not name the Pope, bicause at that time there were no lesse then three Popes at once, and no man then li­uing, but as he was affectionate to one of those three, could determine which of them was Pope. This Sta­pleton, though he haue a brasen face, will not denie. He requireth vs further to shewe the complaint of o­ther Churches against Papistrie. First, for the begin­ning of the mysterie of iniquitie S. Paul complaineth, 2. Thess. 2. And for the proceeding of that which was y e chiefe point therof, namely the tyrannie of y e Bishop of Rome, alwayes as it shewed it selfe, some there were which complained of it. Victor is the first Bishop of Rome, which discouered the hid mysterie of iniquitie, [Page 69] in vsurping against his fellowe Bishops, in the time of the Emperour Seuerus, against whome complained & sharply reproued him Irenaeus Bishop of Lyons, Poly­crates, and many other, Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 25. Afterward in the dayes of Theodosius, Honorius, and Arcadius, the Emperours, when the Bishops of Rome Innocen­tius, Bonifacius, Zosimus, Anastasius, and Celestinus vsurped more openly, in so much that they forged a­mong them a decree of the Councel of Nice, whereby they claimed their authoritie, they were complained of by the Bishops and Church of Africa in open Coun­cel, the forgerie detected, and decrees made, that none in Africa should appeale to any Bishop ouer the Sea. And that the Bishop of the first See should not be cal­led prince of Priestes, nor by any such name of pride, but onely Bishop of the first See. Conc▪ Mileuit. c. 22. Conc. Carth. 6. cap. 4. Conc. African c. 92. & Ep. Concil. ad Bonifac. & Caelestinum.

Afterward in the dayes of the Emperour Mauritius. when Iohn of Constantinople vsurped the title of vniuersall Bishop, as the forerunner of Antichrist, Gre­gorie him selfe Bishop of Rome complained of him, and pronounced that he was the forerunner of Anti­christ: Wherefore Stapleton lyeth shamefully, when he saith, we make him the first Antichrist: for as I haue testified before, although there was in him a supersti­tious affection vnto ceremonies, and that he was in­fected with certaine olde errours that had preuailed before his time, yet bicause he helde the foundation of saluation by Christ onely, and detested the vsurpa­tion of that Antichristian title, we account him for a member of the true Church of Christ. But after him when in the dayes of Phocas, Bonifacius by pride and symonie, had vsurped the same Antichristian authori­tie, and procured that the Church of Rome should be counted head of all Churches, he was complayned of by the Church of Rauenna in Italie, which would not acknowledge that Antichristian title, neyther [Page 70] would submitte her selfe vnto the whore of Babylon before the time of Donus the Pope, which was al­moste seuentie yeres after: that Maister Stapleton mis­nameth Martianus in steede of Mauritius I will im­pute it to no ignorance, although, if such a faulte es­cape any of vs, we are by and by cried out vpon, to be ignorant in all antiquity, &c. Thus haue I aun­swered Maister Stapletons demaunde, concerning the principall foundation and rocke of Papistrie, al­though no necessitie, suche as hee supposeth, do­eth moue mee. For albeit the precise time of the entring of any heresie can not be named, yet it followeth not that the same heresie is a trueth therefore.

The second demaunde is: when, and by whome Luther was called, when he begunne to preache the Gospell? I aunswere, if calling of the Popishe Churche be lawfull, as the Papistes will not denye, Luther had suche ordinary calling, as the Churche where he liued did allowe, for he was called to be a publike teacher, before the Popes pardoner came into Saxony, against whose moste impudent blas­phemies and shamelesse errours he first inueyghed, in his publike sermons. Wherefore concerning his vocation, the mouthes of Papistes ought to be stop­ped. But Stapleton will not be so satisfied, for he sayeth, that the Popish Churche would neuer call him to preache against her selfe: that is not materi­all: the Popishe Churche gaue him such authority as she had to preache, whiche he vsed first to seeke her reformation, if she had bene reformable: but when he sawe her oppose her selfe against the ma­nifest trueth, he had iust cause to departe from her, vnto the Catholike Churche of CHRISTE.

It sufficeth not Stapleton, that hee learned by the Scriptures, that the Churche erred, bycause all he­retikes abuse the Scriptures, as thoughe there were [Page 71] no certainty of trueth to be founde in the Scriptures, which blasphemie derogateth all authoritie from the holy Scriptures inspired of GOD, whiche the A­postle sayeth to bee able to reprooue all errours, that the man of GOD may be perfecte prepared to all good workes. 2. Tim. 3. ver. 16. Againe, where hee affirmeth that he had the interpretation of the Scriptures from heauen, Stapleton vrgeth, that then he must shewe some miracle, as if the ordinary in­spiration of Gods spirite, (without the which no man can vnderstand any of Gods mysteries) of necessitie requireth confirmation of miracles. But Luther him selfe (he sayeth) requireth miracles of Muncer, whiche boasted of Reuelation, and so ought we to doe of Luther. No sir, Muncer boasted of an ex­traordinary Reuelation, and taught a doctrine di­rectly contrary to the worde of GOD written, and therefore the case is nothing lyke. After this hee telleth a slaunderous fable out of that runnagate Baldwine, of the conference at Poissie, that Beza and Martyr could not agree, whether their calling was ordinary or extraordinary: the conclusion where­of was this, that Beza was ordeined of Caluine, and Caluine as Beza sayde of none. Which how impu­dent and shamelesse a lye it is, that Beza should re­prote of Caluine, it is manifest to all men, that knowe the storie of that Churche, and citie of Ge­neua, that Caluine was called and ordeyned by the Churche there, when he was altogether vnwilling to remaine in that Citie, but in a manner compelled by the earnest obtestation of Farellus. Cal. in Praefa, in Psalm. Beza in vita Caluini.

And yet more monstruous is that lye, that Be­za should grant the rebellion that followed, to be a signe of his vocation, when the worlde knoweth, that the beginning of these ciuill warres▪ came al­together from the Papistes, the Duke of Guise giuing the occasion, by the Diuelishe slaugh­ter [Page 72] and buchery of Vassie. But to the principall mat­ter in question: that Luther and some other hauing an extraordinary calling from God, to teach and reforme the Church, need not to con [...]irme their calling by mi­racles, when they teach nothing but that is confirmed by manifest authoritie of holy Scriptures, in the con­sciences of all men, that wilfully oppose not them­selues against the trueth, either y they will not knowe it, or that they will not obey it: It is euident, by so ma­ny prophets, as God stirred vp, in the olde time, which had no extraordinary calling of the Church, being not of the tribe of Leui, yet being only interpreters of the lawe, needed no signes or miracle to confirme their calling.

Our Sauiour Christ himselfe confirmeth the extra­ordinary calling of the Scribes and Pharisees, when he willeth them, to be heard sitting in Moses chaire, of which yet a great number, and almost all, were no Le­uites nor Priestes, therefore had no ordinary cal­ling.

Yet Gregory himselfe in the history of Bede, at the first planting of the particular Church in Englande, alloweth extraordinary ordeyning of Bishops. Lib. 1. Cap. 27.

Wherefore if Luthers calling were altogether ex­traordinary, (as Papistes can not say, except they de­ny the calling of their owne Churche) he is not bound to approue his calling by miracles, when his do­ctrine, and all things in which hee departeth from the Church of Rome, is proued true and agreeable to the word of God.

The third demaunde is, that we must shewe a suc­cession from the Apostles, as the Scripture witnesseth the Churche to haue, and the auncient fathers ex­acted of Heretikes.

The Scripture requireth no succession of names, persons or places, but of faith and doctrine, and [Page 73] that wee prooue, when we approue our faith and do­ctrine by the doctrine of the Apostles. Neither had the fathers any other meaning in calling vpon newe vpstart heresies for their succession, but of a succes­sion of doctrine, as well as of persons. Which is ma­nifest by Tertullian De praescript, Ita per successiones &c. So comming downe by successions, from the beginning that their first bishop haue for his authors, and antecessours, one of the Apostles or Apostolike men, but yet such a one as hath continued with the A­postles.’ These wordes of Tertullian are manifest, that succession of Bishoppes euen to the Apostles, hel­peth not, excepte there be a continuance in the do­ctrine of the Apostles, whiche when the Papistes can shewe, we will gladly yeld vnto them. In the meane time, it is not the continual succession of persons in any place, which teach contrary to their antecessours, which haue taught in that place, that can carry away the credite of the whole doctrine, and religion of Christe.

CAP. II.

An Introduction to the proofes which followe in the seconde part of this fortresse. Stapleton.

Repeating what he fantasieth he hath fortified be­fore, Fulke. (which howe weake it is, I haue sufficiently dis­couered) in this Chapter: hee promiseth first to de­clare by diuerse sure and necessary tokens, whiche protestantes doe lacke, that the faith then planted, was a right faith: which in many principall pointes, we doe not denye, but that it was a right faith.

Secondly, repeating the difference in doctrine, gouernement, ceremonies, course and consequence of both the religions, he will prooue all that they [Page 74] had differring from vs, partly by Scripture, and part­ly by the faith of the first sixe hundreth yeares. To which I replye. First, that what so euer was then taught contrary to that we teache, for matter of faith, can not be prooued by Scripture. Secondly, that although some errours, which then were taught, may be prooued to haue bene helde within the sixe hun­dreth yeares, yet they can not bee prooued, to haue bene helde alwayes, especially in the oldest times, and therefore can make no preiudice against our cause, which take not vppon vs to allowe all thinges that were helde in sixe hundreth yeares, no more then the Papistes themselues doe. Finally, I haue shewed as many differences of that time from the Papistes, as he is able to shewe of vs from them, and yet some of his differences are impudent forgeries.

CAP. III.

Fiue apostolicall markes found in our Apostles, Stapleton. and wan­ting in Protestantes, who must be our Apostles, if the other were not.

The Protestantes take not vppon them to be Apo­stles, Fulke. but professours and teachers of the Apostolike doctrine. And therefore they boast of no miracles, which is with him the first note of Augustines A­postleship: which miracles if they were testified to vs by an Euangelist, we might well beleeue them: but seeing they are written by a credulous man, y t recor­deth euery fable that was tolde him, we haue small cause to credite them▪ Bedes history is no Gospell. Beside that, y e bryttish histories vtterly deny those sup­posed miracles, reporting Augustine to be a minister of Sathan rather then of God.

But admit that he did some of those things, as are re­ported of him, it might please GOD in respecte of [Page 75] Christian faith, which he planted among the En­glish nation, to woorke some miracles by him, and yet not to allowe all thinges that he taught. Shall not the very workers of iniquitie saye in that daye: Lorde, wee haue wrought miracles in thy name, Matth. 7. vers. 22. As for the miracle supposed to bee done by Master Lane of West­chester, whiche hee scorneth at, I see not, but it is as good as the best done by Augustine, and yet for mine owne parte, I thinke it was no mi­racle, but a naturall worke, the mayde perhaps being affected with the mother or some such like disease.

The lyes he telleth of Luther and Caluine, out of that vngodly rascall Staphylus, I thinke not worthy to be spoken of: although he make him selfe witnesse of the one, and the other is a mon­strous inuention of Sathan, which being reported to be done in a noble citie, and before so manye witnesses, can finde none that had the brasen face like Staphylus, to saye he sawe it. Which making and louing of lyes, sheweth Papistes to be the right begotten children of the diuell, the fa­ther of lyes.

The miracles reported by Master Foxe: the shame­lesse beast, when he cannot denye, being testified by witnesses: aboue all exception he can make, affir­meth to be esteemed of his owne fellowes, but as ciuile things, and such as may happen by course of reason. I saye not this as though I woulde haue our doctrine the rather to be credited one iotte more for anye such miracle, but to shewe the shamelesse dogged sto­macke of this Popishe slaunderer, which when hee had none other aunswere to make as concerning such miracles, forgeth that wee our selues denye all such to haue beene miracles, which he is not able to prooue, although he woulde burst for malice against the trueth.

[Page 76] The seconde marke and difference is, that there was one heart of the beleeuers, Augustine & his com­pany neuer disagreed. The Protestants are at great variance among them selues, not for learnings sake, as the Concurrents in Italye, nor vppon quirkes and subtilties, in matters indifferent, as the schoolemen that holde positions; but vpon the weightiest articles of our beleefe, as heretikes are wont to holde opi­nions.

I answere, among them that haue departed from y e Church of Rome vnto y Church of Christ, there hath beene some variance about the Lordes supper, but yet in no greater matters, then hath beene betweene two godly martyrs of the primitiue Church, Cornelius of Rome, and Cyprian of Carthage, about baptisme, although not handled with like modestie on the one part, as was then of both: yea, no greater then as yet remaineth vndecided among the Papistes, touching y authoritie of the Pope and the Popish generall Coun­cell, although they all, like Pilate and Herode, the Pharisees & Saducees, can agree together to put Christ to death, and to persecute the trueth. Finally, if in the first restoring of the truth, some matters to some men were not so apparant, what marueile? when your Au­gustine, and ours also, as farre as he was Christes, was doubtfull and ignorant, euen in very small & trifling matters, which argued some dissention of opinion in him and his monkes, or else those questions might haue beene determined without sending to Rome, li. 1. Cap. 27. &c.

The thirde marke is an ordinarie vocation, which Luther lacked. I denye that Augustine had an ordi­narie vocation to preach in Englande, or that the Bi­shop of Rome hath any ordinary authoritie, to sende Apostles into the countries of any Infidels: which if he had, they should be the Bishop of Romes apostles, and not the Apostles of Christ. For they be his apo­stles which hath authoritie to send them. But if Augu­stine [Page 77] had ordinary vocation by the Bishop of Rome, why had not Luther ordinary vocatiō of that church, which authorized him to preach. If you say he could haue no ordinarye vocation, because he was an here­tike, I aunswere: It followeth not, for euen heretikes haue had ordinary vocatiō: namely, so many bishops and priestes of Rome, Alexandria, and other places, as after their calling haue fallen into heresies. Wher­fore leaue his vocation, which against you is good y­nough, and trye his doctrine. If his doctrine be found true, and agreeable to the worde of God, who hath stirred him vp to discouer openly the heresies of Anti­christ, let not his doctrine be refused for his extraor­dinarie calling. The slaunders and vnlearned conclu­sions against Luther. I omit, as vnworthie any aun­swer, being either false lyes of Staphylus, or incon­sequent collections of Stapleton.

The fourth Apostolicall marke, is the continuance of 900. yeares, whereas the Protestants doctrine hath continued but 30. yeares, or as the blockheaded Pa­pist scorneth at M. Haddon 30. yeeres except 6. with Gamaliels counsell vpon the matter, which with this Popish priest, is good diuinitie: If this Councell or worke be of men, it will come to nought, &c. whose antecedent being true, the conclusion is stark naught. To this I aunswere: I haue shewed by many differen­ces, that the religion brought in by Augustine, hath not continued without alteration in many pointes, these 900. yeares. And albeit it had, yet it is not ther­by proued true, because diuerse heresies haue conti­nued much longer time, which are not thereby iusti­fied, as of the circumcisers, Nestorians, &c. yea, Ma­hometisme, hath continued 900. yeares, begon with fained miracles, commended by Sergius a monke, which had ordinary vocation to teache, continued with great cōsent these 900. yeres, which are 4. of Sta­pletons apostolik marks, & also techeth many things that before were vnknowen, which is the fifth marke.

[Page 78] Whereas Protestants haue added nothing to the faith of Christ, but taken many things away from it. I an­swere: if Augustine with him brought in all trueth, and besides that some errours, which haue encreased in processe of time, thicke and threefolde, Protestants were worthie of thankes for remouing the errours, though they brought in no new matters of faith: as he is thankes worthie, which weedeth a garden or feelde, although he sowe no newe seedes therein. But it is most vntrue, that Papistes had all trueth before we discouered their errours, for the doctrine of iusti­fication, of the worship of God, of the vse of good workes, and of the sacraments, was either almost or al­together lacking in Popery, which by the doctrine of the Gospell is restored. But now let vs see what Pro­testants haue taken away. Forsooth: From the quicke, from the dead, from faith, from the Church, from Saints, from God. From the quicke: free will, state of perfection, and all merite of good workes. Yea, sir Pelagian, the Scripture sayeth: No quicke man shalbe iustified in the sight of God, Psalm. 143. v. 2. which taketh away all that you haue giuen him. From the dead: all prayer & intercessi­on for them. When you can allow the dead these things out of the Scripture, we will not denye it to them. From the faith: an article of Christes discention into hell. A lewd lye of a slaunderous Papist. From the Church, as it is the whole bodye: fiue sacraments. Three more then Christ instituted. The continuall assistance of Gods holy spirite, promised by our Sauiour. A shamefull lye. And the visible sight in this world assured vnto vs by holy scripture. That Scripture is yet to shewe, whereby the Churche should be promised alwayes to be in open sight of y greatest parte of the worlde. From the Church, as the spirituall parte, they haue taken supreme gouernement in mat­ters Ecclesiasticall. None other then such as is against the Scripture: Let euery soule submit it selfe to the higher powers, Rom. 13. ver. 1. Authoritie of making that which Christ had them to make in his last supper. If you saye [Page 79] you make the body of Christ, in such sence as you af­firme the sacrament to be the bodye of Christe, Gods cursse light on you. The doing of all that Christe commaunded to be done in remembrance of him, we take not away. The power of binding and loosing, with most of the authoritie due vnto that estate and vocation. A very slaunder. From the Church they take Altars, crosses, Images, &c. Because the temple of God hath nothing to doe with Images, 2. Cor. 6. ver 16. From God him selfe: an externall sacrifice, the true proper seruice due to God onely, and continually, as Saint Augustine prooueth at large De ciuitate Dei. A slaunder of Augustine which lib. 10. Cap. 20. calleth the Lordes supper a sacrament of the oblation of Christe, the onely singuler sacri­fice, so that nowe there remaineth no more sacrifice for sinne: for by one sacrifice once offered, he hath made perfect for euer those that are sanctified, Heb. 10. ver. 14. by which only sacrifice, there was forgiue­nesse of our sinnes, and where there is forgiuenesse of sinnes, there is no more sacrifice for sinne, Heb. 10. 18. You see what sure and stedfast apostolike markes these are, which are founde in Mahomet, as much as in Augustine, so that if Augustine had not the worde of God to warrant the principall partes of the faith, which he preached in Englande, by these fiue markes, he might neither be proued to bee an Apostle, nor yet a true preacher.

CAP. IIII.

Differences in doctrine betweene the primitiue faith of Englande, Stapleton. and the heresie of Protestants. And first of Masse, of the propitiation thereof: of intercession of Saintes: of their commemoration at Masse time: of confession of sinnes, and of merite of good workes.

[Page 80] Concerning the differences, I haue written alrea­die in answere to his table of differences. Fulke. Nowe must we see how he proueth them by testimonye of y firste 600. yeares. The first in this Chapter and sixth in number, is the Masse, whose name he may in deede finde within the compasse of 600. yeares, although o­therwise taken then it is of papistes, but yet frō Christ vntill 400. yeares be complete, the name of Missa is not founde in any auncient authenticall writer. And therefore he beginneth with Ambrose in his Epistle E. 33. which place you shall finde discussed in mine aunswere to Heskins lib. 3. Cap. 32. letting you to vn­derstande by the way, that he citeth the wordes other­wise then they be, and so doeth M. Heskins, and yet neither of thē both as they be in Ambrose: by which it appeareth, that neither of them both read them in Ambrose. Stapleton citeth them thus: Missam facere caepi: Dwum offerrem, nuntiatum est, &c. I began to say Masse: whyle I offred, worde was brought to me, &c. Ambrose saith somewhat otherwise. The next testimonies he citeth are out of Augustine, Ser. 251. & 237. de tempore, which all learned men knowe to be none of Augustines, but if they were, they be after 400. yeares beforesaide. The next is Leo, Ep. 81. Cap. 2. which in mine answere to Heskins before quoted, you shall finde handled at large. After this followe the Canons of 7. or 8. coun­cels prouinciall, in which the name of Missa is found: but all kept aboue 400. yeares after Christ, and ther­fore proue not a perpetuall continuance of that name from Christ vntill the first 600. yeares ended. Besides that, the Masses so named were neither informe nor matter, that which the popish Masse is. For, concer­ning y forme, it was patched together in many partes long after the first 600. yeares, as their own Pontificall and other histories witnesse. Concerning the matter, it was not the Popish Masse, for that there was in it a Communion, and the naturall bodye of Christe was not offered therein, which within the first 600. yeares, [Page 81] was not beleeued to be really and corporally in the Sacrament.

The seuenth difference is: that the Masse is a propiti­atorie sacrifice, and was so beleeued in the first 600. yeares. Whereof he reporteth him to Cyprian, Ser. 5. De lapsis: who sayth: The conscience of sinners is purged with the sacrifice of the priest. But Cyprians words are not so, he speaketh of them, which being fallen in time of persecution, made hast to the communion without dewe repentance, and publike satisfaction to y church, and prayer of the priestes made for their sinnes. Ante exomologesin factam criminis, ante purgatam conscientiam sacrificio & manu sacerdotis: before confession of their offence being made, before their conscience be pur­ged by sacrifice & hand of the Priest, &c.’ These words do shewe, y t he meaneth none other purging of their conscience by sacrifice, then by imposition of y priests hands, which can be no propitiatorie sacrifice, but the sacrifice of prayer of the priest for them: as for y sa­crifice of the Masse, there is no mention of it. Againe, he reporteth him to Hierome. To. 1. in Iouinianum, saying: The Priest to offer dayly for his owne sinnes, and the people. Neither are Hieromes wordes as he citeth them, but thus: Sacerdoti, cui semper pro populo offerenda sunt sacrificia, semper orandum est. The Priest which must always offer sacrifice for the people, must always pray.’ Where is here the sacrifice propitiatorie of the Masse? when Hyeronyme expoūdeth his sacrifice for prayer, in the second parte of the same worke, saying that Christ In typo sanguinis sui non obiulit aquam, sed vinum. ‘In the figure or type of his bloud offered not water but wine.’ Both denyeth transubstantiation & the carnall presence, & also expresseth, what manner of oblation he meaneth, when he vseth the name of sacrifice, offe­ring, oblation, namely a sacrifice of thankesgiuing in remembrance of Christes death. Thirdly he reporteth himselfe to Ambrose, lib. 1. Offic. Cap. 48. who affir­meth: Christ to be yet offered in the Church for the remission [Page 82] of our sinnes. But the report of Ambrose is cleane a­gainst him. Antè agnus offerebatur, offerebatur vitulus. Nūc Christus offertur: sed offertur quasi homo, quasi recipiens pas­sionem, & offert se ipse quasi sacerdos, vt peccata nostra re­mittat Hîc in imagine, ibi in veritate, vbi apud parem pro nobis quasi aduocatus interuenit. Before a lambe was of­fered, a calfe was offered. Now Christ is offered: but he is offered as a man, as suffering his passion, and he offreth him selfe as a priest, that he may forgiue our sinnes. Here in an image, there in trueth, where hee maketh intercession for vs as an aduocate with the fa­ther.’ What can be more euident against the sacrifice of the Masse? then that he sayeth, Christe is offered here in an image, not in trueth: he is offered by him selfe, not by a popish priest: he is offered as a man suf­fering his passion, therefore not in an vnbloudy sa­crifice, but in an image of his bloudie sacrifice.

Fourthly, he reporteth him selfe to Gregorie Na­zianzene Orat. 1. in Iulianum, who sayeth, that by the ob­lation of this sacrifice we are made partakers of the passion of Christ. He speaketh not of the Masse, but thus he saith: Mox incruenti sacrificii oblatione manus commaculat, per quod nor Christo vnimur, nec non passionis ac diuinitatis eius par­ticipes reddimur. Anon he defileth his handes with the offring of the vnbloody sacrifice, by which wee are vnited to Christ, and are made partakers of his passi­on and diuinitie.’ He calleth the ministration of the communion, the oblation of the vnbloudie sacrifice, as the fathers of that time did speake vnproperly. But else where he sheweth expressely, that the onely sacrifice of Christes death, is a propitiatorie sacrifice, and such as cannot be repeated. In sanct Pasc. Or. 4. Magnum illud & insacrificabile (vt ita dicam) sacrificium, quod in prima natura legalibus intermixtum est hostiis, non pro parua orbis parte, neque pro paucis, sed toto mundo purga­tionem obtulit aeuiternam. That great and vnsacrifica­ble sacrifice (as I may call it) which in the first age was set foorth by the sacrifices of the lawe, he offered [Page 83] to be an eternall purgation not for a small parte of the world, nor for a fewe, but for the whole world.’

His fift report out of the counterfait Epistle of Alexander Bishop of Rome, I will not vouchsafe to aunswere.

His sixt reporter is Origen. Hom. 13. in Leuiticum, who writeth of the commemoration that Christ commaunded in his last supper to be done, that: Ista est commemoratio sola quae pro­pitium facit hominibus Deum. This is the onely commemo­ration which purchaseth propititation and mercy of GOD to men. Although here be neuer a worde of the sacrifice of the Masse, yet howe shamefully he applyeth one­ly to the commemoration of the last supper that which Origen speaketh not of that onely, but of the propitiation by faith in his bloud, you shall easily see by Origens whole sentence, out of which he hath gelded this patch: Sed parua satis & tenuis est huiusmo­di intercessio. Quantum enim profecit ad repropitiandun, vbi vniuscuiusque tribus per panem fructus, per fructus ope­ra considerāda sunt? Sed si referantur haec ad mysterii magnitu­dinem, inuenies commemorationem istam habere ingentis re­propitiationis effectum. Si redeas ad illum panem qui de coelo descendit, & dat huic mundo vitam: illum panem propositio­nis, quem praeposuit Deus propitiationem per fidem in sangui­ne eius: & si respicias ad illam commemorationem de qua di­cit dominus: hoc facite in meam commemorationem: inuenies quòd ista est commemoratio sola, quae propitium faciat homi­nibus Deum. Speaking of the shewe breade of the Lawe, he sayeth: But smal and little worth is such in­tercession. For howe much hath it profited vnto pro­pitiation, where the fruit of euery tribe by bread, & by their fruit their works are to be cōsidered? But if these things be referred to the greatnes of the misterie, thou shalt find this commemoration to haue effect of great propitiation. If thou returne to that bread which came downe from heauen, and giueth life to the world: that bread of proposition, which God hath set forth to bee a propitiation by faith in his blood: [Page 84] and if thou look vnto that commemoration, of which the Lord sayeth: do this in remembrance of mee, thou shalt finde that this is the onely cōmemoration which maketh God merciful to men.’ Thus you see that O­rigen taketh not the sacrament alone, but Christ and faith in his blood, wherof the sacrament is a comme­moration, to be the only propitiation for our sinnes, figured in the shew breade.

His last man is Augustine, De ciuitate Dei, li. 22. Ca. 8. Vir tribunitus Hesperius &c. Hesperius a worshipful man who is with vs, hath in his territorie of Fussala a piece of ground called Cuber. In y which place, vnderstan­ding his house to be vexed with euil spirits, to y great affliction of his cattell and seruants, required in my absence our priests, that some of them would go thi­ther, by whose prayers they might depart. One went thither. He offered there the sacrifice of the bodye of Christ, praying as much as he was able, that the same vexation might cease. Incontinently through y mer­cie of God [...] ceased.’ Here is nothing but the name of sacrifice, which the fathers then vsed vnproperly for y celebration of the communion. But that by merite of that sacrifice, God was pacified to cast out those diuels. Augustine sayeth not, but Stapleton absurdly gathe­reth. For Augustine calleth the death of Christe the singuler and onely true sacrifice. Cont. advers. leg. & proph. lib. 1, Cap. 18. Therefore the communion was vn­properly a sacrifice, but of thanks giuing, as the same Augustine writeth De fide ad Pet. Cap. 19 & Cont. aduers. leg. & Proph. lib. 1. Cap. 20. Wherefore his Popish bragg notwithstanding, here is neuer an ancient father with­in the 600. yeares that acknowledgeth the propitiato­rie sacrifice of the Masse.

The eight difference, is intercession of saints, which Protestants abhorre. There is no man denyeth, but that this errour preuailed within the time of the first 600. yeares, and namely in the later 300. years. For in the first 300. there is nothing to be found, whereby it [Page 85] may be gathered. Epiphanius accompteth inuocation of Angels an heresie of the Caiani. Tom. 3. H. 38. And although some shewe of inuocation of saints in the later time may be excused by rethorical exornation, as M. Grindall truely sayd, & some prayers for the dead, as y t of Ambrose for Theodosius, whome both he cal­leth a perfect seruant of god, & yet prayth fos his rest, which agreeth not with popish prayers for them in Purgatory: yet it is confessed y t this was one of y spots of that time, which being not proued by scripture, can be nothing else but a superstition of men. What said I? can it not be proued by scripture? beholde the lear­ned clerke M. Stapl. proueth it out of S. Peter, Ep. 2. Ca. 1. I thinke it right as long as I am in this taber­nacle, to stirre you vp and admonish you, being cer­teine that I shall shortly leaue this tabernacle, accor­ding as our Lord Iesus Christ hath signified vnto me. But I will endeuour also to haue you often after my death, that you may remember these things. Here is a strange kind of translation of these wordes of his owne Latine texte. Dabo autem operam & frequenter habere vos post obitū meū, vt horum memoriam faciatis. But I will endeuour also y t you may haue after my departure, whereby to make remembrance of these things.’ For I wil neither trou­ble him with the Greeke text, which perhaps he re­gardeth not, nor with Erasmus translation, which are without all ambiguitie. But I apeale to Grāmarians, whether habere vos, in this place may be reasonably construed, to haue you, or else be resolued by vt habe­atis vos, that you may haue. His collection is more monstrous then his construction: for thus he addeth immediatly after his translation. I aske here: How will S. Petter after his death endeuour and procure, that the people may remember his sayings? They will not, I dare say, say that he will come in a vision, or by reuelation vnto them. What re­maineth then, but that he will further them with his good pra­yers? And so doe the auncient Greeke Scholies expound this place. And I aske here: Howe prooue you that S. [Page 86] Peter after his death will endeuor & procure for them? O shamelesse corruption. S. Peter saith, that bicause he hath not long to liue, he will not only put them in re­membrance liuing, but also leaue his Epistle, that it may be a perpetuall admonition of them, euen after he is deade. But the auncient Greeke Scholies (as he saith) doe so expound it. Why are not those Scho­lies set downe, and their antiquitie shewed to be with­in the compasse of the first sixe hundreth yeares? In deede Occumenius which liued about fiue hundreth yeres last past, reporteth that some did wrest that text vnto such a sense, but they which did simplie handle y words of S. Peter, did expound it as I haue done before.

The 9. difference, is commemoration of Saintes at Masse time. If you meane commemoration onely, as I haue shewed before, we make it in our Communi­on, and therefore this is no difference, but a lye of Ma­ster Stapleton, for we say: Therefore with Angels and Archangels, and all the holy companie of heauen, we laude and magnifie &c. Likewise in the Collectes mention is made of the Apostles, whose memorie our Church doth keepe. In deede, we vse no inuocation of Saints, which was vsed within the latter 300. yeares, but not to be proued in the first 300 yeares. Neither do we thinke the honour of Saintes to be a dishonour to God, but such honour as robbeth God of his glorie, which he will not communicate with any creature. But Augustine sheweth the memorie of Martyrs to be kept of the Christian people, Ad excitandam imitationem, & vt merius eorum consocietur atque orationibus adi [...]uetur. To stirre vp imitation, and that they may be ioyned in fellow­ship of their merites, and helped with their praiers. The fel­lowship of their merites, he meaneth to be made like them in good workes. For he acknowledged no desert of our good workes, but onely the mercy of God. It is pitie that Iulian the Apostata had so great occasion to charge the Christians with superstition of sepul­chres, whereof they had no ground in the Scriptures. [Page 87] Although Cyrillus defendeth no superstition, but on­ly a reuerent estimation of the tombes of the Mar­tyrs for their vertues sake, after the example of the heathen. Againe he saith, that the reliques of the dead were not seene bare, and negligently cast vpon the earth, but well laide vp: and hidden in the bosome of their mother in the deapth of the earth, wherein they differred not a little from the vsage of Papistes, about their reliques. Cyrill. Contr. Iulian lib. 10. The pride of Eustachius in contemning the publike Churches, mi­nistring in corners, we condemne with the Councel of Gangra. Concerning the reading of the passions of Martyrs in the Church, which he cauilleth that Master Iewell left out in his replie to Doctor Harding, out of the seuen and fourtie Canon of the Councel of Car­thage 3. Bartholmewe Garizon confesseth, that it is an addition, and without all such addition, the same that M. Iewell requireth, that nothing be read in the Church, but the canonicall bookes, as the 59. Canon of the Councel of Laodicea.

The 10. difference is of confession and penance, in which he maketh two kinds, open confession & priuate, for the open confession vsed in the primitiue Church, he bringeth many proofes out of Actes 19. Augustine, Tertullian, Cyprian, the councel of Nice. Which need not, for we graunt that it was vsed, & we our selues ac­cording to such discipline as our Church of England hath, doe vse it, that publique and notorious offenders make publique confession of their faultes, for satis­faction of the congregation. But when this publique confession was abused, he saith, that this practise of the Church and the counsel of S. Iames, willing Chri­stians to confesse one before an other, was restrained to the auricular confessiō of y priest only. But neither he sheweth when, nor by what authoritie the counsel of y the Apostle, and practise of the Church was thus alte­red. He citeth an Epistle of Innocentius ad Decentium. cap. 7. to proue, That particular confession was not first insti­tuted [Page 88] in the Councel of Latarane, as Caluine babbleth, but that if a man were diseased, he should not tarrie for the time of Easter, but Mox confiteri, be shriuen out of hand, which was not done in the face of the Church, but priuatly in the chamber. Whereas this Mox confiteri for all his shamelesse and ignorant babling, is not at al in that chapter, which is this. De poenitentibus verò, qui siue ex grauioribus commis­sis, saue ex leuioribus panitentiam gerunt. si nulla interueniat ae­gritudo, quinta feria ante Pascha eis remittēdum, Romanae ec­clesiae consuetudo demonstrat. Coetterùm de pondere aestimando delictorum, sacerdotis est iudicare, vt attendat ad confessionem poenitentis, & ad fletus atque lachrymas corrigentis, ac nom iu­bere dimitti, cùm viderit congruam satisfactionem. Sane, si quis in aegritudinem inciderit, atque vsque ad desperationem deuene­rit, ei est ante tempus pasche relexandum ne de saeculo absque communione discedat. Nowe concerning penitents, which either for greater or smaller offences do penance, if no sicknesse come betweene, the custome of the Church of Rome sheweth, that they must be released the fifth day before Easter. But as for esteeming their offences, it is the priestes part to iudge, that he may giue heede to the confession of him that repenteth, & to the teares and weeping of him that amendeth, and then to bid him be dismissed, when he shall see conuenient satis­faction. But truely if any man fall into sicknesse, and that he be come euen to desperation, he must be relea­sed before the time of Easter, that he depart not out of the world without the Communion.’ Here is no word of shriuing, for the cōfession was made publikely be­fore penance inioyned, and if in this case, of necessitie there were confession in the chamber, it is not proued to be auricular, nor common to all men without the case of necessitie. That which he citeth afterward out of Hierome in Eccles. cap. 10. is meant of asking counsel of an afflicted conscience. For Innocentius that was af­ter Hieronyme, testifieth of the publike confession of the Church. The rest also that he citeth out of Augu­stine and Cyprian is plaine of open confession, and ne­uer [Page 89] a word of auricular cōfession inioyned by Papists vnder paine of damnation he can bring within the first 600. yeres. Wherefore I will helpe him. Sozomenus lib. 7. cap. 16. sheweth, that in the Church of Constan­nople, a Priest was appointed, which should heare con­fessions of them that came to him, and inioyning pe­nance, should absolue them, but by Nestorius this or­der of confession was taken away, bicause a certain no­ble woman was corrupted in the Church by a Deacon. Where also he sheweth, that the custome of Rome was to do open penance, and not priuate. This writer testifieth of priuate cōfession vsed and abolished with­in the 600. yeares, but with infinite inconueniences in­stituted a fresh in y later Romish Councel of Latrane.

The 11. difference is of the merite of good workes, which he will proue by Scripture, first out of Ecclesia­sticus 16. All mercy shall make place to euery man according to the merite of his workes. Which is neither canonicall scripture, nor rightly tāslated, for according to y truth of the Greeke it is thus. He wil giue place to al good deeds, and euery one shal find according to his works. The second text is 1. Pet 4. Charitie couereth the multitude of sinnes. By which y Apostle meaneth (as Salomon, out of whose Prouerbes he citeth it) that euen as hatred causeth brawling, and discouering of mens infirmities, so charitie couereth and concealeth the multitude of our brothers offences. This is nothing for merite. The third place. 2. Pet. 1. When he biddeth vs to labour, to make sure our vocation & election by good workes. By which words the Apostle willeth vs to confirme vnto our selues the certaintie of our calling and election, (which is most certaine to God,) by the necessarie effectes and fruites of our election and calling, which are good workes, not the cause, but the effect and end of our election. He hath chosen vs that we might be holy Ephe. 1. not bicause we were holy. His fourth text is, 2. Cor. 8. Let your aboundance supplie their lacke, that their aboundance may supplie your lacke also. Which I agree with him, and The­odoret [Page 90] to be the communiō of Saints, but I denie that the communion of Saints is of merites, but of graces and benefites of God.

The last text is Col. 1. S. Paul perfourmed in his flesh such as lacked of the passions of Christ, that is, the effectes and fruits therof, which was to suffer with Christ, for his body, which is the Church, meaning that the Church and not he onely should haue merite thereby. This blasphemie was farre from S. Pauls meaning, who saith not, that he should merite a­ny thing which Christe had not merited, but that he as a member, should suffer that which Christ had not suffered, who suffered as the head for our eternall re­demption, and Paul as a member suffered to be made conformable to the head, not to redeeme the Church, but to giue testimonie to the Gospell of saluation, for the edifying of the Church. Wherefore I wil conclude with Ambrose ad Virgin. exhor. Vnde mihi tantum meriti est, cui indulgentia pro coronae est? Whence should I haue so great merite, when mercy is my crown? and with Au­gustine in Psal. 43. Quid dicturi sumus? merita nostra fe­cisse vt nobis illa salus perpetua mitteretur à domino? absit: si merita nostra aliquid facerent, ad damnationem nostram veni­ret. What shall we say? that our merites haue caused that this perpetual saluation should be sent to vs from the Lord? God forbid. If our merites did any thing, it should come to our damnation.’

CAP. V.

Of the single life in the Cleargie, Stapleton. of the state of Virginite in Nunnes, of Monkes and Friers, of the vowed profession of both.

The 12. difference is the single life of the Cleargie. Fulke He saith we reade expressely lib. 1. cap. 27. in Bedes historie, that none of the Cleargie had wines that were within holy or­ders. Howe expressely we reade, you shal heare the very words of his own trāslatiō. ‘And if there be any among y Cleargie out of holy orders, which cannot liue chast, they shall take wiues, and haue their stipend allowed [Page 91] them without.’ Here is no expresse words, that none of the Cleargie that were within holy orders had wiues: but a particular order for Augustine, and in respecte that he was a Monk, not to haue his portion of the ob­lations seuered frō his Cleargie, & if any of his Clear­gy were married, so that he was not to liue in the Col­lege among vnmarried men, that he should haue his stipende allowed abroade. For the manner of the see Apostolike was then, (as Gregory saith) whiche the Papistes nowe obserue not, to giue commaundement to such as be made bishops, that all maner of oblati­ons that are giuen, be diuided into 4. portions. ‘And the one thereof giuen to the Bishop toward his hospitali­ty, the other to the Cleargie, the third to the poore, the fourth to the reparation of the Churches.’ So that there is no rule for the Cleargie of other Bishops, y t were no Monkes, but that they might marrie, if they could not liue chaste, as wel within holy orders as without, & so was the practise of the Churche of England, more then 400. yeares after, vntil the decree of Lanfrancus. Anno 1076., who yet was more fauourable to them that had wiues, then Stapleton, which would haue them put a­way. Decretū est, vt nullus Canonicus vxorē habeat, Sacerdotū verò in Castellis vel in vicis habitantium habentes vxores, non cogantur ut dimittant: non habentes interdicantur, ut habeant. Et deinceps caueant Episcopi, vt sacerdotes vel diacones non praesumant ordinare, nisi prius profiteantur vt vxores non ha­beant. It is decreed, y t no Canon may haue a wife. But of Priestes dwelling in townes and villages, suche as haue wiues, let them not be compelled to put them a­way. But such as haue not, let them be forbidden to haue. And from hencefoorth let Bishops take heede, that they presume not to ordeine priestes or deacons, excepte they doe first professe to haue no wiues.’

This decree prooueth that before this time, not onely married men were ordeined priests, but also that priestes after they were ordeined did take wiues. The same is prooued by the woordes of the Epistle of [Page 92] Gerardus, which was afterward Archb. of Yorke, vnto Anselm Archb. of Canterbury. Cum ad ordines aliquos in­uito, dura ceruice renituntur, ne in ordinando castitatē profite­antur. When I call any to orders, they resist with a stiffe necke, that in taking order they doe not pro­fesse chastitie.’ But nowe when this iolye fortifier should proue the single life of all the Cleargie in the first sixe hundreth yeares, he can bring nothing but certaine decrees, that such as were promoted to priest­hoode vnmarried, should not after marrie, yet he confesseth that there were many married men taken vnto the order of priesthoode, but seldome, he saith, in the Latine Church. Yet let vs see his authorities: first Augustine lib. 2. cap. vlt. de adulter. in coniugis: sayth that they were wont to bring example of the continencye of Clearkes, to perswade men to absteine from adul­terous marriages. Solemus eis proponere etiam continen­tiam clericorum, qui plerum (que) ad eandem sarcinam subcundam capiuntur inviti, eam (que) susceptam vsque ad debitum finem Do­mino iuuante producunt. We are wont to set before them the continencie of Clearkes, which are oftentimes ta­ken against their willes to beare the same burthen, & when they haue taken it vppon them doe bring it to the due end, the Lord assisting them.’ Of this he ga­thereth, that the Cleargie in Saint Augustines dayes refrained from wiues all the dayes of their life, which as it is true of some, so it is vtterly false of all. Againe the compulsion which he speaketh of, was not vnto continencie, but vnto the ministerie, and in the mini­stery not of necessitie of greater estimation. As the words immediately following do declare. Dicimus ergo eis, quid si & vos ad hoc subeundum populorum violentia cape­remini: nonne susceptum castè custodiretis officium, repentè conuersi ad impetrandas vires a Domino de quibus nunquam anteà cogitastis? Sed illos inquiunt honor consolatur. Respon­demu [...], & vobis aempliùs limor moderetur. Si enim hoc multi Dei ministri repentè atque inopinatè impositum susceperunt, sperantes se illustriùs in Christi haereditate fulgere, quanto magia [Page 93] vos adulteria cauendo vivere debetis, metuentes non in regno Dei minus lucere, sed in Gehennae ignibus ardere. We say therefore vnto them. What if you also were taken by the violence of the people to beare the same? Would you not keepe chastely the office taken vpon you: be­ing sodenly turned, to obtaine of the Lorde suche strength as before you neuer thought of? But the ho­nour (say they) doth comfort them. We answere. And feare should more restraine you. For if many ministers of God haue taken vpon them this thing beeing layde vpon them sodenly and vnlooked for, hoping that they shal shine more notably in the inheritaunce of Christ: howe much more ought you to liue so as you beware of adulterie, fearing not to shine lesse in the kingdome of God, but to burne in the fiers of hell?’

Next he citeth a Canon ascribed to the Apostles, out of Iustinian confirmed in the sixt generall councell of Constantinople in Trullo. Ex coniugatis, &c. Of suche as come to the cleargie vnmarried and after wil marrie, we per­mit that onely to the readers and singers. Neuerthelesse he confesseth, that Zonoras expoundeth this so, that if any refuse to liue chaste beeing asked at his orders taken, he is permitted first to marrie, and then admit­ted to the ministery. And the councell of Constan­tinople in the same sixt Canon. Si quis autem eorum qui in Clerum accedunt, velit lege matrimonii mutieri coniungi, an­tequam Hypodiaconus vel Diaconus vel presbyter ordinetur, hoc faciat. But if any of them whiche come into the Cleargie, will be ioyned to a woman by the lawe of matrimony, let him doe it before he be ordeyned Sub­deacon, Deacon or Priest.’ Where is nowe the necessi­tie of single life in the Cleargie.

After this he citeth the councell of Ancyra Can. 10. which is cleane contrary to his purpose, if he had re­cited it whole as he only taketh the tayle. The Ca­non is this. Diaconi quicunque cùm ordinantur, si in ipsa ordinatione protestati sunt dicentes, velle se habere vxores, nec posse se continere, hi postea si ad nuptias venerint, maneant in [Page 94] ministerio, proptereà quod his Episcopus licentiā dederit. Qui­cun (que) sanè tacuerunt & susceperum manu [...] impositionem, pro­fessi continentiam, si postea ad nuptia [...] venerint, a ministeria cessare debebunt. Whoso euer when they are ordey­ned Deacons, if in the very time of their ordeyning, they make protestation and say, that they will haue wiues, & that they can not conteyne, if these afterward come to be married, let them remaine in the ministery, because the Bishop hath giuen them licence. But true­ly whosoeuer hath helde their peace, and receiued im­position of handes, professing continence, if after they marrie, ought to ceasse from the ministery.’ This Canon sheweth, that it was lawfull for the Cleargie beeing in holy orders to marrie, if they professed not continence, to which profession none was bound, as they are in Poperie.

Againe if after profession they married, they were not deuorced as Papistes vsed in Queene Maries time, but commaunded to absteine from the ministerie.

The last authoritie he citeth is out of the Synode of Neocaesaria presbiter, &c. A priest if he marrie a wife ought to be deposed from his order. It followeth in the same Ca­non. ‘But if he committe fornication or adulterie, he must be moreouer cast out of the Church, and driuen to doe penance among lay men.’ This was a decree of 17. Bishops in the prouince of Paulus Polemoniaca, and is to be vnderstoode of such a priest as professed continencie. Whose marriage yet was not made voide, but he put out of his office, whereas he that had com­mitted fornication, was put both out of the ministe­rie, and of the Church, which seeing the Papistes ob­serue not in their lecherous priestes, they haue small right to vse this Canon, which yet bindeth none but that prouince that made it.

Nowe where he saith, it was a rare thing for the Clear­gie of the Latine Church to be married, Hierome no friende to marriage, shall testifie the contrary, who speaketh of it as of an ordinary matter. Eliguntur [Page 95] mariti in sacerdotium, non nego, quia non sunt tanti virgines quanti necessarii sunt Sacerdotes. ‘Married men are cho­sen vnto the Priesthood, I denye not, because there are not so many virgines, as it is necessary there should be priestes.’ And Oceano he confesseth that by the doctrine of the Apostles, priestes might haue wiues, complayning that in his time all other qualities of a minister described by the Apostle were neglected, onely the libertie of marriage looked vnto. Qui dixit vnius vxoris virum, &c. ‘He that saide the husbande of one wife, euen he commaunded that he should be vn­reproueable, sober, wise, comely, harberous, a teacher, modest, not giuen to wine, no fighter, no quareller, not couetous, no young nouice in the faith. Ad haec omnia claudimus oculos, solas videmus vxores. At all these thinges we shut our eyes, we see nothing but their wiues.’

Likewise in Aggeum Cap. 1. He inueygheth against the rulers of the Churche, which building their car­nal house, prouiding for their children & possessions, neglected the building of the temple of God. Againe in Epi. ad Eph. li. 3. Ca 6. He inueygheth against Bishops and priests of his time, that broughtvp their children in secular and prophane learning, peraduenture at the charges of the Church. Yea diuers Popes haue ben married men, for Pope Siluerius was sonne of Pope Hormisda, as the very pontifical witnesseth: and Beda sheweth lib. 2. cap. 1. that Pope Felix was great grand­father to Pope Gregory.

I will spende no more time in so cleare a matter. Wherefore the single life required of necessitie in the Cleargie, is not prooued within the 600. yeares so often named.

The thirteenth difference is, of the state of virginitie in men and women. Such state protestantes acknowledge not, but rather abhorre it, and persecute it. It is a mere slander, for we honour virginitie that is not counterfet, in thē that had made them selues chaste for the kingdome of heauen. But when Master Stapleton will make [Page 96] virginitie impossible to no man, he is directly contra­ry to our Sauiour Christ. Non omnes &c. all men can not receiue this saying, but they to whome it is giuen; Mat. 19. and to Saint Paule. 1. Cor. 7. Qui non conunet, he that can not conteine, let him marrie. I confesse also, that within the sixe hundreth yeares, there were some Colleges of virgines, which differed as muche from Popishe Nunnes, as many Popish Nunnes from honest women. They liued not idly, as Popish Nunnes, of their landes and reuenewes, but with spinning, and making of cloth, they mainteined themselues, August. De moribus Eccl. Catholi [...]ae Cap. 31. They liued continent­ly, or else they married. Popish Nunnes though they liue neuer so incontinently, yet will they neuer mar­rie. Epiph. lib. 2. Tom. 1. Her. 61. Popishe Nunnes are for the moste part, like those Monkes and Nunnes of the heretikes, Originiani Turpes. Non student Castitati, sed si­mulatae castitati, & nomen sal [...]ē habenti. They study not for chastity, but such as is fayned chastity, and hath only a name of chastitie Volentes esse in honore propter putatam a­pud ipsos castitatis exercitationem. Willing to be in honour, for the supposed exercise of chastitie among them, when there is nothing lesse then chastitie.

Concerning the rule of Augustine Ep. 109. prae­scribed to the virgines that tumultuously and sediti­ously would haue chaunged their gouernesse, if we doe admitte it to be written by Saint Augustine, yet it is not sufficient to authorize the superstitious orders of Popish Nunnes. Among whom their habite is not the least part of their superstition, which Augu­stine in his virgines forbiddeth to be notable or diffe­ring from other women. Non sit notabilis habitus ve­ster, nec affectetis vestibus placere, sed moribus. Let not your apparell be such as may be noted or marked, neither desire ye to please with garments, but with manners.’ The like writeth Hierome concerning the apparell of virgines of his time. Againe Saint Augustines virgines were not bound to their Cloyster, but might departe, [Page 97] if they liked not the seueritie of their rule, or else were expulsed from thence. Conuicta secundum praeposuae vel praesbyteri arbitrium debet emandatoriam sustinere vin­dictam, quam si fortè recusauerit, & siipsa non abscesserit, de vestra societate proijciatur. She that is conuicted (but of wanton lookes) according to the decree of the Go­uernesse or priest, ought to sustaine a punishment for her amendment, which if she refuse to beare, and if she her selfe depart not away, let her be caste cleane out of your societie.’ If this rule were obserued, fewe Po­pish Nunnes should be left in their Cloysters. Moreo­uer, Saint Augustines virgins were commanded to vn­derstand what they did pray or sing, not one among fortie of Popish Nunnes vnderstand their Popishe ser­uice which they sing. Psalmis & Hymnis cùm oratis Deū, hoc versetur in corde, quod profertur in voce. When you pray to God with Psalmes and Hymnes, let that be in your heart which is pronounced in your voyce.’ These and many other differences may be obserued whiche are sufficient to confute Stapleton, which would make his Popish Nunnes al one with y e virgins of the ancient & purer Church. But Eusebius out of Philo sheweth y e euen in the Apostles time there were [...] Oratories and Monasteries of men & women lib. 2. cap. 16. It is true y e Eusebius so iudgeth: but who so readeth Philo his own writing shall plainly see y he speaketh rather of a sect of Iewes at Alexandria giuen to con­tēplatiō, & not of Christians. Beside this y e monasteryes which he speaketh of were not Abbies, wherin they li­ued, but only solitary places of study for a time. For in them they had neither meate nor drink, as Philo ex­pressely affirmeth. To conclude, seing that in the scrip­ture we haue no commandement for virgins, we com­mend them y haue the gift, & exhort them so to con­tinue. But seeing the gift is rare in our dayes, and the examples of them that haue professed virginitie, and liued abhominably, are too many, we thinke it neither needful nor expedient, to set vp Colleges of virgines, [Page 98] nor to exact any vowe of them, but to leaue them to their conscience and liberty, which the holy Ghoste hath giuen them.

The fourteenth difference is of Monks and religious men, as though none were religious, but Monkes. I confesse they had within the sixe hundreth yeares, men that li­ued a solitary life, called Monachi, Anachoreti, Fre­mitae &c. but no more lyke our Popish boares, liuing in their frankes, then angels are like to diuels. Their differences I haue shewed euen out of Bede in the ta­ble of differences. But Stapleton saith, that the faultes of a fewe ought not to haue caused subuertion of the whole orders. I answere, they were so fewe that offen­ded, that they were almost all naught. And what be the Monkes of Flaunders where he dwelleth at this day? be they much reformed? Is not idlenes, drun­kennesse, brawling their greatest exercise, when they be free from idolatrie and superstition? Howe ma­ny learned men be in those Cloysters that are dili­gent preachers, euen in the Popishe Churche? What their chastity is God knoweth. But the Country spea­keth euil of them. In his title of the Chapter, he spea­keth of Friers, whereof I had great maruell to see his impudency, that would promise to prooue them to haue bene within the first sixe hundreth yeares, that sprong not vp more then twelue hundreth yeares af­ter Christ. But in this section of the Chapter there is no worde of them. Neither could the Popishe Monkes themselues abide them, euer since their a­rising.

The fifteenth difference is vowes of virginitie, both in men and women, and here he bringeth in Friers in the Diuels name, to be as auncient as S. Augustine, Whose wordes he thus translateth in 1. Tom. 5. Nemo ergo positus in Monasterio frater, dicat, recedo de Monasterio. Therefore let no Frier placed in a Monastery, say, I will departe out of the Monasterie &c.’ This testimony of Saint Augustine (he saith) may suffice to shewe that in the [Page 99] Church of the first sixe hundreth yeares both Friers & Nunnes vowed virginitie &c. Surely my lunges will not serue me to crie loude ynough against the impudencie of this shamelesse creature, that to abuse the ignoraunt, translateth Frater, in S. Augustine, by y e Popish French-English name of Frier, to make them beleeue, that the Augustine friers were instituted by Saint Augustine, which are not yet two hundreth yere olde. For about the yeare of our Lorde one thousand foure hundreth and sixe, this order of Friers vnder the name of Saint Augustine, was first erected by one Redus Comes montis granelli, and one Gualterus Marsus his coadiutor at Fe­sula a Citie of Hetruria, confirmed by Gregory 12. one of the two Popes, that then ruled the rost both toge­her, the one in Italy the other in France. Cronic. Croni­corum. Herm. Sched.

Nowe touching the vowe of virginitie made in those auncient times, that it was not free to returne to the worlde as both Erasmus and Polidore affirme, whom he chargeth very fondly and ignorantly so to write. How farre it did binde, you shall heare, first out of Epipha­nius, and then out of Hierome. Epiphanius contra Apost. Haer. 61. lib. 2. To. 1. thus writeth.

Melius est iraque vnum peccatum habere & non plura. Melius est lapsum a cursu palam sibi vxorem sumere secun­dum legem, & a virginitate multo tempore poenitentiam age­re. & sic rursus ad Ecclesiam induci, v [...]lut qui mala operatus est, velut lapsum & fractum & obligatione opus habentem: & non quotidie occultis iaculis sauciari ab improbitate quae a di­abolo ipsi infertur. Sic noui [...] Ecclesia praedicare. Haec sunt sanationis medicamenta. Therefore it is better to haue one sinne and not many. It is better for him whiche is fallen from his course, openly to take him a wife, according to the lawe, and to repent long time from his virginitie, and so to bee brought againe vnto the Church, as one that hath wrought euill, as one that is fallen and broken, and hauing neede of binding vp, and not to be daily wounded with secret dartes, which [Page 101] of the deuill are caste against him. So knoweth the Churche to preach, those be the medicines of hea­ling.’

Saint Hierome ad Demetriadem writeth thus. San­ctum virginum propositum & Coelestis angelorum (que) familiae gloriam, quarundam non bene se agentium nomen infa­mat. Quibus aperte dicendum est, vt aut nubant si se non pos­sunt continere, aut contineant si nolunt nubere. The report of some that behaue not themselues wel, slaundereth the holy purpose of virgines, and the glorie of the heauen­ly and Angelical familie. To whome it must be said openly, that either they should marrie, if they can not conteine, or else they should conteine, if they wil not marrie.’ Wherfore by these two doctors iudgment, our doctrine differeth not from the doctrine of the primi­tiue Churche, within the sixe hundreth yeares after Christe.

CAP. VI.

Of prayer for the dead, Stapleton. Of solempnitie in Christian b [...]ri­alles, Of houseling before death, Of reseruation of the sacra­ment. Of the sygne of the crosse, Of Benediction of Bi­shoppes.

The sixteenth difference is prayer for the dead, Fulke. with dirige, and Masse in the morning, the fortification thereof he leaueth, because it is done sufficiently by another, he meaneth Maister Allen of purgatory, and for the assault and battery of that peece, I also referre the reader to my ouerthrowe of the same defence.

The seuenteenth difference is solemnitie of Chri­stian buriall, which is vsed and allowed of vs so farre as it is without superstition He alledgeth that Pau­lious did write to Saint Augustine, from the sea coastes of Italy to the sea costes of Affrica, to be fully [Page 100] instructed, whether the holines of the place any thing auayled the buriall of the body, &c. But why did not he send nearer home, to the Apostolike see of Rome, the Pope whereof (or else you lye) can not erre? For Augustine was not able to resolue him, who although he suppose this benefite there may be, that the friends of the body buried neare a martirs tombe, may be oc­casioned thereby in remembring the place of his bu­riall, to commend his soule to that Martyr, yet he can not tell how the Saintes departed should know the re­questes of them that liue. Cap. 16. lib. De cura pro mortuis: and except this occasion of praying for their soules, he knoweth not what the holinesse of the place can helpe them, wherein he differeth from Papistes, Cap. 2. that thinke it a great matter of it selfe, to be buried in a holy place, which of them for that purpose is exorcised and hallowed.

The 18. difference is: Houseling before death, which the sa­cramentaries make to be of no necessitie, because they binde the sinner to a number of other communicantes. If it be a matter of necessitie, how is it with all infantes, how with ma­ny that die sodenly, &c. are all such damned? But he sayeth, the practise of the primitiue Church proueth it to be necessary, as in the example of Serapion Euseb. lib, 6. cap. 44. and of Satyrus Saint Ambroses brother In obitum Satyri, &c. And is it euen so? Doeth the ex­ample of one man that was excommunicated, and could not be quiet vntill he had receiued the commu­nion, and of an other that neuer receiued it, nor was baptised, prooue it necessary for all men? Yea (saith Stapleton) who will reade onely but one Canon of the Nicene councell, shal finde therein not only a generall commandement for al Christendome, but also the auncient practise of the Church before that time. And I say who so will reade not on­ly the whole Canon, but the very title thereof, shall finde, that it was a remission only for excommunicated persons. C [...]no. 12. De excommunicatis a saeculo ex [...]untibus. Of excōmunicated persōs departing this world, De his verò [Page 102] qui recedunt ex corpore antiquae legis reguia obseruabitur eti [...] nunc, ita vt si fortè quis recedat ex corpore, necessario vitae suae viatico non defraudetur. Quod si desperatus aliquis recep­ta Communione superuixerit, si [...] inter eos qui sola oratione cō ­municant. De omnibus tamen his qui a corpore recedunt in tradendo eis Communionem, & cura & probatio sit episcopi. But concerning them which depart out of this bodye, the rule of the auncient lawe shalbe obserued euen nowe also, so that if perhaps any depart out of y e bo­dy, he may not be defrauded of the necessary proui­sion of his life. But if any being at the point of death after he haue receiued the Communion, do recouer & liue, let him be among them that communicate in prayer onely. Neuerthelesse, concerning all those men that depart out of y e body, in deliuering to them the communion, let both the charge and the tryal be in the bishops discretion.’

This Canon was not made for all Christian men, that at times of publike administration of the sacra­ments might freely be partakers, but onely of such as were excommunicated & appointed a time of pe­nance for their tryall, before they should be admitted to the Lordes supper: before which time, if they were at the point of death, and the bishop allowed of their repentance, this Canon prouideth, that they might be receiued to the Communion, for their comfort: but yet so; that if any did recouer and liue, they shuld accomplish their time among the penitentes that was before enioyned them. This thing being so apparant, what shall wee saye of these English Louanistes, that either they neuer read the bookes out of which they cite their authorities, or else without all shame they wrest them against their owne conscience?

The 19. difference, is the reseruation of the sacra­ment, wherein, as I confesse in some erronious kinde of reseruation wee differ from some of the primitiue Church, so they differed from Christ, which cōmaun­ded it to be eaten and dronken. And it is manifest, y t [Page 103] their reseruation differed from the popish reseruati­on, both in the manner and in the ende. But concer­ning reseruation, I referre the reader to mine answere to D. Heskins first booke Cap. 24. 25. 26. & 27. where you shall finde all his authorities discussed, except the 14. Canon of the Councell of Nice, out of which hee alledgeth, that the Deacons might, absente Episcopo & presbitero proferre communionem & comedere. In the ab­sence of the Bishop and priest, take out the commu­nion and receiue it. Whereby he sayeth, it is euident, that it was reserued in the Churches, where the Deacons might come to receiue it. But I must admonish the reader, y t these wordes which he citeth are an addition of Gra­tian and the popish church, and are not in the true co­pies in Greeke of that Councell, nor in the right La­tine translation, as euen Peter Crabb the Papist con­fesseth, nor yet in the edition of Ruffinus. But such draffe and dregges of falsifications, additions, detra­ctions, mutations, &c. are good ynough for popishe swyne.

The 20. difference is blessing with the signe of the Crosse: for fortification of which piece, he referreth the reader to Martials treatise of the Crosse. And I to M. Calfhils Aunswere, and my Reioynder.

The 21. difference is benediction of the bishop, which he sayeth is mocked at and reuiled by Prote­stantes. But he sayeth vntruely: for although wee may iustly deride the vaine ceremoniall casting of crosses in the ayre of their bitesheepes rather then bi­shops, with their two fingers, which is nothing else but a ridiculous superstition, yet wee contemne not the godly benediction of a Christian Bishop and pa­stour, which vseth the same according to the word of God. Therefore the examples of Nectarius which desired the benediction of his Bishop Diodorus at his departure, and Aurelius which blessed Augustine and his company, after he had visited them, shewe no diffe­rence of them from vs. And if Eudo [...]ia the Empresse [Page 104] desired Chrisostome to blesse her sonne Theodosius his godson. What did Chrysostome but pray for him, and with him well in the name of the Lorde? And how did Diodorus blesse Nectarius? And Aurelius blesse Augustine and the rest, but by godly prayer made to God for them? not with vaine, dombe & idle ceremonies after the Popish manner. So that the man­ner of blessing of the auncient times, doeth rather proue a difference of Papistes from them, then of vs from them. And moreouer you may consider, how to make vp a number of differences, what small mat­ters he is fayne to flye vnto, and euen such as he hath no shewe of holde at all in the writers of the aun­cient Church of 600. yeares after Christ, for them. But onely to set a face of the matter, as though there were nothing newe amongest them, when not onely their ceremonies, but also many of the principall ar­ticles of their doctrine, wherein they differ from vs, were either not heard of in those ages, or else were openly impugned by writers of those times. Onely the dregges and refuse of the former age they re­tayne, as prayer for the deade, inuocation of Saintes, and a fewe other such matters.

CAP. VII.

Of pilgrimage and reliques, Stapleton. of Church seruice, of Altars, of Church ornaments & holy vessels, of the ecclesiasticall [...]on­sure, and of holy water.

The 22. difference is pilgrimage to holy places, Fulke. especially to Rome. In deede we finde that peregri­nation to Ierusalem was esteemed of many, and great resort to Rome, of the wiser sort not for the holinesse of the places, but for the frequence of godly & lear­ned men then liuing in those places. Otherwise for the holynesse of the place, S. Hierom ad Paulinum, whether M. Sapleton sendeth vs, doth sufficiently de­clare [Page 105] what was to be esteemed of it. Non Hierosoly­mis fuisse, sed Hierosolymis bene vixisse laudandum est. It is no praise to haue beene at Hierusalem, but to haue liued well at Hierusalem.’ And speaking euen of our owne countrye, he addeth. Et de Hierosolymis & de Bri­tannia aequaliter patet aula coelestis. The court of heauen is open equally, from Ierusalem and from Britain. A­gaine: Beatus Hilarion cùm Palestinus esset & in Palestina viueret, vno tantùm die vidit Hierosolimam, vt nec contem­nere loca sancta propter vicinitatem, nec rursus dominum lo­co claudere videretur. Blessed Hilarion when he was a Palestine borne, and liued in Palestine, sawe Ieru­salem but one day only, that neither he might seeme to contemne the holy places because of neerenesse, nor againe to shut vp the Lorde in a place.’ And be­cause Master Stapleton maketh pilgrimage a matter of faith, he sayth further: After hee hath shewed how many excellent men neuer came at Ierusalem, &c. Quorsum inquies haec tam longo repetita principio? Videlicet ne quicquam fidei tuae deesse putes, quia Hierosolymam non vi­disti. Thou wilt say, to what ende are these thinges fetched from so long a beginning? verely, that thou shouldest not thinke any thing to be wanting to thy faith, because thou hast not seene Ierusalem.’ Thus Hierome, albeit it was much vsed, yet iudged pere­grination vnto Ierusalem, to be a matter of small importance.

By Chrysostom sayeth, Hom. 5. de beato Iob: that if strength of body did serue, & that he were not let­ted with the charge of his Church, he would haue tra­uelled to Rome, to see the cheines wherewith Saint Paul was bound. And this Stapleton wil warrant, to haue beene done without superstition. I would faine knowe howe he will discharge this saying of his in the same homely, eyther of superstition, or of an excessiue commendation. Si quis me coelo condonet om­ni, vel ea qua pauli manus vinciebatur catena, illam ego honore praeponerem. If any man coulde giue mee all [Page 106] heauen, or else that chayne, wherewith Saint Paules hande was bounde, I woulde preferre that chaine in honour.’ Excuse this if you can, so it be not with a rethoricall exornation, for y e you cannot abyde. Ne­uerthelesse, the same Chrisostom sheweth, y t it was not needefull for obtaining remissiō of finnes, to take in hande any pilgrimage. In Epist. ad Phil. Hom. Non opus est in longinqua peregrinando transire, nec ad remotissimas ire nationes, non pericula, non labores tolerare, sed velle tantum­modo. There is no neede to go a pilgrimage into farre countryes, nor to go to the furthest nations, nor to suffer perils nor trauels, but onely to be willing.’ Now let the wisedome of the Papistes take heede, as he admonisheth the wisdome of the Protestantes, that they charge not Chrysostome with the heresie of sola fides, or licentious libertie, more then wee checke him for superstition. The like of remission of sinnes, without pilgrimage, he sayeth: Hom. de. Anima & edu­catione Samuelis, which is as contrary to y draffe of po­pish pilgrimage, as the peregrination vsed in this day is out of vse with vs. For Papists were wont to make pilgrimage a meritorious worke, and many had it in penance persuaded by their ghostly father, they could not otherwise haue remission of their sinnes, except perhaps by a Popes pardon, with a commutation of penance. Concerning the place of Augustine, which he citeth Ep. 137. It proueth no ordinary pilgrimage then in vse, but onely sheweth Augustines deuise in a case of such doubt, as he coulde not finde out the trueth betweene one that was accused and his accuser, that it was not amisse they shuld both trauell to some such place, where miracles are sayed to be wrought, if happely there in such place, the trueth might be re­uealed by miracle.

And yet I confesse not vrged by any thing Staple­ton sayth, that Augustine else where speaketh of pe­regrination to Rome in Psal. 85. Quales isti princi­pes venerunt de Babylone? Principes credentes de saeculo, [Page 107] principes venerunt ad vrbem Roman, quasi caput Babylonis, non ierunt ad templum imperatoris, sed ad memoriam piscato­ris. What are these princes that came from Babylon? Princes of the world that beleeue, the princes came to Rome, as to the head of Babylon, they went not to the temple of the Emperour, but to the memorie of a Fi­sher.’

To conclude, as there was vsed Peregrination to Ie­rusalem, and other places to the memories of Martyrs, so was there neuer any pilgrimage to images, which is the greatest pilgrimage of Papistes, within the 600. yeres mentioned, wherein Papists differ as much from their practise, as we, and more also.

The 23. difference is the reuerence of reliques, vsed within the 600. yeres, as witnesseth Basil, Chrysostome and other. The reliques or bodyes of the Saints we re­uerence, so farre as we haue any warrant out of the ho­ly Scriptures. Neither did those auncient fathers, (al­though immoderate in that kinde of reuerence) yet make idols of them, nor set them bare to be seene or handled, and worshipped, but laide vp in the earth, as I haue before shewed out of Cyrillus: Lib. 10. Contra Iu­lianum. But what inconuenience grewe by that exces­siue esteeming of the dead bodyes of the Saints, Sozo­menus sheweth Li. 7. ca. 10. Pauli Constantinopolitani Epis­copi corpus in Ecclesia repositum est, id quod & multos verita­tis ignaros, praesertim mulieres, ac plures è plebe, in eam opinio­nem induxit, vt Apostolum Paulum ibi conditum esse putent. The body of Paul, Bishop of Constantinople, was bu­ried in the Church, which thing brought many igno­rant of the trueth, especially women, and many of the common people into this opinion, that they thinke the Apostle Paul to be buried there.’ But whereas in the end he wold haue vs restore so many holy reliques of Abbeyes and Churches, as haue bene spoiled and pro­phaned, it is needlesse, seeing the Papistes can make as many when they list. Euen by the same cunning that they make some of the Apostles to haue two or three [Page 108] bodyes a piece, beside heades, armes, ribbes, and other partes in infinite places, whereof he that will heare more, let him reade Caluines booke of reliques, and credite him but as a reporter of that, which all the world is able to reproue him of, if he would wilfully feigne any thing.

The 24. difference is Alters, for proofe whereof he bringeth Chrysostome, and Augustine, which speake of Alters, whome also he confesseth to call the same tables, but that neither in matter nor fourme, they were like Popish Alters, but tables in deede made of boordes, and remoueable, and standing in the middest of the Church, I haue shewed sufficiently in mine aun­swere to Doctor Heskins, lib. 3. cap. 31. by which it is proued, that the Papistes and not we, differ from the primitiue Church in this point.

The 25. difference is Latine seruice, which he would proue out of Bede by the bookes that Gregorie sent to Augustine, which could be none other but Latine. But howe proue you that those bookes were seruice bookes? or that if they were seruice bookes, thei were not tran­slated into the vulgare tongue? As for the fortificati­on of this piece, by the elder times he referreth vs to Doctor Hardings proofe against Master Iewels chal­lenge. And to the same Bishops learned replie, doe I referre the reader for ouerthrowe of the same feeble fortresse of Harding.

The 26. difference is of Alter clothes, Church vest­ments, &c. Such Alter clothes and such vestments as Christ vsed in the celebration of the holy sacrament, we thinke not onely to be sufficient, but also most conuenient, for the administration of the same. Ne­uertheles, if any other vestments, without superstitiō, be appointed by lawful authoritie, we thinke no strife or contention is to be raised for so small matters.

But let vs see, of what antiquitie he will make the holy vestments. First Tertullian Lib. de Monogam, ma­keth mention of Infulas, the vpper garment of the [Page 109] Priest. But he might vnderstand Tertullian (if he were disposed) to vse that terme but in derision of them, that when they would be proude against the Cleargie, they alledged, that we are all Priestes, &c. but when we are called (saide he) to the same seueritie of discipline with the Cleargie, deponimus infulas & pares sumus, we put off our Rochets, and we be pri­uate men. This infula was the apparell of the Hea­then Priestes, to which he alludeth, when he scoffeth at them, that in dignitie would be Priestes, but in disci­pline Lay men. The Albe which is spoken of Con. Carthag. 4. Can. 41. was nothing like your Popish Albe, but a white garment, which was vsed in signe of dignitie, and was forbidden of the Deacons to be worne, but onely in time of the oblation and reading Saint Iohns Petalum, if he could tell what to make of it, he would not call it generally a pontificall vest­ment. Saint Iohn was a poore Pontifex, to goe in pontificalibus. The rich garment which Constantine gaue to the Church of Ierusalem, if it had bene a cope, (as he saith) it had bene an vnhandsome garment to daunce in, as the storie saith, it came into the handes of one that daunced in it. The admonition that he giueth to such as sleepe in Church goodes, meaning belike, such as haue their beddes garnished with olde copes, were more meete to be made to some of his be­nefactours, that sleepe in Abbeyes, and yet will not awake out of them.

To conclude, although there is some mention of garmentes, applied specially for the vse of diuine ser­uice, yet the Popish tragicall trumperie of this time, differeth as much from them in forme and vse, as they doe in time and age.

The 27. difference is of holy vessels: such vessels as are comely and decent for the ministration of the sa­craments, we haue without superstition, which begin­ning to growe in the auncient times, the Fathers did rather reproue then foster. [Page 110] Gregorie Nazianzen, whome he citeth in his Oration aduers. Arrianos, & de se ipso, speaking of the ministring vessels that might not be touched of many, meaneth Allegorically of prophaning the mysteries of Christi­an religion, alluding to the prophanation of the ves­sels of the Iewish temple by Nabuzardan and Bal­thasar, as his words doe plainely shewe. [...] &c. What ministring vessels not be touched of ma­ny, haue I deliuered to the handes of the wicked, ei­ther to Nabuzardan, or to Balthasar, which rioted wic­kedly in holy things, and suffred punishment worthie of his madnesse.

Chrysostome reproued the preposterous superstiti­on of the people, which durst not touch the holy ves­sels, but yet feared not to defile them selues with sinne, In ep. ad Eph. H. 14. Non vides, &c. Doest thou not see, those holy vessels? Be they not alwaies vsed to one pur­pose? Dare any man vse them to any other purpose? Nowe art thou thy selfe more holy then these vessels, and that by much. Why then doest thou pollute and defile thy selfe?’ He hath forgotten Exuperius Bishop of Tholosse, which caried the Lordes body in a wicker basket, and his bloud in a glasse, when he maketh so much adoe about holy vessels. Hier. ad Rusticum, Acacius Bishop of Amida is commended for melting the ves­sels of the Church of golde and siluer, to redeeme pri­soners from the Persians.

The 28. difference, is the shauen crown [...] of Prie­stes, for antiquitie whereof, he citeth Eusebius in Pane­gyric. Vos amici Dei sacerdotes lōgae talari veste & corona insig­nes. Ye friends of God, ye Priests seemly by your long side garment and crowne.’ Verily he is worthy to be shorne on his poll, with a number of crownes, that vn­derstandeth this of a shauen crowne. If nothing else could haue driuen him from this dreame, at least he should haue remēbred the solemne disputation where­of he spake immediately before in Beda, li. 5. ca. 22. by [Page 111] which it appeareth, that y Greekes were shorne square, and not round, and therefore Eusebius speaking to Greeke Priestes, would neuer haue called their square tonsure a crowne. But the wordes of Eusebius put all out of doubt. [...] &c. O ye friendes and Priestes of God, which are clothed with the holy long garment, and the heauenly crowne of glorie, and with the diuine vnction and the priestly robe of the holy Ghost, &c. Is there any blocke so senselesse, to thinke that he called a shauen head the heauenly crowne of glorie? Who seeth not, that in commendation of the spirituall dignitie of the Ministers of the Church, he alludeth to the Aaronicall attire of the Priestes of the lawe?

The next testimonie is out of the tripartite historie, that Iulian the Apostata to counterfet religion, shore him selfe to the hard eares, therefore religious men were then shorne There is no doubt, but the Cleargie, and such as professed sobrietie and modestie, vsed to poll their heades, whereas the licentious multitude de­lighted in long haires, which shearing or polling after grewe to a ceremonie, & from a ceremonie to a super­stition: but small mention of the ceremonie there is, within the 600. yeares, and that toward the latter end of them. But where he compareth the scoffing that the Turke might make at the blessed passion of Christe, with such pleasant railing as Protestantes vse against their Friers coules, and shauen crownes, he sheweth in what blasphemous estimation he hath such vile dung of mens inuention, to compare it with the onely price of our saluation.

The 29. differēce is holy water, for antiquitie wher­of he alledgeth two myracles, the one out of Bede, li. 1. cap. 17. of Germanus, which with casting a fewe sprin­kles of water into the sea, in the name of the Trinitie, assuaged a tempest. The other of Marcellus Bishop of [Page 112] Apamea, which when the temple of Iupiter could not be burned with fire, after praiers made, commaunded water signed with the crosse, to be sprinkled on the Alter, which done, the diuels departed, and the temple was set on fire, & burned. But these miracles wrought by water, proue not an ordinarie vse of holy water in the Church, in those times, as for the counterfet decree of Alexander the fift Bishop of Rome, is a worthie wit­nesse of such a worshipfull ceremonie. In the end of this chapter, he inueigheth against a newe tricke, which he saith, y preachers haue to make their audience cry, Amen. Cōparing it with the applause and clapping of handes, vsed in the olde time, but misliked of godly fa­thers, Chrysostome and Hierome. So that for the prea­cher to pray to God, an [...] to giue God thankes, whereto the people aunswereth [...]en, it is counted of Staple­ton a newe tricke, and yet it is an auncient, as S. Paul 1. Cor. 14. vers. 16. But to make such a loude lye, that Sathan him selfe the father of lyes (I suppose) for his credites sake would be ashamed to make, in his owne person. Videlicet, that To teares, to lamenting or to bewayling of their sinnes, no Protestant yet moueth his audience. It is an olde trickes of a cankared stomaked Papist.

CAP. VIII.

Differences betweene the former faith of Catholikes, Stapleton. and the late newes of Protestants, concerning the gouernement and ru­lers of the Church.

The 30. difference is Synodes of the Cleargie, Fulke. which is a lewd and impudent slaunder, for we allowe them, and vse them, as all the world knoweth: but (saith he) no conclusion is made in them, but such as pleaseth the Parleament. This is a false lye, for although no constitution made in the conuocation, hath the force of a lawe, except it be confirmed by Parleament, yet many constitutions and Canons haue bene made, that [Page 113] were neuer confirmed by Parleament.

The 31. difference is imposition of handes, which is a meere slaunder, for that cerimonie is vsed of vs in or­deining of Ministers, likewise where he saith, that whē all the Popish Bishops were deposed, there was none to lay handes on the Bishops that should be newely consecrated, it is vtterly false. For there was one of the Popish Bishops that continued in his place, there were also diuers that were consecrated Bishops in King Ed­wardes time, and although there had bene but one in that time of reformation, it had been sufficient by his owne Gregories resolution, Bed. lib. 1. cap. 27. An other example is Lib. 3. cap. 28. of Ceadda Archbishop of Yorke, consecrated by Wini Bishop of the West Sax­ons assisted by two Bryton Bishops, that were not sub­iect to the see of Rome: Bicause at that time, there was neuer a Bishop of the Romish faction in England but this Wini, who was also a Simoniake, and bought the Bishoprike of London for money. I speake not this, as though in planting of the Church, where it hath bene long time exiled, an extraordinarie forme of ordaining were not sufficient, but to shewe that the Papistes doe picke quarels, contrarie to their owne pretended recordes of antiquitie, and Catholike reli­gion.

Where he inueigheth against the vnsufficiencie of a number of our Ministers, which are come out of the shop into the Cleargie, without giftes sufficient for that calling, as I can not excuse them, nor their ordei­ners, so I dare be bolde to affirme, they are no worse either in knowledge or conuersation, then the huge rable of hedge Priestes of Poperie.

The 32. difference, that such Bishops as were created by the Archbishops of Canterburie and Yorke, were created by the appointment of the Pope. This is a shamelesse lye, for which he can bring no colour, ei­ther out of the first sixe hundreth yeares, or out of Bedes historie. Where he saith, If it can be shewed by a­ny [Page 114] historie, that at any time by the meere temporall authoritie euer any Catholike Bishops were created, he d [...]re yelde and graunt that ours are lawfull Bishops. For aunswere, that Catholike Bishops of olde by as meere temporall au­thoritie were created, as any are created among vs, I referre him to Bede lib. 3. cap. 7. & 29. lib. 4. cap. 23. of Agilbert and Wini by authoritie of Sonwalch, Wighard nominated by authoritie of Oswine and Eg­bert, Ostfor consecrated at the commaundement of king Edilred, beside Wini made Bishop of London for money by Wulfher king of Mercia, which authori­tie he could not haue abused, except it had bene in him lawfully to vse.

The 33. difference is, that Princes had not the su­preme gouernement in ecclesiastical causes. For proofe whereof, he alledgeth Gregorie Nazianzen, and Saint Ambrose, both which speake not of chiefe authoritie, but of knowledge of spirituall matters, which is not to be sought ordinarily in Princes, but in the Clear­gie. Secondly, he citeth Caluine and Illyricus, which do write against such ciuill Magistrates, as thinke by their supremacie, they haue absolute authoritie to de­cree what they wil in y e Church, wheras we in England neuer attribute so much to the Princes authoritie, but that we alwayes acknowledge it to be subiect to God and his word. The Papistes right well vnderstand this distinction, but it pleaseth them to vse this ambiguitie of supreme authoritie, to abuse the ignorance of the simple.

The 34. difference is, that the Bishops and godly men in matters of doubt counselled with the Pope of Rome, so did the Pope of Rome with them, while there was any modestie in him, so did Pope Sergius aske counsel of poore Beda. Math. West. Nay, but Saint Hierome so well learned, consulted with Pope Dama­sus, which entred his See with the slaughter of sixtie persons. I might aunswere, that Damasus also asked counsell of Saint Hierome. So that in him which is [Page 115] consulted, there is rather opinion of knowledge, then of authoritie. But Hierome confesseth, that he will not separate him selfe from the Church of Rome, &c. Ep. ad. Dam. 2. So long as the Church of Rome was the Church of Christ, there was great cause he should ioyne with it. But nowe is it ceased to be the spouse of Christ, and is become an adulteresse, as the prophete saith of Ierusalem, yea it is become Babylon, the mo­ther of all abhominations, and therefore that heauen­ly voice commaundeth all Christians to depart out of her. But concerning the Popes authoritie, I haue aunswered at large to D. Sanders rocke of the Popish Church.

The 35. difference, but I knowe not howe it diffe­reth, is the Popes authoritie abolished, by whom Chri­stianitie was first in this land receiued. It is wel known, that there was Christianitie before Gregorie sent Au­gustine, not of Popelike authoritie, but of godly zeale as it seemeth to winne the English nation to Christe. After followeth a large complaint, for abolishing the Popes authoritie, a Canon inuectiue against discenti­ons among vs, and slight fortification of the Popes au­thoritie, for vnities sake, out of Hierome Cont. Iouinian. & Cyprian de simpl. prael. aunswered at large in the disco­uerie of D. Sanders Rocke.

The 36. difference, Augustine came first in pre­sence of the king, with a crosse of siluer, and an image of Christ painted in a table. The Protestants beganne with taking away the crosse, and altering the Letanie. But this part is left vnfortified, except it be with a mar­ginall note, that Chrysostome vsed in Letanies, crosses of siluer, and burning tapers. In deede I reade Chryso­stome had certaine candlestickes or cressets of siluer, made in fourme of a crosse, to carie lightes vpon them, in the night season, but not of any tapers burning by day, & caried before the crucifixe after the Popish ma­ner. Socr li. 6. ca. 8. but hereof ye may see more in mine aunswere to Martials replie. Articl. 7.

[Page 116] The 37. difference Augustine and his companie to the num­ber of fourtie were Monkes. The first preachers of this no faith were runagate Monkes and Apostate Friers. Their learning, godlinesse, and iust cause of departing out of those Cloysters of vncleane birdes, is sufficiently testified to the world.

The 38. difference, the preachers which were traded vp by them, were of a vertuous, lowly, simple, poore, and meeke con­uersation. Then were they very vnlike your Popish pre­lates. But Luther complaineth, that his schollers were more wicked, then vnder the pope. If some were so, it followeth not that all are so. Againe, Beza solde his benefice to two men, if he had no confessed it him selfe, Stapleton might neuer haue knowne of it. Af­terward he raised rebellion for a signe of his vocation, and persuaded Poltrot to murther the Duke of Guise, or else Stapleton belyeth him. What Mallot and Pieroreli were I knowe not, I doubt not, but they were honester then many Popes haue bene. Knokes was a Galley slaue three yeares. The more wicked those Pa­pistes which betrayed him into the Galley. The ma­ster whereof was glad to be rid of him, bicause he ne­uer had good successe, so long as he kept that holy man in slauerie, whome also in daunger of tempest, though an errant Papist, he would desire to commend him and his Galley to God in his praiers. The eiecti­on of the Nobles from Zuicherland, is as truely im­puted to the Zuinglians by your authour Staphylus, as al the rest of his slaunders and monstrous lyes are to be credited, which was done by the Papistes in that countrie, almost two hundreth yeares before Zuin­glius was borne. Christerne King of Denmarke, was expelled his realme for his tyrannie, by all the states, before they receiued the Gospell. Howe dutifull the doing of the Protestants in Fraunce hath bene, let the kinges owne actes of Pacification testifie, which al­wayes dischargeth them of rebellion, and acknow­ledgeth all that they haue done, to haue bene done [Page 117] in his seruice.

The 39. difference, voluntarie pouertie in Augustine not found in the first planters of this newe trim tram. A matter worthie to be aunswered with a whim wham. It were easie to shewe howe many haue forsaken great digni­ties and liuings among the Papistes, to become poore preachers of the Gospell.

CAP. X.

Differences concerning the consequences and effectes of the first faith planted among vs, Stapleton. and of the pretensed faith of Pro­testantes.

The 40. difference, they that were conuerted, Fulke. builded Chur­ches and Monasteries, Protestants pull downe Monasteries, Churches, Chappels, Hospitals, and Almes houses, In the table of differences, I haue shewed, howe much those Mo­nasteries then builded, differed from Popish Abbeyes: & where he chargeth Protestants with pulling downe all Monasteries, he forgetteth that Cardinall Wolsee by the Popes authoritie pulled downe the first in our time that were suppressed, and that the Popish Clear­gie consented to the acte of suppression, which were y e diuell rather then Protestants. For Hospitals and Al­mes houses, it is a slaunder, except some priuate person of couetousnesse hath ouerthrowne any. As for Chur­ches and Chappels builded by vs, so many as are ne­cessarie, it is apparant to the world. Almes houses and Hospitalls by vs are erected, such as are none in Po­perie. The Vniuersities also are augmented, both in buildings and reuenues, since the pulling downe of Abbeyes.

The 41. difference, in Monasteries, God God was serued day and might with externall prayer at midnight. Although rising at midnight ordinarily be an inconuenient houre in many respectes, and therefore we haue no or­dinarie praier at that time, yet haue we earely in the [Page 118] morning before it be day, in many places, exercise of prayer and preaching, neither was it at midnight that the nunnes of Berking sung their Lawdes & Hymnes. lib. 4. cap. 7. for it was after Matutines, which could not be but in the morning, although early, & before day.

The 42. the deuotion of those christians brought in volun­tary oblations, which are now ceased, and due tithes grudged as.

The voluntary oblations of the godly, are not now wanting, where neede is.

The 43. the Princes & higher power endewed the bishopriks with landes, now they take them away. It was necessary when they had none before, but were newly erected. If any be now taken away, and sufficient left, it is not the mat­ter we regarde, but good proceeding of the Gospell: if couetousnesse of any man procure from the Churche, where it wanteth, they shall answere it and not we.

The 44. Ethelbert established Christianitie by lawes. Making special statutes and decrees for the indemnitie and quiet possessi­on of the Churche goodes and of the Cleargie. Now no state is more open to the oppression then the Cleargie. If Ethelbert established Christianitie, by lawes, he did more then Papistes would haue Princes to doe nowe. But if the Cleargie be nowe oppressed, it is not for want of good lawes, or good will in the prince & higher powers to defende it, but by occasion of a number of dissem­bling Papistes, to whome execution of iustice in some places is committed.

The 45. difference is vnitie them, where is discention now. God be praysed, we consent in all articles necessary to eternall saluation, and if the Scottes by our example are come to the same vnity of faith with vs, it is the Lordes worke, for whom we giue him harty thanks.

The conclusion of this fantasticall Fortresse is an exhortation to Papistes, not to dissemble their Papi­stry, nor to communicate with vs, disswading them by many examples of such as yeelded not to the per­secution of the Arrian heretikes.

But seeing by the worde God, we can not be con­uinced [Page 119] of heresie, those examples make nothing a­against vs.

And yet I wishe the Papistes (if it be not Gods will to open their eyes that they may see the truth) yet to giue ouer their dissembling, and openly to shew them selues as they are. For whether their religion be good or badde, dissembling and coun­terfetting can not be but euil.

God be praysed.

A REIOYNDER TO Iohn Martials reply against the answere of Maister Calf­hill, to the blasphemous treatise of the Crosse.

To the Reader.

OF all the treatises sent ouer within these twentie yeares from the Papists, there is none in which appeareth lesse learning and modesty, nor greater ar­rogance and impudencie, then in this one Booke of Martiall. Who, as he tearmeth him selfe a Bacheler of Lawe, so more like a wrangling petty fogger in the Lawe, then a sober Stu­dent in Diuinitie, doth in a manner nothing else, but cauil, quarel, and scolde. Which as it were an easie matter to wype away with a sharpe answere, for him that would bestowe his time therein: so I thinke it for my parte neither needefull nor profitable. The memory of that godly learned man Maister Doctor Calfhill whome he abuseth, is written in the Booke of the righteous, and shall not be afraide of any slaunde­rers reporte. Omitting therefore all friuolous qua­rels, I will onely endeuour to answere that whiche hath in it any shewe of reason or argument to defende the idolatry of the Papistes.

In which matter also, as many thinges are the same which are already satisfied in my confutation of Do­ctor Sanders Booke of Images: so I will referre the reader to those Chapters of that treatise, where he shal [Page 123] finde y which I hope shal suffice, for the ouerthrowe of Idolatry. This reply, as the first treatise, is diuided into ten articles, all which in order I will set downe, with such titles, as he giueth vnto them. But first I must say a fewe wordes concerning his request made to the Bishop of London, and the rest of the superinten­dentes of the newe Church, as it pleaseth him to call them, and his preface to the reader. His request is, that the Bishops should certifie him by some pamphlete in printe, whether 61. articles which he hath ga­thered out of Maister Calfhils booke, be the receyued and approoued doctrine of the newe Churche of Eng­land, able to be iustified by the worde of God, and the Fathers, and Councels within sixe hundreth yeares after Christ? How wise a man he is, in making this request, I leaue to reasonable men to iudge.

And touching the articles themselues, I aunswere, that some of them be such, as the Church of England doth holde and openly professe, as that Latine seruice, Monkish vowes, the communion in one kinde, &c. are contrary to Gods worde, the other be particular affir­matiōs of Maister Calfhil, which in such sense as he vt­tered them, may be iustified for true, and yet perteyne not to the whole Church to mainteine and defende, as whether Helaena were superstitious in seeking y e crosse at Ierusalem, whether Dionyse and Fabian were the one suspected, the other infamed, &c. beside that a great number of them be so rent from the whole sen­tences whereof they were partes, that they reteyne not the meaning of the author, but serue to shewe the impudencie of the cauiller. As that the counsels of Christe in his Gospel, be ordinances of the Deuill, the prayers of Christians a sacrifice of the deuill, the coun­cell of Elibeus was a generall councell, &c. Wherfore I will leaue this fond request, with all the rayling that followeth there vppon, and come to the preface, to the Reader. First he findeth himselfe greatly greeued, that not only ancient fathers are by M. Calfhil discredited, [Page 123] but also the holy crosse is likened to a gallowes, &c. which moued him to follow Salomons counsell, & to answer a foole according to his folly. After this he ta­keth vpon him to cōfute M. Calfhils preface, in which he proueth, y t no images should be in churches to any vse of religion, because God forbiddeth them, Exo. 20. & Leuit. 19 in y e first table of religion. His reply stan­deth only vpon those common foolishe distinctions of Idols & Images, of Latria & Doulia, which are han­dled more at large & with greater shewe of learning by D Sander in his booke of Images. Cap. 5. 6. 7. 8. whi­ther I refer y e reader for answer. Likewise, y t discourse which he maketh, to proue y t an image of Christ is not a lying image, is answered in y e same booke, Cap. 7. The authoritie of Epiphanius, he deferreth to aun­swer, vnto y e 5. article. To Irenaeus he answereth, y t he only reporteth, y t the Gnostike heretikes had y e image of Iesus, but reproueth not y t fact. But he reproued them only because they placed the image of Christ w t the images of Plato, Pithagoras, &c. vsed them as y e Gentyles do. This were in deed a pretie exception for a brabling lawyer to take: but a student in diuinitie should vnderstand that Irenaeus in y t book & Chapter li. 1. Ca. 24. declareth no fact of y e heretiks y t was good, but his declaration is a reproof. And so it is through­out that whole booke conteining 35. Chapters.

But he chargeth M. Calfhill for falsifying Augu­stine, in sayng, that he alloweth M. Varro affirming that religion is moste pure without images, first quarre­ling at the quotation, which by errour of the Prin­ter is de ciuitate Dei, lib. 4. Cap. 3. where it should be Cap. 31. a meete quarrell for such a lawyer: secondly shewing that the Latine is Castius obseruari sine simula­chris religionem, that religion woulde haue beene more pure­ly kept without Idols or fayned Images: as though there be anye Images but fayned, and the worde Imago, euen in their owne Latine translation of the Bible, is indifferently taken for Idolum and simulachrum, [Page 124] and that in many places, Deut. 4. ver. 16. 4. Reg. 11. ver. 18, Sapient Cap. 13. & 14. Esai. 40. ver. 18. & 44. ver. 13. Ezec. 7. vers. 20 where imagines & simulachra are both placed together Ezech. 16. Ca. 17. Amos. 5. ver. 23. wher he sayeth, Imaginem idolorum, the image of your Idols: and many other places declare, that this counterfait distinction was not obserued, no not of the Latine interpreter. As for his other logicall quiddity, wher­in he pleaseth him selfe not a little, that religio non sus­cipit magis & minus, sheweth that eyther his lawe is better then his Logike, or else both are not worth a strawe.

Further he chargeth M. Calfehill for adding words which are not founde in Augustine, where images are placed in temples, in honourable sublimitie, &c. These wor­des are founde in the Ep. 49 ad Deogratias: Cum hiis lo­cantur sedibus, honorabili sublimitate, vt a praecantibus atque immolantibꝰ attendantur, when they are placed in these seates, in honourable sublimitie, that they are looked vpon by them that praye and offer, &c. But Martiall looked onely to the quotation, Ps. 36. &113. Yet doeth not M. Calfhill rehearse the wordes, but the iudge­ment of Augustine, from which he doth nothing va­rie, except Martiall will cauill at the wordes, images in temples, where Augustine sayeth: Idola hiis sedibus, Idoles in these seates, speaking of temples, in which images were placed. But he speaketh (saith Martiall) in the Psalmes, against the images of the heathen, and not of the Christians. Then reade what he writeth De moribus ecclesiae Catholicae, lib. 1. Cap. 34. & de consensu Euangelist. lib. 1. Cap. 10. where you shall finde his iudge­ment of such images, as were made of Christians, to be all one with those of the Gentiles. The iudgement of other doctours, whome he nameth, you shall finde aunswered in the 14. or 13. Chapter of Master Sanders booke of Images. That the Iewes had no images in their temple, he sayth, it is a Iewish and Turkish rea­son, to proue that we should haue none. Much like y e [Page 125] priest that would not beleeue in Christe, if he knewe that he were a Iewe. So wise he is, to compare the su­perstition of the wicked Turkes, with the obseruati­on of the lawe by the godly Iewes. Nay, hee is yet more eloquent, and sheweth that the Protestantes are like the Turkes, in condemning of images, in allo­wing marriage after deuorce, &c. as though we might not acknowledge one God, lest we should be like the Turkes and Iewes, nor honour vertue, nor dispraise vice, because they do so, nor obey magistrates, nor eat and drinke, because the Turkes and Iewes doe so. O deepe learning of a lawyer diuine.

That Images do not teach, he sayeth it is a position more boldly aduouched, then wisely proued, & then quoteth Gregorie, Ep. 9. lib. 9. &c. but he is deceiued, if he thinke we holde, that images teach not: for we af­firme with the Prophet Abacuc, that they teache lyes, Cap. 2. ver. 18. & vanitie, Ier. 10. ver. 8.

As for the story of Amadis the Goldsmith, and the Epistle of Eleutherius fetched out of the guild hall in London, as M. Calfhill maketh no great accompt of them, so I passe them ouer, although Martiall would haue men thinke, they be the strongest arguments the Protestants haue, against the superstition of the crosse and the vsurped tyrannie of the Pope.

Finally, the excuse he maketh of his railing, by M. Calfhils example, how honest it is, I referre to wise men to consider. If M. Calfhill had passed the bondes of modestie, it were small praise in Martiall to follow him, yea, to passe him. But if M. Calfhill (as indiffe­rent men [...] [...]ay thinke) hath not greatly exceeded in termes of [...]eate against Martials person, whatsoeuer he hath spoken against his heresies, the continuall scorning, both of M. Calfhils name and his person, vsed so often in euery leafe of his reply, in the iudge­ment of all reasonable persons, will cause Martiall to be taken for a lawlesse wrangler, rather then a sober and Christian lawyer.

The first Article.

This article hath no title, and in effect it hath no matter. Fulke. For 13. leaues are spent about a needelesse & impertinent controuersie, of the Authoritie of y e ho­ly Scriptures, and of the Church of God, whereof the one is the rule of faith, the other is the thing ruled and directed thereby. Nowe whether ought to bee y e Iudge, the rule, or the thing ruled, is the question. The rule say wee, as the lawe: the Church, sayeth he, as the Iusticier. And then we are at as great contro­uersie, what or where the Church is. In effect, the cō ­trouersie commeth to this issue, whether he be a Iu­sticier, or an iniusticier, which pronounceth sentence contrary to the lawe. I would think that common reason might decide these questions. That he which giueth sentence against the lawe, may haue the name, and occupy the place of a Iusticier, but a true Iusti­cier he cannot be in deede. Right so, the Popish Church, which condemneth the trueth for heresie, hath vsurped as the Iudge, but in deede is a cruell tyrant. But the controuersie is not of the worde, but of the meaning, and where shall that be founde but in the mouth of the Iudge (sayeth he?) if this were true, I woulde neuer be a Bachiler of lawe, if I were as Martiall, nor yet a doctor thereof, except it were to deceiue poore clyantes for their money: if there were not a sence or meaning of the lawe, which o­ther men might vnderstande as well as he that oc­cupyeth the place of the Iudge, that I might appeale when I sawe he gaue wrong sentence. But let vs briefely runne ouer his Achillean arguments.

The Eunomians, Arrians, Eutychians, and Maximus the heretike, reiected the testimonies of the fathers, and the authoritie of the Church, and appealed to Scriptures. So doeth manye [...] wrangling lawyer, to continue his fee from his [Page 127] clyant, appeale when he hath no cause, but receyued right sentence according to the lawe, ergo no appeale is to be admitted. This is Martials lawe, or logyke, I knowe not whether. But what was this Maximus you name so often, Master Martial, that S. Augu­stine writ against Could you reade your note booke no better. Against Maximinus the Arrian he wri­teth that neither of them both was to be holden by the authoritie of Councels, the Nicen, or the Arimi­nense, but by the authorities of the Scripture, lib. 3. Cap. 4.

But Tertullian would haue heretikes conuinced by the authoritie of the Church, and not of the Scrip­tures. Yea verely, but such heretikes as denyed cer­teine scriptures, and peruerteth the rest by their false interpretations. Such are the Protestantes, sayeth Martial: for Luther denyeth the Epistle to the He­brues, the Apocalipse, the Epistle of S. Iames, and S. Iude. But Luther is not all Protestants, neyther did Luther alwayes or altogether denye them. Neither do the Protestantes affirme anye thing in matters of controuersie, in their interpretations, but the same is affirmed by writers of the most auncient and pure Church. Martiall obiecteth, that Christe sent not his disciples alwayes to the Scriptures: but sometimes to the figge tree, to the flowers of the fielde, to the fowles of the ayre &c. Paul alledgeth the heathen Poet, also customs & tradition. And we also vse similitudes of Gods crea­tures, and alledge custome and condition, but so that the scripture be the onely rule of trueth, whereto whatsoeuer in the worlde agreeth, is true: whatsoe­uer disagreeth from it, is false. The traditions of the Apostles, 2. Th. 2. Luk. 10. 1. Io. 4. Mat. 18. which by their writings wee knowe to be theirs, we reuerently receiue, not as mens traditi­ons, but as the doctrine of God, for wee heare them euen as God. Also we heare the voice of the Church admonishing vs, if we giue offence.

Finally, y e Patriarks, Prophets, Apostles, Euāgelists, [Page 128] Pastors, Ex [...]. 10. Ioel. 1. Eph. 4. and doctors, we all reuerence and heare, as the messengers of God, but so that they approue vnto vs their sayings out of the worde of God, and doctrine of Christ. Likewise, we admit the writings of the fa­thers, so farre as they agree with the writings of God, and further to be credited they them selues required not. The sayings of the doctors, that Martiall ci­teth, for the credite of old writers, you shall finde sa­tisfied in mine answere to Hoskins, almost in order as they be here set downe: for one Papist boroweth of another, and fewe of them haue any thing of their owne reading. The saying of Clemens is aunswered lib. 1. Cap. 8. Eusebius concerning P [...] and Gregory, and Hieronime, Cap. 7. The say [...] of Irenaeus and Athanasius, that we ought to hau [...] [...]course to the A­postolike Churches, which reteine the doctrine of the Apostles, against newe heresies, as also of Tertullian, to the like effect, we acknowledge to be true, but see­ing the Church of Rome reteineth not the Aposto­like doctrine, at this day, we deny it to be an Aposto­like Church. Therefore as many as build vppon it, or vpon any auncient writers wordes, which hath not the holy scriptures for his warrant, as M. Cal. sayde, buyldeth vpon an euill ground. For if an Angell from heauen teach otherwise then the Apostles haue preached vnto vs, be he accursed. Here the quarreling lawyer fin­deth fault with his translation, because Euangelizaui­mus may be referred, as well to the Disciples, as to y e Apostles, so that y e Disciples preachings are to be cre­dited as well as y e Apostles, No doubt, if they preach the doctrine of the Apostles, of which the controuer­sie is, and not of the persons that preach it. But these quarels, sir Bacheler, are more meete for the bomme courtes, where perhaps you are a prating proctor, then for the schooles of diuinitie. Wee are gone out, you say, and that we confesse in our apologie. Yea, wee are gone out of Babylon, but not out of the church of God, but abyde in the doctrine of Christ. And you [Page 129] are gone out of the Church of God, which remaine in the synke of Rome, that is departed frō that which was heard from the beginning, and was sacrosanctum apud Apostolorum Ecclesias, moste holy in the Apostles Churches. Tert. li. 4. cont. Mart. Math. 15. You cannot abyde to be charged with the saying of Christ. They worship mee in vaine, that teache the doctrine and precepts of men. First you saye, the A­postles were men, whose traditions the Church must receiue: yea sir, but they deliuered no doctrine of their owne. Secondly, Christ speaketh of the Scribes & Pharisees, and their fonde traditions, and not of the Church and her Catholike traditions and customes. And they be Scribes and Pharisees, which euen in the Church, teach a false worshipping of God, according to the doctrines and traditions of men, disanulling the com­maundements of God, as the Popish teachers in their doctrine of Images, communion in one kind, priuate Masse, &c.

That Augustine framing a perfect preacher, wil­leth him to conferre the places of Scripture together: you say, it is a profounde conclusion, to inferre, that he sendeth him not to doctours distinctions, censure of the Church, Canons of the Popes, nor traditions of the fathers: but onely to quyet and content him selfe with the worde of God. And these last wordes you saye, are not found in Augustine, de doct. Chr. Cap. 9. & se­quentibus, as though Master Calfhil recited the words, & not the sense, for which he referreth you, not only to that Chapter, but to the rest following, in al which there is no mention of doctors distinctions, Popes Canons, &c. But this is an argument ab authoritate negati­uè. Make as much and as little as you will of Augu­stines authoritie, Master Calfhill hath rightly infer­red vppon Augustines iudgement, that if conference of Scriptures wil make a perfect preacher, which you graunt, he needeth neyther doctors distinctions, nor Church censures, &c. but may quyet and content him selfe with the onely worde of God.

[Page 130] But it would make an horse to breake his hal­ter, to see howe Martiall prooueth out of Augustine, that God teacheth vs by men and not by Angels, and that knowledge of the tongues and instructions of men, is profitable for a preacher: yea, the consent of moste of the Catholike Churches, and the interpreta­tions of learned men: as though all those were not to be referred to the dewe conference of scriptures, where onely resteth the substance of doctrine, and the authoritie of faith, and not in doctours distin­ctions, Church censures, Popes Canons &c. which haue no grounde in the Scriptures, or else be con­trary to them. Where Master Calfhill sheweth that as before the newe testament was written, all things were examined according to the wordes and Ser­mons of the Apostles, so after the newe testament was written, all thinges ought to be examined ac­cording to their writings, because there is none other testimonie of credite extant of their sermons & wri­tings. Martiall replyeth out of Saint Augustine, that wee haue many thinges by tradition, which are not writen, which being vniuersally obserued, it were madnesse to breake, Ep. 118. But Augustine spea­keth not of doctrine, but of ceremonyes or obserua­tions. Out of Hierom ad Pam. he obiecteth that our Creede is not written in the Scriptures, which is vt­terly false, although the fourme of the symbole be not set downe, as wee rehearse it.

Thirdly, out of Epiphanius contra Apostolic. li. 2. Heres. 61. that wee must vse tradition, because all thinges cannot be taken out of the holy Scriptures. Therefore the ho­ly Apostles deliuered certeine things in writing, and certeine things in tradition, &c. But they deliuered nothing in tradition contrary to their writinges, neyther o­mitted they to write any thing that was necessarie for our saluation. The matter whereof Epipha­nius speaketh, is that it is a tradition of the Apostles, that it is sinne to marry after virginitie decreed, and [Page 131] yet he holdeth, that it is better to marrye after virgi­nitie decreed, then to burne, contrary to the doctrine of the Papistes. But Martiall frankely graunteth, that no doctour is to be credited against the Scrip­ture and the content of the whole Church. Yet where Master Calfhill sayde, that no man in any age was so perfect, that a certeine trueth was to be buylded on him, bringing examples of Aaron and Peter, the one the high Priest of the Iewes, the other affirmed by the Papistes to be the same of the Christians.

He quarreleth at his induction, because he sayeth not: & sic de singulis, where as his argument followeth not of the fourme of induction, but of the place a maiore ad minus.

After this, (as he doeth nothing but cauill) hee chargeth Master Calfhill for corrupting Saint Au­gustine saying: Truth mee not, nor credite my wri­tings, &c. Proem. lib. 3. de Trinit. For Saint Augu­stine sayeth not: trust mee not. But he confesseth that he sayeth: Do not addict thy selfe to my writings, as to the Canonicall Scriptures. See what a corruption here is, when Master Calfhill rendereth not the words, but the meaning of Augustine.

Againe, saint Basil (he sayeth) is vilely abused, be­cause Master Calfhill sayeth, Saint Basil setteth forth by a proper similitude, with what iudgement the fathers of the Church should be read. Conc. ad Adol. wheras Basil speaketh of prophane writers. As though Basils similitude may not serue to shewe howe both should bee read, because he speaketh but of one sorte.

Likewise he cryeth out that Saint Hierome is not truely alledged, because the Printer in the English translation of Hieroms words hath omitted this word not, which he hath set downe in the Latine. The 4. pretie persons he putteth vppon Master Calfhill, as foolishe and childishe I omitt, onely the slaun­derers persons I will touche: In saying, that the [Page 132] fathers declyned all from the simplicitie of the Gospell in ce­remonies. He chargeth M. Calfhill to be a slaunde­rer. Because God hath not suffered all the fathers to declyne, lest hell gates should haue preuailed against his Church. Although M. Calfhill speake of those fathers onely, whose writings are extant, yet the gates of hell in ydle ceremonies, did but assault, they did not preuaile against the Church. And these fathers departed not from the Gospell, but declined from the simplicitie thereof. But you Papistes haue depar­ted from the Gospell and doctrin of saluation, in set­ting vp a newe sacrifice, in seeking iustification by workes, in ouerthrowing the true and spiritual wor­ship of God. As for the two Iudges, the worde and the spirite, he denyeth them, finding manye defectes in the worde: As that it is sencelesse, dombe, deafe, not able to prooue it selfe to be the worde of God, hauing no more power to be Iudge and decide controuersies, then the booke of statutes to put on my lorde chiefe Iustices robes, and to come to the Kings bench, and giue sentence. I thinke there is no Christian man, but abhorreth to reade these blas­phemies. But let vs see, whether the booke of sta­tutes (although it put on no robes) is not iudge, even ouer my lorde chiefe Iustice him selfe, who is a mi­nister seruing to pronounce the lawe, not a King to alter the lawe: for he him selfe must be obedient to the lawe. Nowe in all controuersies that be de iure, either the lawe is plaine to be vnderstoode, or it is obscure: If it be plane, as that a felone must be hanged, or the sonne must inherite his father, &c. the Iudge pronouncing the lawe with authoritie, and execution following his sentence, brydleth the ob­stinate person that will not obey the lawe, which he knoweth as well as the Iudge. If the lawe be hard to be vnderstoode, the Iudge must seeke the inter­pretation thereof, according to the minde of the law-maker, and not according to the his owne fantasie. So that in all cases, the Iudge hath no authoritie ouer [Page 133] the lawe, but vnder the lawe: so that if the giue wrong sentence, both he and his sentence are to bee iudged by lawe. Or else why doe you Martiall in your ciuill lawe courtes, so often crye out, sit liber iudex, let the booke be Iudge? If you will not allow the booke of Gods law to be Iudge, euen ouer them which haue authoritie as Iustices haue in the common lawe, to pronounce it, and to declare it.

The Spirite he refuseth to be Iudge, because it is in­uisible, secreate, vnknowen, vnable to be gone to, but in the Church: therefore the Church is the Iudge, and ney­ther the worde nor the Spirite. But the Spirite by his owne substance incomprehensible, is by his effects in the holy Scriptures visible, reuealed, knowen, and able to be gone vnto, therefore a sufficient Iudge, taking witnesse of the Scriptures, and bearing wit­nesse vnto them. For that maiestie of trueth, that po­wer of working, that vniforme consent which is in all the Scriptures inspired of God, maketh a won­derfull difference of them from all writings of men of all sortes.

But let vs see Martials arguments against the Spi­rite of God, to be iudge of the interpretation of the Scriptures. Paul and Barnabas in the controuersie of circumcision, went not to the word and Spirit, but to the Apostles and Elders at Ierusalem. O blocke-head and shamelesse asse. Paul and Barnabas doub­ted not of the question, but sought the generally qui­et of the whole Church by consent of Councell. But whether went the Apostles and Elders for decisi­on of the question? but to the worde and Spirite. Reade Act. 15.

Againe, he citeth Deuteronom. 17. that the people in controuersies should resort to the priestes for iud­gement: but where should they fetche their iudge­ment, but of the lawe of God? as it is in the same place.

Againe, Christ hath appointed Apostles, Euan­gelistes, [Page 134] &c. therefore it is not a generall precept, for all men to trie, all men to iudge what doctrine they receiue, bicause all be not Apostles, Euangelistes, &c. Then in vaine saide Christ to all men, Iames 5. 1. Iohn 4. Actes 17. search the scrip­tures, in vaine the Apostles trie the spirites, neither did the Boerheans well, that daily sought the Scrip­tures, to see, if those things were so as the Apostles taught.

Martiall is to be pitied if he knowe no difference betweene authoritie of publike teaching, and the tri­all and examination of doctrine, whereof this per­taineth to all men, the other to such onely as are cal­led thereto. But Martiall proceedeth to shewe, that as GOD appointed one high Priest to the Iewes, to avoide schismes, so he appointed Peter among the Christians: and for this purpose he citeth diuers sen­tences of the auncient Fathers, which all in order almost, the reader shall finde cited and satisfied in myne aunswere to Doctor Sanders booke of the rocke of the Church Cap. 5. except one place of Tertul­lian De pudicitia, which I maruell this Popish Lawyer would alledge, being so contrarie to his purpose, but that the poore man vnderstoode it not. Qualis es &c. What art thou ouerthrowing and changing the in­tention of our Lorde, giuing this personally to Peter: Vpon thee (saide he) I will builde my Church. If it were personally saide to Peter, (Syr Bacheler) counsel with Baldus and Bertholdus, whether it goe by succession to the Pope or no? Which Tertullian denyeth to pertaine to euery Elder of the Church, bicause it was spoken personally to Peter.

And nowe at the length beginneth he to come to the argument of his booke, the signe of the crosse. Which he saide was the fourth signification of the word (Crosse) in Scripture, and calleth it the materi­all and mysticall signe of the crosse, which Master Calfhill denieth to be once mentioned in Scripture, in that sense that Martiall taketh it. Martiall repea­teth [Page 135] that which he had saide before, that Esaye cap. 49. saith: I will set out myne signe on high to the people, which Hierome vpon that place expoundeth to be the stan­dard of the crosse, that it may be fulfilled which is written, the earth is full of his praise. Et iterum &c. And againe. In all the earth his name is wonderfull. Which wordes follow­ing immediately, Martiall craftily suppresseth, and falleth into a brabbling matter, that preaching which Master Calfhill saide was this standard, is not the one­ly standard or signe lifted vp by GOD for conuersion of the Gentiles, but miracles and good examples of life, &c. Whereas the question is, whether the Popish signe of the crosse, be the signe spoken by Esay and Hierome. And the exposition added by Hierome, sheweth plainely, that he meaneth not a red or blue crosse banner, but the preaching of Christe crucified, whereby the earth is filled with the praise of GOD, and his name is wonderfull in all the earth. But Mar­tiall in the end concludeth, that it hath pleased the aun­cient Fathers to appoint and ordeine the signe of the crosse, to he one meane among many, by which the praise of GOD is set foorth. Where he should haue proued, that the signe of the crosse (as he taketh it) is mentioned in the scrip­tures. Other cauils and slaunders not more false then foolish, I will clearely omit, as I purposed in the be­ginning, and followe onely such matter as is proper to the question in controuersie, namely the signe of the crosse.

The second text, to proue that the signe of the crosse is mentioned in the scripture, he citeth out of Iere. 4. Lift vp a signe in Sion which; Hierome likewise expoun­deth, Lift vp the standard of the crosse in an high tower, that is, in the height of the Church. Concerning this interpretati­on of Hierome, how apt it is for the place, I will spend no time with Master Martiall: onely this is suffici­ent for the purpose, that Saint Hierome meaneth not the crosse on the toppe of the steeple, but the passion [Page 136] of Christ: whereto he exhorteth the people to runne for aide as to a standard of comfort, against the enimie that was comming vpon them.

The third text is Matth. 24. The signe of the sonne of man shall appeare in the cloudes: which diuers of the olde writers expound to be the signe of the crosse. Some to be Christ him selfe, as Chrysostome in Matt. 24. Hom. 49. Some to be the crosse it selfe on which he dyed, as Chrysost in Matt. Hom. 77. and Theophilact. in 24. Matth. Some other the passion or signe of the crosse, as Hierome vpon that place: so that the Doctors being in diuers opinions, & speaking doutfully, there is no certaintie of y e matter. That the signe of the sonne of man is Christ him selfe, as Chrysostome rehearseth some to haue thought in his time, is the most proba­ble opinion, bicause both Marke cap. 13. and Luke 21. do seeme so to expound that signe of the sonne of man in Matthewe. But Martiall is such a perillous Logi­cian, that he will admit nothing but necessarie conse­quences, which we must be bolde to vrge and require of him, for the mention of the signe of the crosse in such varietie of Doctors opinions, and a matter so ob­scure.

The fourth text is Ezechiel 9. the signe Thau set on the foreheads of them that should be preserued from destruction. But what argument or authoritie hath he to proue, that this marke was the signe of the crosse? None at all, onely he quarelleth after his manner, a­gainst M. Calfhils reasons, which shewe it was not the signe of the crosse, but an inward spirituall marke. And least he should flee to the figure of the Samari­tane letter Thau, which Hierome saith in his time, was somwat like a crosse. Hierome himselfe sheweth that the Septuagintes, Aquila, and Symmachus tran­slate Thaua marke, as the word signifieth: only Theo­dotion, left the Hebrue word vntranslated, which bi­cause it is the name of the last Hebrue letter, di­uers thought to signifie Thorah, the lawe, whereof [Page 137] they were obseruers that were so marked. Cyprian also taketh it for a marke, without naming the letter Thau. Contra demetrianum. Wherefore seeing here is no­thing, whereby the fashion of the marke may be ga­thered, fondly doeth Martiall gather, that it was the signe of the crosse.

The fift text, is the marke commaunded to be set vpon all Gods seruants in the Apoc. 7. which Martiall out of Thomas Aquinas concludeth to be the signe of of the crosse, but that is disproued by M. Calfhils three reasons, which Martiall like an impudent wrangler, will vnderstand onely of the place of Ezechiel. 1. The spirite of life and faith is not giuen with the signe of the crosse. 2. Which is not sufficient to dis­cerne the good from the badde. 3. But is receiued of all sortes, therefore the seale spoken of in those places is not the signe of the crosse.

Martials crosse not being found in the holy Scrip­tures, hath yet often remembrance among the aun­cient Fathers, whome M. Calfhill doth iustly reproue in this behalfe, so highly to extoll that signe, which hath no ground in the word of God, either in conten­tion against the Gentiles that disdained it, or in aemu­lation of the heretikes that first vsed it. For if all re­cords of ecclesiasticall antiquitie be sought, that are authenticall, and not manifestly counterfeted, there shall no mention be found of Martials crosse in the fourth signification, before the superstition of the Va­lentinian heretikes, which called the crosse, Horon, con­firmatiuam crucem, which Iraeneus lib. 1. ca. 1. doth speake of. So doth Epiphanius Contra Valent. Haer. 31. But against this reproofe of the olde writers, Martiall hath a plau­sible common place to sporte him selfe, in which not­withstanding euery wise man can see, howe fondly he behaueth him selfe, to be patrone to them, which ei­ther neede not his defence, where they write well, or can not be iustified by him where they write amisse. I will therefore passe ouer all such fruitlesse contro­uersies, [Page 138] and keepe me onely to the argument. That Chrysostome was immoderate somtimes in extolling the signe of the crosse, and such like matters, either Martial must confesse, or else excuse it by a rethorical hyperbole: as where he saith of Saint Pauls chaine: Si quis me coelo condonet omni, vel ea qua Pauli manus vin­ciebatur catena illam ego honore praeponerem: If any man could reward me with al heauen, or else with y t chaine wherewith Pauls handes were bound, I would preferre that chaine in honour.’ Such are many excessiue spea­ches in Chrysostome, both of the signe of the crosse, of the Lordes Supper, of Baptisme, and other thinges. In Tertullians time the signe of the crosse was vsed a­mong Christians, to shewe them selues to be Christi­ans, against the Gentiles, if it were not a piece of Mon­tanus superstition.

But whereas Martiall citeth Constantinus, for the commendation of his crosse, he sheweth him selfe an egregious ignorant person, both in antiquitie and in the historie. For the signe which Constantine com­mended, to be a healthfull signe and true token of ver­tue, by which he deliuered the citie from tyrants, was not the signe of the crosse, but the character of the name of Christe, which was shewed to him from hea­uen, with this inscription, [...], in this GOD, not in this signe, thou shalt ouercome.

And least Martiall should cauill at the signe of the crosse, named by Eusebius, De Vit. Const. lib. 1. you shall vnderstand, that he describeth the standard of Con­stantine to haue bene a long speare, in the top where­of a barre went ouerthwart like a crosse to hang the banner vpon, which euen the Heathen Emperours vsed. But in the banner was set foorth in golde and precious stones that signe which Constantine did see, which was the Greeke letter P, with the letter X, in the middest thereof, after this manner, which is to be seene in many hundrethes of auncient coynes, both [Page 139] of Constantine, and other Christian Emperours which is the Caracter of the name of Christ. Agreeing with the wordes of Eusebius [...]. By which you may see howe ridiculously Mar­tiall and the Papistes looke onely to the crosse staffe vppon whiche the banner hanged, and see not the very wholesome signe in deede, which was described in the banner, namely in the name of Christ, by whom Constantine had so glorious victories.

But Martial omitting to speake of the crosse vsed among the Heathen Priestes of Serapis, will discusse Maister Calfhils two rules. The one: that whatsoeuer is brought in vnder the cloake of good intent, is not straightway allowable.

To this he sayeth, that some thinges are brought in by priuate men, without authoritie of the Pope, and for priuate men he counteth the bishoppes of Spaine, and Fraunce, in their prouincial councels: these binde not generally, except the Pope allowe them: some things are receiued by tradition & custome generally receyued vnaltred, such is the crosse: some are brought in by tradition and custome, but not generally re­ceyued, as that infantes should receyue the commu­nion, &c: such the crosse is not. But seeing he hath not concluded the contradiction of Maister Calfhils sixte rule, it standeth still vnmoueable. That some things are brought in of a good intent, whiche are not allowable.

The seconde rule is: what so euer hath bene vpon good occasion receiued once, must not necessarily be reteyned still, but by aduice of Stephanus bishop of Rome, if it be turned to superstition, be altered by them that come after. These aftercōmers, saith Mar­tiall, are none other but the bishops of Rome his suc­cessours, who as they made the lawe, so they must re­peale it. But Stephanus sayeth. Si nonnulli ex prae­decessoribus & maioribus nostris fecerunt aliqua, Naming not onely his praedecessours, but also his Elders, [Page 140] wherefore he meaneth y t not onely his successours, but also his after commers in euery particular Church, as well as his successours in the Church of Rome, ought to abolish with good authoritie such abused customs. But Martiall wil not acknowledge that crossing hath bred such inconueniences, y t the inward faith hath bene vntaught, & that the vertue hath ben giuen to y t signe, which onely proceedeth from him which is signified. For crossing was not the cause, but the negligence of the Cleargie. As though there may not be many cau­ses of one thing. And if crossing were but an occasion of such inconueniences, there were good cause to take it away. Also he denyeth that they attribute the vertue of the signe, without relation to the merites of Chri­stes passion: whereas M. Calfhil speaketh not of suche shiftes as craftie Lawiers can make for their excuses, but of the opinion of the ignorant people, who haue thought without any further relation, that the signe of the crosse was an holy, blessed, and wholesome thing. And what do they that vse the example of Iulian, who crossing himself of custome, and not with any relation to Christe whome he despised, prooue what vertue the signe of the crosse hath, when the diuels immedi­ately auoyded, do they not manifestly ascribe vertue, to the signe without relation of the maker? Yea, sayth Martial, but Christe gaue such vertue to that signe by his death and passion. Shewe that out of the Scriptures, and the controuersie is at an end.

But Martial the Lawier, for the vertue of the crosse citeth Martiall the Apostle, for so he will be called, & was as his cosin Martial the Lawier affirmeth, one of of the 72. Disciples of Christ. But seeing hee and his epistles haue slept seuen or eight hundreth yeares in a corner, y t they were neuer heard of by Eusebius, Hie­rome, Gennadius nor any other of those times, he com­meth to late nowe to challenge the name of an Apo­stle or Disciple of Christe, whose name or writinges in so many hundreth yeares no man hath registred. [Page 141] But this argument is of authoritie negatiue, quod Martiall. But what argument haue you so good to prooue him authenticall, as this is probable to proue him counterfet? Nay if we beleeue Martial, Maister Calfhil hath falsified the Scripture, in saying, that no man dare come neare, nor resist Leuiathan, and Behe­moth the deuils, for beside the quotation is false cap. 40. for 41. The Popishe translation hath not so, and Christe his Apostles and faithfull doe resist the Diuel. Yea sir but not with sworde nor speare, whereof he speaketh, nor with your crosse, but with spirituall ar­mour. As for the errour of the quotation & your tran­slation, euery childe may see how fonde a quarrel it is.

The excuse that Maister Calfhill maketh for Da­mascen, seeing Martial doth not allow, let him make a better himselfe: for some of Damascens errours were such as Martial himselfe and the Papistes will not al­lowe.

But Lactantius maketh the bloud of the pascal Lambe sprin­kled on the dore post, a figure of the crosse on mens foreheads. That is false in your sense Maister Martiall, for he speaketh allegorically of the spirituall impression of of the bloud of Christe by faith, and that his wordes declare, where he saith: that Christ is saluation To all which haue written, Lib. 4. cap. 26. De ver [...] sap. the signe of bloud, that is the signe of the crosse, vpon which he shed his bloud on their foreheades. But Christ is not saluation to all that haue your signe of the crosse on their bodily foreheades. But whereas Lactantius in the next Chapter saith, that deuils are chased away both by the name of Christ, and by the signe of his passion: if it pleased God in those times, by such outward signes to confound his aduersaries, what is that to defend the superstitious and erronious abuse of those signes at this time?

And here Martiall falleth into another brabble, for mistaking his argument, which is not worth a strawe: the end is, the crosse is like a sacrament, although that it be not as good as a sacrament. But wherein it is like? [Page 142] it hath neither institutiō nor element, nor promise, nor effect, of a sacrament, then it is as like as an apple is like an oyster. You say it is instituted by tradition. Proue y t tradition to haue come from Christ, and his Apostles. I haue shewed, it came from heretiks. Again God said to Costantine In hoc signo vince. I haue shewed, that God spake neither of a crosse, nor of a signe. And yet if he had, it was but a particular vision authorizing no ge­nerall obseruation. You say it may be a sacrament as well as bread and wine whiche hath no promise: you lie like an arrogant hypocrite. For bread and wine in the vse of the Lordes Supper, hath as good promise, as water in baptisme. Concerning the effect of the sacra­mentes, and howe they be causes of grace, not as prin­cipall efficients, but as instrumental meanes, by which God vseth to worke in the faithfull, it were to begin a newe matter, to stand in argument with you, which doe nothing but wrangle, scoffe, and rayle in this ar­gument, as you doe in all the rest.

Wherefore to returne to the crosse, Maister Calf­hil saith, that if there were such necessitie in the crosse to fight against Sathan, the Apostles dealt not wisely to omit such a necessary weapon.

Martiall aunswereth, that neither he nor the Fa­thers defende it as necessary. Well then, we haue gay­ned thus much, that the crosse is a needelesse weapon against the diuel. But if it had ben necessary, he saith, it had bene none ouersight in the Apostles, which haue in some epistles omitted more needefull matters.

As though they were bound to speake of all mat­ters in euery Epistle. But of the vse of the crosse, they neuer speake, no not where they instruct a Christian man to fight against the Deuill, against whome it is needefull to vse all weapons that be of any force. The quarrell of altering Saint Peters wordes I omitte, as childish. Maister Calfhill rehearseth his meaning, and not his wordes.

The other argument that followeth of heretikes [Page 143] resembling Antichrist in denying, you shall finde an­swered in my confutation of D. Sanders Rocke Cap. 18. in the eleuenth mark of an Antichristian. But Mar­tial is not content that his error in citing the 39. que­stion for the 38. of Athanasius Ad Antiochum should be noted. In deede the errour of number is a smal matter, but when a man will followe wilfully a corruption for a truth, it cannot be excused. That diuels flie when they see the crosse, is question 15. in the best reformed printes, whatsoeuer Martiall doth followe. But to the purpose, except Martial can declare vnto vs, with what eyes the diuelles beholde the crosse, he shall haue much a doe to perswade vs, that this author speaketh of his signe of the crosse in this place. Otherwise I doubt not but when diuels consider the conquest of of Christ vpon the crosse they tremble and flee away, and are miserably tormented, as Athanasius saith: but not when so euer they see the crosse borne in processi­on, or set vp in the market place, or pointed in the aire, either by a superstitious Papist, or by a diuelish con­iurer. Saint Antonies councel, as great and as good as you make him, may well be suspected, seeing it hath no ground in the holy scriptures. That Chrysostome aloweth signing with y e crosse in the body, is confessed: but that he accounteth it an idle ceremony, where faith in the crucified is not, Martial can not deny. Nor yet y t faith in the death of Christ is sufficient without the signe of the crosse in the body: yet wil he not graunt it to be superfluous, but resembleth it to the incarnation and passion of Christe, without whiche we might be saued by the absolute power of God, to the vse of mi­nisters, good workes, &c. Whereas we ought to say y t all these thinges are necessary, because God hath so or­deyned them, but the crossing of the body is no ordi­nance of God, but of men.

That Origine in cap. 6. Ad Rom. li. 6. speaketh not of Martials crosse, but of the passion of Christ, the whole cōtext of his words proueth, as M. Calfhil sheweth. But [Page 144] Martiall replyeth that he saith: ‘So great is the vertue of the crosse of Christ, that if it be set before our eyes, and faithfully reteyned in our minde, so that we looke still vppon the death of Christe, with the eyes of our minde, no concupiscence, &c. can ouercome vs.’ These words (saith he) proue two crosses, one before the eyes, the other before the minde, but if he would shore vp his eyes he might see, that Origen speaketh not of the eyes of the body, but of the eyes of the minde. As for the tantologie that he would auoyde, it may please his wisedome to vnderstand, that the explaning of a Metaphore, is not tantologie, or vaine repetition.

That Cassiodorus, and Lactantius speake of the signe of the crosse it is granted, but because they speak of it beside the Booke of God, Maister Calfhill doth well to disprooue their reasons, as where Cassiodore compareth that signe of the crosse vpon the faithful, to the Princes stampe on the coyne, the comparison is naught, for the signe of the crosse which is vpon hy­pocrites, sheweth them not to be Christes seruaunts. Neither did Christ giue any such outwarde signe, by which they should be knowen, that would professe to be his seruantes, but baptisme. How good Christians the Friers that are the greatest crossers be, I will not stande to discusse, their hypocrisie is too well knowen in the worlde.

Againe where Lactantius ioyneth the signe of the crosse with the name of Christ, to be of force to driue away deuils, he doth as if a man should ioyne a strawe with a speare to runne at tilt withall. For the name of Christ is sufficient, and needeth none assistance of the signe of the crosse to cast out deuils, where Christe hath giuen that power and faith. Yet Martial obiec­teth, that the name of Christ was not sufficient to cast out some kinde of deuils, as in example of the mans sonne. Matt, 17. But it was not for want of the signe of the crosse, but for want of faith, which must be ob­teyned at the handes of God by prayer and fasting. He [Page 145] would haue scripture, whereby the signe of the crosse is forbidden to be vsed, as though euery indifferent thing that may be abused, is expressed by name. To make a signe or figure of the crosse, is an indifferent thing, to make it for a defence against deuils, is a su­perstitious thing, and forbidden by all such textes of Scripture forbidde superstition, and confidence repo­sed in any thing, sauing in God onely, by such meanes as he hath appointed.

That young nouices in the faith were crossed, be­fore they were baptised in Augustines time, it neede to be no question: and yet it followeth not: that those wordes of Augustine, which Martiall citeth, De Symb. ad Catech. lib. 2. cap. 1. were spoken of the signing, but of that which was signified by the signe, as Maister Calfhil answereth. The rest of this article is spent in friuolous quarrels, in which is no argument to vphold the superstitious vse of the crosse, but that deuils are afraide of it, as in the story of Iulian, and a Iewe, in which God declared, what force it had Ex opere operato, of the worke wrought euen without faith, but this he maketh extraordinarie. A simple force that the Deuill should seeme to flie from them, in whose heartes he dwelled still. But Martiall would knowe, how Maister Calfhill is assured that the Deuil did counterfet feare, and was not afraide in deede. Verily I thinke there neede to be no better reason giuen, then that in out­ward appearance he pretended to flie from their bodily presence, from whose heartes he departed not at all, or rather for their wicked coniuring entired with greater force. How little the diuel is afraide of the signe of the crosse, where faith is not, the story of the seuen sonnes of Sceua declareth Act. 19. where the Deuil be­ing coniured by the name of Iesus, whome Paule preached, fel vpon the coniurers and tormented them: vnlesse Martiall thinke it was because they lacked the signe of the crosse, which would haue made them flie away when the name of Iesus and Paule preuailed not [Page 146] against thē. To conclude it cānot be denied, but diuers of y e ancient fathers affirm more of y e signe of y e crosse, then they can iustifie by the holy Scripture, and yet they are abused oftentimes by Martial and such as he is, as though they spake of the signe, when they had re­spect onely to the death and passion of Christ, as be­fore is shewed, and more remaineth afterwarde to be shewed.

The second Article.

That the crosse of Christ was prefigured in the law of nature, Martial. foreshewen by the figures of Moses lawe, denounced by the pro­phetes, and shewed from heauen in the time of grace.

Maister Calfhil saide, Fulke. that the signe of the crosse was neither prefigured in the lawe of nature, nor fore­shewed by the figures of Moses law, nor denounced by the prophetes, nor shewed from heauen in the time of grace, but the passion of Christ & manner of his death. Against whom commeth forth Martiall and offereth to prooue, that the crosse whereon Christe died, was prefigured, &c. which is no contradiction of M. Calf­hils assertion. Although the fathers rather dallie in trifling allegories, then soundly to prooue that the crosse was prefigured in those places which he alled­geth: as August. Contra Faust. lib. 12. cap. 34. that the two stickes which the widowe of Sarepta gathered, did pre­figure the crosse whereon Christ died, not only by the name of wood, but by the number of the stickes, Et de 5. heres. ad quod vult de. cap. 2. that Moses lifting vp his handes to heauen, did prefigure the crosse whereby Christ should redeeme the worlde: So saith Tertullian and Augustine in diuers places. All which proue not that the image or signe of the crosse, but that y e crosse it selfe, whereon Christ died, was prefigured, whereof we make no question, but it might be, seeing it was in Gods determination that Christe should die on the [Page 147] crosse: although we would wish sounder proofes then these, for such prefiguration. Here would Martiall excuse his ridiculous argument, because it is not in mode and figure, but in deede it fayleth both in forme and matter, for his minor is false, y t the signe of y e crosse was prefigured by y e hands of Moses. As though there were no difference between the crosse on which Christ suffered, & a superstitious signe of the crosse y t a Papist maketh: Concerning the signe Thau in Ezechiel cap. 9. I haue spoken sufficiently in the first article, that it was not the figure of any letter like a crosse, but a marke vnnamed, or described as Apo. 7. And wheras Hierome saith, that the Samaritanes had a letter somewhat like a crosse, it is not to be throught y t the Samaritanes had the true forme of letters, and the Iewes lost it. Chry­sostome draweth it to the Greeke letter, and trifleth of the number which the letter Tau signifieth: Tertulliā is indifferent betweene the Latine latter and y e Greeke, & setteth this T for the marke of his forehead, diffe­ring somewhat from our Popishe ✚, In Mark. H 14. adver. Mar. li. 30. for which cause Martiall calleth the character of the Latine letter, Tau saying Our Tau is a signe of the crosse. But of this marke more. Art. 1. and in my answere to D. Sanders booke of Images Cap. 13. or 12. Concerning the figure of y e crosse, that was in the olde time in the idol Serapis, wherunto he thinketh scorne to be sent for the antiquity of that signe, he answereth out of Socrates, that it was there set by the prouidence of God, as the inscription of the altar in Athens, and among the Hyeroglyphical letters of the Aegyptian priestes, signified life to come. But this proueth no more y e superstitious vse therof, then y e alter in Athens proueth, that we should set vp such al­tars, and dedicate them to the vnknowen God. Next followeth the brawle about the story of Constantines crosse, which should be the figure of the crosse shewed from heauen in the time of grace, wherein Martial no­teth no lesse then sixe contradictions & foure lyes in, in M. Calfhil, but of them let the reader iudge.

[Page 148] The signe shewed, I haue prooued before, not to haue bene Martials crosse, but the Character of the name of Christ, and so doth Constantinus himselfe cal it, speaking to Christe, [...], &c. Holding forth thy Character I haue ouercome, &c. meaning the standerd in which that Character was imbrodered. But of this I haue spoken sufficient Art. 1. and against D. Sanders booke of images cap. 13. Ar. or after the errour of his print. After much wrangling and brabbling about M. Calfhils principles, wherein it were easie to displaye Martials follie, but that I haue professed to omit such by matters, he cōmeth to the signe of the crosse shewed to Iulian, & marked in his souldiers apparell: which if it were true, as Sozo­menus reporteth it, yet proueth it not y t the signe of the crosse was shewed from heauen that it should be vsed of Christians: and the lesse, because it was shewed to none but Iewes, and forsakers of Christian religion, as Maister Calfhill noteth: which might probably be thought to be the marke of persecuters, rather then of Christians. But seeing the Signe of the crosse hath very often times appeared not onely in cloudes, but al­so on mennes apparell, with diuers other sightes, as Conradus Lycosthenes in his booke De Prodigijs obserueth, whether the cause of those apparitions be naturall, or supernaturall, or sometime perhaps artifi­ciall, the appearing of that signe from heauen doeth no more argue an allowance of the Popish ceremonie of crossing in religion, then the appearing of other shapes and sightes in heauen, doe teache vs to frame ce­remonies of armour, of horsemen, of beastes, of trees, of pillers, of circles, and such like, because the figures of them haue ben shewed from heauē. So that hitherto the signe of the crosse hath not bene prooued to haue bene prefigured in the lawe of nature, nor of Moses, neither denounced by the prophetes, nor vsed by the Apostles, nor shewed from heauen to be a pattern of y e allowance of superstitious crossing among y e Papistes.

The thirde Article.

That euery Church, Chappell, and Oratorie erected to the ho­nour and seruice of God, Martial. should haue the signe of the crosse.

First it is to be remembred, Fulke. that for this position he hath no shewe of the authoritie of the holy scriptures, nor yet the testimony of any auncient writer, that any Church, Chappell, or Oratory should haue any crosse grauen or painted within it or vpon it for 500. yeares after Christ. Eusebius describing diuerse Churches builded in his time, sheweth no such necessary furni­ture of a Christian Church, although, he set foorth e­uen the fashion of the stalles or stooles where the mi­nisters should sit lib. 10. cap. 4.

But Martial to haue shewe of antiquitie, begin­neth with a newe found olde doctour, called Abdias, whose authoritie, seeing Maister Calfhill reiecteth as a meere countefet, Martial spendeth certaine leaues in quarrelling at some of his reasons, and the rest he pas­seth ouer because he can say nothing against them. But touching the credite of this Abdias, if any man be not satisfied with M. Calfhils reasons. I referre him further to the Bishop of Sarums booke against Har­ding. Art 1. Diu. 5. p. 8.

To speake of the vowe of virginitie supposed to be made by the virgine Marie, it is impertinent to the cause. It commeth somewhat nearer, that he defendeth building of Churches in the honour of Saintes, be­cause some Churches of olde haue had the name of Saintes. But Augustine saith of the Saintes. Quare ho­noramus eos charitate, non seruitute, nec eis Templa construi­mus, nolunt enim se sic honorari a nobis, quia nos ipsos cùm boni simus, templa summi Deiesse nouerunt. Wherfore we ho­nour them with loue, not with seruice: Neither doe we builde Churches to them, for they will not be so ho­noured of vs, because they knowe that we our selues [Page 150] when we are good, are y e temples of the highest God: De vera religion. Ca. 55.’ Also Ep. 174. Pascentio He pro­ueth the holy ghost to be God, because he hath a tem­ple. Also Euch. ad Laurent. Cap. 56. The like iudgement he hath de ciuis. Dei. li. 8. Cap. 27. & li. 22. Ca. 10. shewing that it is a diuine honor proper to God, to haue tem­ples erected to his honor, and declaring that y e Mar­tyrs churches were places set vp in their memorie, not temples in their honour.

But Martiall fynding nothing for the space of 500 yeares after Christ for his purpose, at length stum­bleth vpon a Canon of the prouinciall Councell of Orleans in Fraunce: that No man should buyld a Church before the Bishop came & set vp a crosse. This canno made in those dayes, sheweth y t churches before the making therof were builded without a crosse, neither bindeth it any, but such as build churches within the prouince of Orleans. Beside that it may be doubted of the an­tiquitie of the Canon, seeing it is not found in the re­cordes of y t councell, but taken out of the Popes Ca­non lawe, where is most counterfait stuffe. Beside that it is not obserued among the Papists themselues, that before any chuch, chappel, or Oratorie be buylded, the bishop of the diocesse should come and make a crosse there. The next Canon he citeth our of y e Coun­cell of Toures the 2. Vt corpus domini in altari, non in ar­mario, sed sub crucis titulo componatur, that the Lords bo­dy be layde on the altar, not in a chest or almery, but vnder the title of the crosse. But Martial doth english it thus: That the body of our Lord consecrated vpon The Altar, be not reposed and set in the reuestry, but vnder the roode. He braggeth y when he was Vsher of Winchester schoole, he taught his Schollers y e true signification of the Latine words. Pro Clu. But beside that hee translateth Armarium a reuestrie, Pro Cel. which Tully vseth for a place wherein money was kept, In Ant. which could not wel be an open house, & also maketh a manifest difference betweene Armarium & Sacrar [...], beside also that hee [Page 151] calleth titulum crucis the roode, where findeth he in this sentence the Latine worde for his English worde, con­secrated? But to the purpose of the crosse, this Canon sheweth, that in old time they vsed to lay it otherwise then vnder the title of the crosse, whether they meant thereby the signe of the crosse, or these wordes, Iesus Naz. rex Iudaeorum, which was the title of the crosse, as they had in those dayes many ceremonies growne out of vse, and therefore not vnderstood of vs.

The third Councel is a Canon of the sixt generall Councell at Constantinople in Trullo, which in the margent he calleth the Councell of Chalcedon in Trullo. Can. 73. which M. Calfhil could not finde in y t Councel, because it is certeine, & confessed by Geran­za, Martials author, that the sixt Councel of Constan­tinople in Trullo made no ceremonies but of y e faith, & that these which he setteth forth, were made priuat­ly by them long after in the dayes of Iustinian, ther­fore they haue neither the authoritie of Canons, nor be free from suspition of forgery. And yet the Canon alledged, proueth not this article, for it only commā ­deth crosses that were made in the pauement to be put out. Nay, sayth Martiall, the prohibition of the crosse to be made on the ground, permitteth it to be made in all other places. For a prohibition restrictiue of a thing to be done in one place, is a lawfull permission for all other pla­ces, which are not namely included in that prohibition. And for this he referreth him selfe to y e iudgement of the lawyers. But I thinke his lawe deceiueth him in this point, as much as his diuinitie almost in euery point. For if y e kings edict forbid swearing, fighting, braw­ling in his court, I suppose he doeth not permit these things as lawfull in al other places. The last Canon which forbad y e laying of y e lords body in y e vestri, doth not lawfully permit it to be layd in the belfry. The captains prohibition, y t no man shal discharge his bel­ly within y e precinct of y e camp, is not a lawful permis­sion y t a soldiar may defile a church without y e campe.

[Page 152] The lawe that forbiddeth the Princes image to be made on the pauement, is not a lawfull permission that the same may be set vppon the high altar, what Martials lawe is in these cases, I knowe not, but my reason serueth me not to allowe of those prohibiti­ons for lawfull permission. And where these Canon makers saye: They did reuerence the liuely crosse with minde, tongue, and sense. Martiall inferreth, that this worde sense, declareth that they had a sensible crosse, to which they might shewe their reuerence with their externall senser: Which senses Martiall? their sight, their hearing, their smelling, their tasting, or their feeling. Did you teache your schollers at Winchester thus to interpret? was it the image of the crosse, or the liuely crosse that shewed them that sauing health, which they pro­fesse to reuerence in worde and minde? And were you went to conster Cum seeing, viuifica crux the li­uing crosse, ostenderit doth shewe. For thus you giue mee example to play with you. And if one of your boyes that learned Terence, had so construed, would you not haue streight way asked him, Cuius modi & temporis oftenderit, if he had annswered, the Preterper­fect tense: you woulde haue demaunded, whether doth, be the signe of that temps, or haue. If haue, then haue not you rightly translated Cum crux viuifica illud sab [...] are nobis ostenderit: Seeing the liuing crosse doeth shewe vnto vs that healthfull thing. Wherefore to leaue this trifling, the Canon is this: ‘Seeing the liuing crosse (that is to say the passion of Christ) hath shewed vnto vs that sauing health, it behoueth vs to employ all our studie, that we may giue vnto it, by which we are saued from our olde fall, that honour which is conuenient. Wherefore, giuing reuerence vnto it with minde, speache, and vnderstanding. wee commaund that the figures of the crosse which are made of some in the ground and pauement, be vtterly taken away, lest the trophee of our victorie be iniu­ried by treading of those that passe ouer it.’

[Page 153] It is not without fraude, y t beside your false transla­tion, you haue omitted per quam ab antiquo lapsu seruati sumus, lest euery popish woman might see, that the Canon speaketh not of honour giuen to the image of the crosse, whereby we are not saued, but to the passion of Christ.

But Martiall reiecteth the Councell of Constanti­nople condemning images, as M. Calfhill doth the 2. of Nice, allowing them. The best way then as Augu­stine conncelleth y e heretike Maximinus, were to giue ouer the hold of Councels on both sides, & try y e mat­ter by the word of God.

It is a fond quarrel y t he picketh to M. Calfhill, of y e time when y e Eliberine councel was kept, if it be aunci­enter then hee supposeth, it is of greater credite, for y e latter times were more corrupt. And whereas he gi [...] ­deth at y e marriage of ministers, because in the 27. Ca­non of y t Councel, the bishop or priest was forbidden to haue any woman to dwell with him, but either his sister or his daughter being a virgine & professed to God, he sheweth both his falshod & his folly: his fals­hod, for y t he translateth extraneam which is a strange woman, no other woman. His folly, in seeing y e priests daughter, he cannot see his wife but the 33. Canon cō ­mandeth them abstinence as from their wiues, & be­getting of children. I answere, if y e Canon were not to be vnderstood of a temporal abstinence, the generall Councell of Nice decreed against it, as appeareth in Socrat. lib. 1. Cap. 11.

But touching the Canon against Images: Placuit, we decree, that pictures ought not to be in the Church, lest that which is worshipped & adored, should be painted on the walles. First he repeteth his principle of law, before set downe for prohibition, y pictures are only forbidden, & not other images: as though he y forbiddeth wounding permitteth murthering, beside that, they shuld be sim­ple images in which were no picture or painting. Se­condly, he saith, that pictures on walles only are for­bidden, [Page 154] but therin he lyeth, for they are generally forbidden in y e church, ergo not in walles only. Third­ly he saith, here is an euident proofe, that pictures were then worshipped. For this argument followeth necessarily vpō these words. That was worshipped, that was forbidden to be paynted in the walles: but pictures were forbidden to be painted vpon walles, ergo, pictures were worshipped. Answere M. Calfhill. Who would haue thought y an Vsher of Winchester & student in Louaine, that teacheth vs an old lawyers poynt, would also teach vs a new Logike point, to cō ­clude affirmatiuely in y e second figure, & y t all vpō par­ticulers? Answere M. Calf. quod Martial. Nay, answere goose to such an argument. And reason who will any longer with such an asse about this matter, for I will harken to his law, seeing his Logike is no better. For the better vnderstanding of a statute or a Canon diuerse cir­cumstances are to be considered. This was lawe ynough to make him a bachiler. Well the circumstan­ces are these. The authors of this Canon were Catho­like & wise bishops, the place Granata a citie in Spain, which had then many infidels, that thought Christi­ans to commit idolatrie by hauing of Images. The time when they feared persecution, as appeareth by the 59 & 60. Canon. But if we beleeue Garanza, your author, it was about y e time of y e Nicene councel, when no persecution could be feared; & therfore your cause which you make y e fourth circūstance, is forged, y t they feared lest those images should haue ben despitefully abused by y e Pagans, when they were fled: neither are you able to proue it, & therfore in y e end you cōclude, it was but a synod of 19. Bishops, whose decre was vn­done by y e second Nicen general councel, y e Councel at Frankford. &c. That y e councel of Frankfort y t cōdem­ned y e councel of Nice, he only denyeth y t it did so, but answereth not y e authoritie cited by M. Calfhill. The booke of Carolus Magnus against images he condē ­neth for a forged tale, although ancient writers make mention of it, & the style of the book doth argue y e it [Page 155] was written in that time, if not by the Emperour, yet by his appointment. But seeing he referreth vs to the confutation of the Apologie fol. 328. I wil referre the readers to the defence of the Apologie for the same matter.

After this, he spendeth certaine leaues, in defending the credite of Irenee the idolatrous Empresse, and in defacing those Emperours that were enimies to ima­ges, wherein he hath the idolatrous historians fauou­rable, not sparing to report what so euer their malici­ous enimies could inuent, to slaunder them. But here­of I haue written somewhat in myne aunswere to D. Sanders booke of images cap. 4. or 3. & cap. 15. or. 14.

Nowe commeth in S. Ambrose extolling the crosse: Ser. 56. ‘As a Church cannot stand without a crosse, so a ship is weake without a mast. For by and by the diuell doth disquiet it, and the wind doth squat it, but when y e signe of the crosse is set vp, by and by both the iniqui­tie of the diuell is beaten backe, and the tempest of wind is appeased.’ Here Martial triumpheth against M. Calfhil, that the author speaketh not of a crosse beame in the Church, but of the signe of the crosse. But he ly­eth shamefully, for this writer speaketh not of a mate­riall Church, Chappel, or Oratorie, but of the congre­gation of Christe, in which the crosse and passion of Christ hath y e same force that the mast in a ship, which is made after the figure of the crosse, and the plough beame in tillage &c. His other sentence Serm. 55. is yet more plaine against him, Arbor enim quaedam in naui est crux in ecclesia, quae inter totius saeculi blāda & perniciosa nau­fragia incolumis sola seruatur. In hac ergo naui quisquis aut ar­bori crucis se religauerie, aut aures suas scripturit diuinis clause­rit, dulcem procellam luxuriae non timebit. For the crosse in the Church is as it were a certaine tree in a ship, which among y e flattring & pernitious shipwracks of y e whole world alone is preserued in safetie. In this ship there­fore who so euer shal either bind him selfe to y tree of the crosse, or stop his eares with the holy Scriptures, [Page 156] he shall not feare the sweete storme of luxuriousnesse, &c.’ He alludeth to the fable of Vlysses which tyed him selfe to the mast, and stopped his eares with waxe, that he might not heare the song of the Mermaydes. This sentence (whereof Martial durst cite but three or foure wordes) declareth that his authour maketh no­thing for the title of this Article of erecting the crosse in Churches, Chappels &c. And yet when all is done, I must confesse with the learned, that these Ser­mons were not written by S. Ambrose, but by one Ma­ximus of latter time, Bishop either of Taurinum or of Millain.

Concerning the tale that you father vpon syr Am­brose Caue, of an Island by Rhodes, and a rode there where no anchor nor cable will holde the ship, vnlesse the mariner make the signe of the crosse ouer y e place where he casteth anchor: It may be, he reported it as a fond persuasion of superstitious people, but I thinke no that he gaue any credit to it. Poperie is full of such tales. But why doe you charge M. Calfhil with a lye, for saying that in the Popish catholike time, the chur­che of Pauls was twise burned within 50. yeares space. Marie, bicause it was not on Corpus Christie eue, nor the Com­munion table was burned with al the foure yles within the com­passe of three or foure houres, therefore it was no the like pla­gue. But howe often hath the sacrament of the alter, (your God) bene burned, when Churches were fiered? Moe thinges, in which there is any diuersitie, shall be like, by Martials logike or lawe, I can not tell whether it is, by which he condemneth M. Calfhil for a lyer.

Touching Lactantius, he reasoneth to and fro of his authoritie him selfe, and yet chargeth M. Calfhil for so doing. Our iudgement of Lactantius, as of all olde writers is this, that what so euer they speake con­trarie to the trueth of the holy Scriptures, we may boldly reiect it; what so euer they say agreeable vnto them, we doe willingly admit it. The chiefe matter touching this article, is this, that certaine verses are as­cribed [Page 157] to Lactantius, exhorting men to worship the crosse, which verses M. Calfhil denieth to haue bene written by Lactantius. First bicause S. Hierome in the Catalogue of his works, maketh no mention of them: but they might be vnknowne to Hierome, saith Mar­tiall. It is not like they could be vnknowne to Hie­rome, and knowne to Martial. Secondly, bicause he speaketh of Churches, that were scarsly builded in Lactantius time, but Martial proueth, that Christians had churches euen in the Apostles time, and euer since, as though any man doth doubt of y t, but of such chur­ches as this versifier speaketh of. Thirdly, bicause the doctrine of these verses, cōcerning images, is contrarie to y t Lactantius taught, and was generally receiued in his dayes. Martiall replyeth, that all which Lactantius did write against images, was against the false images of the heathen, and not against the holy images of the Christians. But Christians in his time had no images as holy, in any vse of religion, and his argumēts are gene­rall against all images in religion. Finally, it is also manifest, that his versifier making a Poeticall proso­popeia, induceth Christe hanging vpon the crosse, and speaking to him that commeth into the Church, and therfore no argument of crosse or image may be rightly gathered out of the poeme, who so euer was the au­thor. For immediatly after this verse, Flecte genu, lignúm­que crucis venerabile adora, followeth: Flebilis innocuo ter­rámque cruore madentem, Ore petens humilis, lachrymis suffunde subortis. Bowe thy knee, worship the venerable wood of y e crosse, And lamentably kissing with humble mouth the earth which is moyst with myne innocent bloud, wash it ouer with teares flowing out. By these verses then Martial may as wel proue, that the Church floore was moyst with the bloud of Christe, as that there was a crosse in the Church.

To Lactantius he ioineth Augustine, De Sanctis Hom. 19. saying. that Churches are dedicated with the signe of the crosse, where he not onely chaunged the worde [Page 158] charactere into mysterio, but also translated the worde mysterio, by the signe: where he confesseth his fault, he may be pardoned, but where he iustifieth mysterio and sign [...] to be all one, he sheweth him selfe as he is. But howe will he persuade vs, that those Homilies de tem­pore and de Sanctis, of which some one is ascribed to so many authours, were either written by Augustine, or by any of those times, the stile is so dissonant, that any man learned, and of indifferent iudgement, will con­fesse. Although it is not to be denyed, but the signe of the crosse was superstitiously abused, even in the dayes of Augustine, and long before Whereas Augustine re­porteth of a woman called Innocentia, which had a canker healed in her brest by the signe of the crosse, if it were a miracle, it proueth not, that euery Church, Chappell, and Oratorie, should haue a crosse. Great miracles were done by imposition of handes, yet it followeth not therefore, that euery Church must haue imposition of handes. Againe, not onely Cankers, but also Fistulaes, tooth ache, and many other dis­eases haue bene healed by charmes. And yet these charmes are not iustifiable thereby, much lesse to be brought into the Church, as wholesome ceremonies and prayers.

But albeit the crosse be no ordinarie meane, where­by God vseth to conserue health (saith Martial) yet may you not conclude, that he hath not ordained it to remaine in the Church, for any remembrance of his death and passion. For thinke you (saith he) he hath left no more meanes but the preaching of his worde, which euery one can heare? Yes, it hath pleased his ma­iestie to ordaine by general Councels the signe of the crosse, and images to be a meane to put vs in remem­brance of Christes death &c. But seeing y e Church flou­rished 300. yeares without a general Councel, and nei­ther that general Councel which was first holden, not three other which folowed, make mention of any such matter, where was the ordinance of God by generall [Page 159] Councels for the crosse? He will say it had the appoint­ment of the prelates of the Church. Which? and when? euery idle ceremonie and vngodly heresie that preuai­led had y e prelates of the Church either for the authors or for the approuers. But Christ committed to the pre­lates (saith Martial) the charge and gouernment of his Church. Yea syr, to feede them with his word, and not with dombe signes and dead images, which things he hath forbidden.

Now come we to Paulinus Bish. of Nola, by whom it appeareth that y e signe of the crosse was set vp 1100. yeres agoe, in some churches: but the title of the Arti­cle is, that it should be set vp in al Churches. But Mar­tial wil proue, that it was wel done by Paulinus, to set vp the signe of the crosse in his Church, bicause he was an holy and learned Bishop, and no Catholike Bishop or generall councel did find fault with him: for whatsoeuer any holy & lear­ned father did at any time, and was not controlled of any Catho­like father for his doing, was well done, and must be so taken. I denye this maior, For Augustine was an holy and learned Bishop, which did giue the Communion to infants, and thought it necessarie for their euerlast­ing saluation: neither was he controlled therefore, yet did he not well, neither was his opinion true. And where Martial taketh vpon him the defence of Pauli­nus, in commending a woman that separated her selfe from her husband vnder pretence of religion, he play­eth the prattling proctor, picking of quarels against M. Calfhil, without all honestie or shame, For he feig­neth that the fault is alledged, for want of consent of her husband, whereas such separation as he cōmendeth w tout consent, is directly contrarie to the doctrine of y e holy Ghost, 1. Cor. 7. v. 5. Likewise where M. Calfhil nameth a booke that the Apostles wrote, Martial saith it was but of Pauls Epistles: where he saith it was laide vnto diseases, M. Martial saith it saued a man from drowning, but of these quarels too much. Martiall cōfesseth, that were a Doctor swarueth frō scripture, [Page 160] no man ought to followe him. But if Paulinus swer­ued not from Scripture, when he brought images into the Church, we neede not doubt that any man swerued from Scripture, seeing nothing is more plaine in all the Scriptures, then forbidding of images and simili­tudes of any thing to be made or had in any vse of religion.

Where M. Chlfhil aunswereth to the decree of Iu­stinian (that no Church should be builded before the place were consecrated, and a crosse set vp by the Bi­shop) that this was a constitution of the externall pol­licie, Martial laboureth to proue that it was religious, and yet at length graunteth that it was a matter of ex­ternall policie, wherevpon I inferre, that it was not of necessitie, and so the article is not proued thereby, that euery church should &c. But it commeth of great wis­dome, that he will defend the time of Iustinian from ignorance and barbaritie, bicause the ciuill lawe was then gathered, and a fewe learned men were found in the whole world. All this notwithstanding, the Barba­rians had ouercome a great part of the Empire, and fil­led the world with ignorance and barbarousnesse. A­gainst the decree of Valentinian and Theodosius cited out of Crinitus, he hath many quarells. First against Petrus Crinitus, who was as good a cleark as Martial, Then at the Homily against images, where the Printer calleth him Petrus Erinilus, yet againe y e Valentinian not being writtē at large, is mistakē for Valens, where it should be Valentinianus. And if Valens and Theodosius had made such a l [...]e, what an ouersight was it of Eusebius to suppresse it? When Eusebius was deade before any of them were borne, it was a great ouerfight in Martials iudgement, to suppresse in his storie a lawe made by them, which liued neare an hundreth yeare after him, so that belike he would haue Eusebius to write stories of thinges to come. But concerning that lawe of Va­lentinianus and Theodosius, you shall see more in mine aunswere to D. Sanders booke of images. cap. [Page 161] 13. or 12. The rest of this chapter is spent in commen­ding the Church of Rome, whose custome it hath bene (saith Martial) these twelue hundreth yeares, to set the signe of the crosse in the Church, and Pope Pius the fourth did it him selfe of late &c. Concerning the Church of Rome, so long as she continued in true re­ligion, and so far foorth as she mainteined the trueth, as she was greatly commended of auncient writers, whome Martiall nameth: so nowe it is to her greater reproch and shame, earum laudum & gloriae degenerem esse, that she is growen out of kinde and desert of all such prayses: as the Cleargie of Rome writing to Cyprian, lib. 2. Epist. 7. To conclude, therefore, there is nothing shewed to proue that euery Church, Chappel, or Ora­torie should haue a crosse, although in the latter and more corrupt times of the Church, it is declared, that some Churches had a crosse, and at length grewe to a custome in those parts of the world, that euerie church had one, and was thought necessarie that it should haue one.

The fourth Article.

That the signe of the crosse was vsed in all sacraments &c. Martial.

That it hath bene vsed in the later declining times, Fulke. we will not stande with Martiall, but that in the best and purest age of the Church, by the Apostles and their imediate successors it was vsed, or allowed before the Valentinian heretikes, I affirme, that Martiall can not proue by any auncient authenticall writer, be­tweene the Apostles and Irenaeus. Wherefore Master Calfhil aunswereth well, that the ceremonie once ta­ken vppe of good intent, being growen into so horri­ble abuse, is iustly refused of vs. Martiall will knowe what our vocation is, as though we were not able to proue our calling both before God and men. Our Sy­nodes he refuseth, bicause no Councel can be kept [Page 162] without the consent of the Bishop of Rome, in which point as many of Papistes are against him, which holde that euen a generall Councel may be kept to depose an euill Pope, against his will: so he mistaketh the Tripartite historie and Iulian Bishop of Rome, where they speake of generall Councels and Synodes, to determine of matters of faith, from which the Bi­shop of Rome while he was a Bishop, was not to be excluded, bicause those cases touch all Bishops, drea­ming that they speake of all Councels. But long after their times, it was practised as lawfull, for Kinges and Bishops of seuerall prouinces, to gather and holde pro­uincial synods, for the state of their seueral Churches, without the consent or knowledge of the Bishop of Rome. In which some things haue bene determined a­gainst the will of the Bishop of Rome, as in the coun­cels of Carthage and Affrike, and in generall Councels also, as in that of Calcedon, Constantinople the 5. & 6. the Councels of Constans and Basil. But signing with the crosse is a tradition of the Apostles, and so accoun­ted by S. Basil, therefore we ought not to forsake it for any abuse (saith Martial. But howe will S. Basil per­suade vs of that, when we finde it not in their writings: it is more safe therefore, to followe his counsell in his short definitiōs q. 1. where he affirmeth, y t it is not law­full for any man to permit him selfe to doe or say any thing without the testimonie of the holy scriptures. And this we will hold euen with Basils good leaue, a­gainst all pretended traditions of the Apostles what so euer. We Knowe the Apostle willeth vs to hold the tra­ditions, either learned by his Epistles, or by his Ser­mōs. But what he deliuered in his sermons, we can not tell, but by his Epistles. Yes, saith Martial, the church telleth you of y e signe of the crosse, but seeing y e church telleth vs of other things, which are left and forsaken, auouching them likewise to be traditions of the Apo­stles, which ought not to haue ben so giuē ouer, if they had ben Apostolike traditions in deed, we see no cause why we may not refuse these, aswel as those, hauing no [Page 163] ground of certaintie for apostolike traditions, but on­ly y e Apostolike writings. Tertullian coūteth y e tasting of milke & hony after baptisme, for an Apostolike tradition, bicause it was a ceremonie in his time, as wel as crossing, y e one was left long ago, why may not y e other be forsakē y t hath no better ground, & hath ben worse abused? Concerning the tale of Probianus, which folo­weth next after this discourse, I wil referr the reader to mine answere to D. Sand. booke against images, c1. 13. or 12. after y e error of his print, where Calfhil thinketh it not meete, y t should be restrained to that whereof there is no precept in scripture, nor they them selues yeld lawful cause, Marti. telleth him, y t he must be re­strained, if he will be good Christian. For there is no precept in expresse scripture to beleue three persons & one God in y e blessed Trinitie, y e equalitie of substance of Christ with his father in his godhead &c. The per­tual virginitie of Marie, y e keping of y e Sunday, y e sacra­ment receiuing fasting, y e baptisme of infants &c. you see what an Atheist he is, y t can find no more certaintie in y e scriptures, for y e blessed Trinitie, then for S. Maries virginitie: for the godhed of Christ, then for receiuing y e Cōmunion before other meates. If Papistes haue no ground to their faith out of the scriptures, yet we can proue what so euer is necessarie for vs to beleeue. It he dalie vpō y e word expresse scripture, either he answereth not to y e same thing wherof he is demanded, or else he knoweth not y t an argument rightly concluded out of holy scripture, is as good as y e very words of y e scripture, as when I say, if Peter beleued & was baptized ergo, he was saued, is as true, as these words, whosoeuer beleueth & is baptized, shall be saued. To y e second demand, whe­ther y e ancient fathers did attribute such vertue to the wagging of a finger, y t the holy Ghost could be called downe, & y e diuell driuen away by it. Mart. answereth: it is most euident, that as soone as praier is duly made, & the signe of the crosse made, the holy Ghost according to the promise of Christ, commeth downe & sanctifieth &c. and the diuel is driuē away. This is Mart. euidence, other reason he bringeth [Page 164] If he referre the promise and comming of the holy Ghost to prayer, he playeth the palterer, that being de­manded of the crosse, answereth of praier. Otherwise, let him shewe what promise Christ hath made to the signe of the crosse, or to prayer with the signe of the crosse, more then without it. If he can not, you may easily see his pouertie. To the thirde, whether they would haue refused the Church and sacraments for want of a crosse, He beleeueth verily they would not: for the sacraments lacketh not the vertue if the signe of the crosse be o­mitted: yet the fault is great when the tradition of the Apostles is wilfully reiected. Whether it be like they deliuered a­ny needlesse or vnprofitable ceremonie, let wise men iudge. After this, followeth a long and foolish dialo­gisme, about the interpretation of Cyprians wordes. What so euer the ministers of the sacraments be, what so euer the handes are that dippe those that come to baptisme, what so euer the brest is, out of which the holy wordes proceede, the au­thoritie of operation giueth effect to all sacraments in the fi­gure of the crosse, and the name which is aboue all names, being called vpon, by dispensers of the sacraments doth all. Mar­tial so scanneth these wordes, as though M. Calf­hil knewe not the difference betweene the power of God, and the ministerie of man in the sacraments, whi­che Cyprian doth plainly distinguish in these wordes. But to the purpose, Cyprian seemeth to make the fi­gure of the crosse a meane by which God worketh in the sacraments. But in deede hee meaneth, that all sa­craments take their effect of the passion of Christ, as a bare signe and token whereof they vsed the figure of the crosse, and not as a meane whereby God worketh, seeing it is confessed by Martial, that the sacraments if the signe of the crosse be omitted lacke not their vertue. An o­ther foolish brable and vsherlike construing, he ma­keth of Cyprians words, de baptismo Verborum solemnitas & sacri inuocatio nominis, & signa attributa institutionibus Apostolicis sacerdotum ministerijs visibile sacramentum cele­brant. For reprouing Master Calfhil for transla­ting [Page 165] signa attributa institutionibus apostolicis, signes at­tributed to the institutions of the Apostles, he tea­cheth him to conster signes attributed by the Apostolicall institutions, through the ministerie of the priestes. Wherein I maruell that such an auncient student, will nowe suf­fer the word attributa, to goe without a datiue case, which I thinke he would not haue done in his pettite schoole at Winchester. But if I might be bolde vnder y e correction of such a grounded grammarian, to conster the lesson ouer againe, I would giue the Latine this English. The solemnitie of wordes and inuocation of the holy name, and the signes appointed by the insti­tutions of the Apostles, for the ministerie of the prie­stes, doth make the visible sacramēt. And what be those signes? By M. Martials leaue, the elements, as water, breade and wine. But then M. Grindal (whom I laugh to see this wise Dialogue maker, to bring in swearing, once or twise in this deuised talke, as though out Bi­shops vsed that veine, as commonly as Popish prelats) M. Grindal I say, must send me to Saint Anthonies schoole, bicause the elements of the sacraments be of Christes owne institution, and not of his Apostles, wherfore those signes must be other goodly ceremo­nies, and the signe of the crosse must not be lest. But if Martial euer were a scholler in that schoole, or any o­ther of any value, he might haue learned long agoe, that institutio signifieth not onely the first beginning of an ordinance, but also a teaching or doctrine: and so doth Cyprian meane, that by the doctrine of the Apo­stles, y e Priestes are appointed to vse those signes, which if Martials Vshership will not admit, Cyprian in tel­ling what maketh y e visible sacramēt, hath left out the principal part thereof, namely the element, and that which in deede in it is onely visible, for the solemni­tie of wordes and inuocation are audible rather then visible. But in this foolish Dialogue is cited Iustinus Apol. 2. to proue that the olde Fathers vsed the signe of the crosse, in all sacraments. Iustinus Martyr (saith he [Page 166] in the place of M. Grindal) talking of the crosse, biddeth vs viewe in our mindes, and consider with reason, all thinges that are in the worlde, and see whether sine haec figura administren­tur, they may be done without this signe. How like it is that M. G. shold say, Iustinus biddeth vs, when he biddeth y e Gentiles, I leaue to speake of. But that he speaketh of our sacramentes, how will Martiall prooue? When both he speaketh to the Heathen, and of Heathenishe customes and ceremonies, or els ciuill and naturall matters. As of sayling, plowing, digging and all han­die craftes, whose tooles had some figure of the crosse, in which the Gentiles did so fondely abhorre and despise Christ for it. Whereas it was to be found euen in the shape of man, in the trophees and standerdes of their Emperour, in the consecration of their dead Em­perours images, whom they worshipped as Gods. For which causes Iustinus thought it vnreasonable, that they should contemne Christ for his crosses sake. But of vsing the signe of the crosse in all sacramentes there is no mention in Iustinus. That in Chrysostomes time & other more ancient fathers, y e signe of y e crosse was v­sed at the celebration of the sacramentes, M. Calfhil granteth as a ceremonie, & you confesse, It is but a cere­monie, and that our sacramentes lacking the signe of the crosse, and that vsual ceremonie be perfect notwithstanding. And yet you exclaime against vs for omitting a needelesse ceremonie, where we see it hath bene turned from that indifferent vsage of the forefathers, into an idolatrous custome & opiniō of necessitie. The credite of Dionysiꝰ for so ancient a scholler of S. Paul as you would make him, it too much cracked by Erasmus to be cured by Martial. Where M. Calfhil truly faith, & you can not deny, but he hath as good authoritie, for honie, mike, wine, to be restored in baptisme, and the communion to be giuen to children, as you haue for the crosse: you aunswere, these were altered by the Church of Rome, which hath authoritie so to do, y e crosse stil remaineth: but marke what you say, were these traditions of the A­postles? [Page 167] if you say no, y e like wil I say of the crosse, for y e same authoritie cōmendeth thē al a like, for traditions of the Apostles. Wel if they were traditions of y e Apo­stles by the holy Ghost, which you hold to be of equal authoritie w t y t scriptures, & y e Church of Rome hath a­bolished the one, why may she not abolish the other? so y t your answer conteineth manifest blasphemie. To fortifie your traditions, you alledge y t Iesus did many thinges which are not written, &c. but you leaue of y t which foloweth, but these are written, y t you might be leeue, & in beleeuing haue eternal life. Io. 20. & yet S. Iohn speketh of miracles, not of ceremonies to be vsed in baptisme, wherunto you apply it. But Iesus himself saith, he hath many things to say that y e apostles could not then beare, &c. Ioan. 16. And you would know in what worke of the Apostles those thinges are written, yea you would haue the Chapter noted. Pleaseth it you to looke your selfe in the Actes of the Apostles, and in their Epistles, &c. And you shall finde, that the scriptures will instruct the man of God vnto all good works, & make him wise vnto saluation, if these wil not serue your turn, seeke where you wil, & find y e deuil & eternal damnatiō. But I pray you, could not y e apostles beare y t hearing of the signe of the crosse, of salt, oyle, spittle in baptisme, were these such harde lessons to learn, or heauy to beare? if you think they were, I enuy not vnto you so wise a thought. But you will teach vs how we shal know, y t these are traditions of y e apostles, to this inquire you answer, euen as we know y e gospels & epistles to be y e Canonical scriptures, by authoritie of y e church, which you think sufficient for y t purpose. But so do not we, for although we receiue the testimony of y e Church, yet we haue greater authoritie out of y e scrip­tures of y e old Testamēt, & y t spirit by which they were writē, being alwais y e same by which we are perswaded y t y e gospels & epistles are the holy scriptures. Againe y e vniuersal Church of all times & places giueth witnes to those writings, so doeth it not to these traditions.

[Page 168] Therefore we are neuer the neare to knowe Apo­stolical traditions, by authoritie of the Popish church, whiche ascribeth thinges manifestly contrary to the worde of God and writinges of the Apostles, to Apo­stolike traditions, as Images, halfe communion, pri­uate Masse, &c. After this brabbling of traditions, fol­loweth a long brawle about numbers, which the Pa­pistes do superstitiously obserue, and of the authoritie of the seuentie interpreters, whose translation if it were extant, no doubt but it were worthie of great re­uerence, but seeing these questions are fruitelesse, and impertinent vnto the article, I wil clearely omit them: Martial returning to proue that the signe of the crosse was vsed in consecrating the body and bloud of Christ, findeth himselfe greatly greeued, that M. Calfhil cal­leth the Masse the sacrifice of the deuil, wherein be so many good things, as the Collets, Gospel, epistle, Gloria in Excelsis, &c. by which reasō I might proue a diuelish coniuration in which be so many names of God, and good words, to be an holy peece of worke. Therfore it is not many good parts abused to make a wicked thing good, that can iustifie the Masse, which is an hurrible blasphemie against the death and onely sacrifice of Christ. But M. Calfhil doth not satisfie him, where he citing out of Albertus Magnus, That Christ did blesse the sacrament with a certeine signe of his hand, as Iacob laide his hands on Iosephs sons, and Christ laid his hands vpon the chil­dren, & lifted vp his hands, & blessed his Apostles, &c. asketh why we might not say Christ made a signe of y e crosse, considering that Chrisostome, Augustine, and Euthy­mus testifie, that in their time, the signe of y e crosse was vsed in consecration, this question (he saith) is not solu­ted. This is sone answered, because laying on of hands, and lifting vp of handes, which be sometime vsed in blessing, doth not proue a crossing with the finger: of ones hand, as the Papistes vse, and because the Euan­gelistes which describe all that he then saide or did for vs to followe, make no mention of any such signe of [Page 169] hand made by him in blessing. The long discourse that followeth of blessing and giuing of thankes, is needelesse, for we know and confesse, that as they som­times signifie all one thing, so they differ sometimes: & we confesse that the bread and wine in the Lords sup­per were blessed, that is to say sanctified and consecra­ted but not with any signe of hand, which is the mat­er in question, but with the worde of God, and with prayer: not onely as bodily meates, but as heauenly and spirituall mysteries, to feede the soule. But it is a sport to see, how Martiall when he hath prooued that which was not in question, that the bread & wine were blessed & sanctified by Christ, & that they must nowe be so consecrated by the Church, he runneth away with the signe of the Crosse, whereof he hath brought no proofe of the vse by Christ: saying, There must be conse­cration by honouring the wordes of Christ, and calling vpon his name, & making the signe of the crosse, which maner of cōsecra­tion the Church learned of Christ, & hath continued euer since: so that we may boldly say with Albertus. He blest it with a cer­teine signe of his hand. But I pray you sir, where learned you this signe vsed by Christ? How proue you that it hath bene vsed ever since? It is inough for Martiall to say, that all the learning in English Doctours will neuer be a­ble to proue this assertion of his to be friuolous.

But seeing he is so Greekish, to teach M. Calfhil to conster Saint Paules wordes? [...], &c. and findeth fault with him for giuing the aoristes the signification of the present temps, let him looke in his lexicon, where I weene al his Greeke is, how he will a­bide▪ by this saying: [...] in Saint Matthew, [...] in Saint Luke, [...] in Saint Paule, haue relation to the bread and wine, and answere to the question whom or what▪ seeing [...] is no verbe transitiue, although the Christian writers, as Iustinus Martir, hath fayned a passiue vnto it.

Again in the saying of Chrysostom Ho. 24. in 1. Cor. Cap. 10. where Martiall will haue vs marke that the [Page 170] body of Christ is seeene vpon the altar, let him & his felowes marke, that if it be none otherwise there, then as it is seene, it is present onely to the faith, by whose eye it is seene.

After this tedious treatise of bleassing and thankes­giuing, he commeth to his olde petition or principle, that the signing with the crosse is a tradition of the Apostles: and angry he is, that he should be called on to proue y t it is a tradition of the Apostles, whereof he can finde no mention in Ecclesiastical writers before y e Valentinian heretikes. And wheras Cyprian Ad Panpe­ium calleth all traditions to the writings & comman­dement of the Apostles, he crieth out y t Cyprian is slan­dered, because he him selfe alledgeth the tradition of Christ for mingling of water with y e wine. If Cyprian breake his own rule, who can excuse him? But if he had ben vrged as much for the necessitie of water, as he was for the necessitie of wine in y e sacrament, he wold haue better considered of the matter. Frō this matter he de­scendeth to proue the number of sacramentes to be seuen, because matrimony is of some olde writers cal­led a sacrament, when they meane not a sacrament in y t sense that baptisme is a sacrament, but generally a mi­stery. And because M. Calfhil saith, that sacramentes were signes ordeined of God to confirme our faith, he wil proue y t we haue no sacraments at all, because bap­tisme if it be ministred to men of yeares, confirmeth not their faith, for they must haue their faith cōfirmed before they be baptised, & so must they that receiue y e communion. But when infantes be baptised they haue no faith but the faith of the Church, & therefore their faith can not be confirmed. Did you euer heare such a filthy hogge grunt so beastly of the holy sacraments, that they shold be no helps of our father. We beleue y t infants, although they haue no faith whē they are baptised, yet haue their faith cōfirmed by their baptisme euē to their liues end. And y t they which come to y e Lordes [...]able w t a true faith in Gods promises, haue y e same cō ­firmed [Page 171] by the seale of his word which is that holy sa­crament. Martial calleth for scriptures. Among a thou­sand texts, this one shal serue: Abrahā receiued y t signe of circumcision, a seale of the righteousnes of faith, which he had being vncircumcised, Rom. 4. v. 11. Tell vs Martiall by thy lawe, wherefore a seale serueth, if not for confirmation? But what should I talke with them of faith, which as they haue none in the promi­ses of God, so they knowe not what in meaneth.

To that reason of Master Calfhill, that Matrimo­nie bath no promise of forgiuenesse of sinnes, he an­swereth, denying that euery sacrament hath a promise of forgiuenesse of sinnes annexed, and afterward he asketh where hath the supper of our Lorde a promise of remission of sinnes? for sinnes are forgiuen before the sacrament be receiued. Is this y e diuinitie of Lo­uaine? is the holy supper auayleable neither for con­firmation of faith, nor to forgiuenesse of sinnes?

Wherfore saith Christ of the cupp? This is my bloud of the newe Testament which is shed for many vnto forgiuenesse of sinnes. Nay (sayth Martiall) if there be a remission of sines, then is it a sacrament propitiatorie, contra­ry to your owne doctrine. Nothing the sooner, so long as remission of sinnes be not tyed to the work wrought, according to your heresie, but sealed vnto the faith of the worthie receiuer. Likewise he quarrelleth against that reason, that Matrimonie conferreth no grace, which is easily proued by this, that Matrimony is good being contracted among Gentyles & heathen persons. And whereas he bringeth in the blessing of God to married persons, either they be such as pertein to all men in general, & so proue no grace of mariage in y e church, or else to y e faithful only, & so pertaine to faith & not to marriage: as y t the faithful woman shall be saued by bringing forth of children. The questiō of marriage after deuorcement, because it pertaineth not to y e Crosse I wil not meddle with it, M. Calfhill hath sayd more then Martial can answere.

[Page 172] Touching the popish sacrament of penance, which Martiall and not S. Hierome calleth the second table after shipwracke. M. Calfhil hath likewise proued effectually, that it is no sacrament of Christs Church: Against which, Martiall bringeth nothing but certein sentences of scripture, to proue how necessary repen­tance is after men haue sinned, to obteine remission of sinnes. Whereof S. Hierome speaketh, and not of Po­pish penance, consisting of contrition, confession, and satisfaction, with their blasphemous absolution.

Concerning extreme vnction, that it is no perpe­tual sacrament of the Church, it is plaine by scripture because the gift of healing which was annexed vnto y e annoynting of oyle, spoken of in S. Iames, hath long agoe ceased: Wherefore it followeth, that the same ceremonie of annoynting was temporall, euen as the promise of bodily health that was ioyned to it, was temporall. Finally, touching the Councel of Trent, that hath allowed all these for sacraments, how law­full it was, whē he that was accused for heresie, should be the onely Iudge, I thinke Martiall by his lawe could discusse if he list. And as for the saueconduit graunted to the Protestants, they haue learned by the case of I. Hus and Hierom of Prage, to trust the faith of Papistes, as much as they like their religion. To conclude, there is nothing prooued in this article, which pretended, that the crosse was alwayes vsed in the sacraments. And it is confessed, that when it is vsed, it is but a ceremonie, and such as the want ther­of taketh not away the effect of the sacraments, wher­fore seeing the sacraments are perfect without it, they are not to be condemned, which vpon good grounde and sufficient authoritie haue refused it.

The fifth Article.

That the Apostles & fathers of the primitiue Church bles­sed them selues with the signe of the crosse, Martiall. & councelled all [Page 173] Christian men to do the same, and that in those dayes a crosse was set vp in euery place conuenient for it.

The first controuersie is of the signification of this worde benedicere, Fulke. which with Martiall is all one with signare. For although he finde not in the olde writers, benedicebant se signo crucis, they did blesse them selues with the signe of the crosse, yet he findeth signabant se signo crucis, they marked them selues with the signe of the crosse, which is all one with him. But not so with vs: for there was another vse of marking at the firste, then for blessing. The Christians among the Pagans, marked them selues with the signe of the crosse, in to­ken that they professed him that was crucified. Af­terward to put them selues in minde of the death of Christ. These were tollerable vses of an indifferent ceremonie. The opinion of blessing with the crosse, as M. Calfhil sayeth, was taken (as the terme) from superstitious olde women. And Martiall cannot de­nye, but the terme of blessing in that sence, is a newe signification of the worde, and therefore not vsed of the auncient fathers, which that he might obscure with brabling, as his custome is, he repeateth his for­mer iangling of the significations of this worde bene­dicere, and howe it sometime signifieth to blesse with the handes, as when Christe blessed his Apostles and the children. As though to vse a ceremonie of lifting vp, or laying on of hands, when he blesseth, is to blesse with a bare ceremonie of the handes, as they do with their crosse. Nay, he sayeth, to blesse with the crosse is as olde as Iacob, who with his handes acrosse bles­sed Iosephs children. The Papistes are wise in their generation, when they would not haue vnlearned mē to reade the scriptures. For euerye childe of seuen yeares age, reading the storie of Iacobs blessing, will easely perceiue, y t his laying of his hands ouerthwart, was not for any blessing with the crosse, but because he was to lay his right hand vpon the yonger, and his [Page 174] left vpon the elder, contrary to their fathers placing of them, which would haue had his elder sonne pre­ferred. But seeing Martiall maketh himselfe so cun­ning in the significations of benedicere, to blesse, which he will not haue to say well, or pray for only, &c. but to sanctifie. Let him remember, that in his own sence, the Apostle sayeth to the Hebrues, cap. 7. ver. 7. y t which is lesse or inferior is blessed of the superior, by which argument, he proueth Melchisedech to be greater then Abraham. If then the Apostles and fathers did blesse them selues with the signe of the crosse to san­ctifie themselues, I demaunde, whether the signe of y e crosse was greater then the Apostles. For no man wil saye that the Apostles were greater then themselues. If it were not greater, then surely they were not bles­sed by it Wherein also the fable of Abdias is con­uinced, which sayth of S. Paul: muniens se signo crucis, arming himselfe with the signe of the crosse. was the signe of the crosse stronger then S. Paul? for men arm them selues with harnesse of defence, which is stronger then them selues. Was not that [...], that vniuersal ar­mour or complete harnes, which he exhorteth other men to put on as sufficient to withstande all the as­saultes of the diuell, Eph. 6. sufficient for him selfe without the signe of the crosse But seing y e Apostle there des­cribeth y e whole armor of God, whereof the signe of y e crosse is not piece. It is certaine, that it is no armour meete for the defence of a Christian man: wherefore your fabling Abdias, and counterfait Clement can carry no credit with wise & learned Christians. Nor yet the examples of Antony, Martin, Donatus, & Paula reported of credible writers, yet no Euangelists, which armed themselues with the signe of the crosse, doeth either force or moue vs to imitatiō, further then they had warrant for their doing out of the holy scrip­tures.

Where M. Calfhill sayeth, that the diuel delighted in the signe of the crosse, & fayned him selfe to be a­frayd [Page 175] of it, that the heremit might runne to that sory succour, and men put more affiance in it. He meaneth that the diuel delighted in the superstitious opinion of it: for otherwise he doth neither feare nor loue the signe of the crosse of it selfe: for if it had beene so terrible to the diuell as Martial and others do thinke, Saint Paul would not haue left it out of the complet harnes of God, whereby all the deceites & fiery darts of the diuell are withstood.

And although the elder and better age vsed and re­ceiued that signe tolerably, yet considering the sham­full abuse thereof, it ought now of right & conscience to be condemned, as M. Calfhill sayeth. But Martiall wil none of that, for things good of their own nature, must not be taken away not condemned for y e abuse. Very true, but who will graunt him, that the signe of the crosse is good of it selfe? It is as much as may be borne, to grant it to be a thing indifferent. And wher­as Martial wil acknowledge none abuse of that signe, what else should we say, but who is so blind as he y t wil not see? Concerning the authoritie of the Epistle of Epiphanius translated by S. Hierome, & his fact in rending a vaile wherein was painted an image, as it were of Christ, or some saint, &c. I will referre y e rea­der to mine answere to D. Sanders booke of images, Cap. 4. or according to the error of his print, Cap. 3. where he shal see all Martials cauils shaken of, except one, which I thinke no man euer espyed before this wylye lawyer, and that is of the words, quasi, hauing an image as it were of Christ or some saint, but not an image of Christ or of some saint in deede, for then he woulde not haue rent it, but perhaps in was an image of Iupiter, or Hercules, &c. But vnder cor­rection of Master Vsher, this is but a quasy argu­ment that is grounded vpon quasi, as though it should signifie always a thing y t is not true, but as it were so & yet not so. For Cicero y t knew y e nature of y e word quasi as wel as Martial, vseth it otherwise, Illos qui oīa incer [...] [Page 176] dicunt, quasi desperatos aliquos relinquamus. As for them that saye: all things are vncerteine let vs leaue, as mē past hope. Wil Martiall say they were not past hope in deede? S. Marke sayeth, that Christ did teache quasi potestatem habens, Mar. 1. as one that had authoritie, wil he say he had not authoritie in deede. Iohn. 1. S. Iohn saith of Christ, who haue seene his glory, quasi vnigeniti, as the glorye of the onely begotten sonne of God. Let Martiall saye with the Arrians, he was but quasi vnigenitus, as it were the onely begotten sonne of God, and not he in deede.

Againe, he sayeth, Cùm fecisset quasi flagellum, when he had made as it were a scourge, master Vsher will conster it so, that was not a scourge in deede, because he sayeth, as it were a scourge. But Martiall will still vrge the fact of Paula in worshipping the crosse of Christ, vntill it be shewed out of Epiphanius by bet­ter euidence then yet is shewed, that he woulde haue no crosse, no crucifixe, nor image in the Church. A mā would thinke this were sufficient euidence, when hee sayeth: Cùm ergo hoc vidissem in ecclesia Christi, contra au­thoritatem scripturarum hominis pendere imaginem, &c. Wherefore, when I sawe this, that in the Church of Christe did hang an image of a man, contrary to the authoritie of the scriptures, I rent it, &c. Further eui­dence out of Epiphanius you may see in the place be­fore cited.

Martiall would haue vs make a Kalender of Chri­stian men, that refused to blesse them selues with the crosse, which were [...] infinite matter, seeing from the Apostles vnto the Valentinian heretikes it is not read, that any such estimation was of the crosse, y t it should be any blessing or confirmation. Master Calfhils rule, that we must liue not after examples but after lawes, meaning, not followe what soeuer hath beene done by good men, but whatsoeuer was well done, according to the lawe of God, Martiall reiecteth vpō vaine, foolish, and friuolous reasons, as that some ex­amples [Page 177] are to be followed, that the lawe serueth not for a iust man, that custome must be followed where lawe faileth, &c. Beside that he slaundereth Luther, as one that would haue all lawes and orders of Princes put awaye. Againe, whereas M. Calfhill sheweth that the fathers taught other things more oft & more ear­nestly then the vse of the crosse. As that it was a wic­kednesse to fast on Sonday, or to pray on our knees, beside the oblations on birthdayes, milke, and hony, with the communion giuen to infants, &c. Martiall answereth, these are abrogated by the church: this is not. But seing none of them hath ben in worse abuse then this custome of crossing, this ought to be abro­gated of euery church, as well as those. But whereas Martiall compareth the doctrine of S. Paul. 1. Cor. 11. for couering or vncouering of men & womens heads, and the decree of y e Apostles for bloud and strangled, Act. 15. with those abrogated customes, he doth verye lewdly, for beside y t the authoritie of y e one is certeine, the other vncerteine, & of some forged: the doctrine of S. Paul as he there deliuereth it, is perpetuall, & the decree of the Apostles was neuer ment of them, but to be temporall, for auoiding offence of the Iewes. As touching the credit of the olde writers who had all their errors, we like well y e councell of Vincentius Ly­rinensis, y t we should stil haue recourse for triall, to y e most ancient, in which we must needes accompt y e wri­tings of the Apostles, both of moste antiquitie and of greatest authoritie. Wherefore seeing the manner of blessing with the crosse is not found either in the wri­tings of the Apostles, or in the most auncient fathers, Iustinus, Irenaeus, Clemens Alexandrinus, by Vincen­tius councel, we may iustly accompt it for a corrupt custome, crept into the church, either by aemulation of heretikes, or in contention against the Paganes. But Martiall slaundereth vs, and the Apollogie of the church of England, that the chiefe cause of our sepera­tion from the Church of Rome, was the euill life of [Page 178] the gouernours thereof, and vainly spendeth time to proue out of Ciprian, Augustine, and Caluine, that for that cause wee ought not to separate our selues, whereas we are departed out of Babylon, not so much for the abhominable life thereof, as for the corrupt & false doctrine taught therein, by which it is shewed to be y e Synagogue of sathan, & not the church of Christ. And here Martiall hudleth vp a nomber of quotati­ons for the authoritie of the Pope and of the church of Rome, which seeing they haue beene all often times answered, and by mee also in aunswere to D. Saunders rocke, it were folly here to stand vpon thē.

But he will not be counted a falsifier of Tertulli­an, when of diuerse copyes and impressions he wil­fully chooseth the worst, that he might wring it to his purpose, although the matter be not worth the strife about it. For Tertullians iudgement of traditi­on without scripture, in that place is corrupt: for Mar­tiall him selfe confesseth, that a tradition vnwritten should be reasonable and agreable to the scriptures, and so he saith, the tradition of blessing with y e crosse is, because the Apostles by the holy ghoste deliuered it. But who shall assure vs thereof? Tertullian & Basil are not sufficient warrant for so worthie a matter, see­ing S. Paul leaueth it out of the vniuersall armour of God. But where M. Calfhill distinguisheth traditions into some necessary, as necessarily inferred of the scri­pture, some contrary to the worde, and some indiffe­rent, Martial like an impudent Asse, calleth on him to shewe in what scripture, doctor, or councell he fin­deth this distinction of traditions. As though a man might not make a true distinction in disputation, but the same must be founde in so many wordes, in scrip­ture, doctor, or councell, when he him selfe cannot de­ny, but y e distinction is true, & euery part to be founde in y e scriptures, doctors & councels. But the examples please him not, for the couering of women, and their silence in the church are taught in expresse words of [Page 179] scripture, and therfore are not necessarily inferred of scripture. Therefore there is one lye, quod Martiall. Who would think such a block worthie of answere? which thinketh a trueth may not be inferred of the expresse words of scripture, when of nothing it can be better in ferred. Againe, he calleth it another lye, y t S. Paul pro­ueth his tradition by y e scripture, for he bringeth no text nor sentence of scripture to proue y t women shuld be couered in the church. But Martiall doth not onely belye M. Calfhill, but also slaunder S. Paul, seeing he alledgeth out of Genesis, both y t the man is the image & glory of God, & y t the woman was made for man.

The examples of the second sort, as Latine seruice, worshipping of images &c. Martiall will not allowe, but the scripture is plaine, to them that haue eyes, and be not like the images whome they worship.

Againe he liketh not that there should be any limi­tation in obseruing traditions of the church in things indifferent, as if cases of necessitie & of offence might not make a limitation without contempt of the chur­ches authoritie. But he will learne, in which kinde of traditions we place the signing with y e crosse, & y e rest named by Basil. I aunswere, y t marking with the crosse in some respect, as it was first vsed of y e old fathers, is of the third kind, but as it is vsed of you Papists, for a blessing & sanctifying, of y e second kind. If it be tolde him, y t the fathers builded some strawe & wood as wel as gold & siluer, he saith those wordes were meant of maners & not of doctrine, wherin he sheweth himself a profound student in S. Pauls Epistles. Yet if y e fathers haue any priuate opinions, or y t some bastarde bookes be intituled to them, yet wil he follow y e rule of S. Ba­sil, Hom. con. Sabel. Dominus, &c. Our Lord hath so taught, the Apostl [...] haue preached, the fathers haue obserued, the mar­tirs haue confirmed, It shall suffice to say, I haue beene so taught? I would he would or could follow this coun­cel, but he leaueth out al y e rest, & taketh but the taile: We haue been so taught.

[Page 180] But if he will haue vs to allowe blessing with y e crosse, let him begin with the head, and shewe where our Lorde hath taught it, the Apostles preached it, and so forth continue his gradation to the end. But hither­to he hath beene hammering of tags to his two tag­lesse pointes, as M. Calfhil nameth them, and now he commeth to worke vpon his third point: that a crosse was set vp in euery place. And firste he goeth to worke with the authoritie of Martialis, one of the seuentie two disciples of Christ, which was as surely a disciple of Christ, as a kinsman of his. Of whose credite I haue spoken before, & therefore wil not here repeate it.

Wheras he is accused of falsifying of Athanasius, he coloureth the matter by following two or three corrupt prints, wilfully refusing the true edition & best reformed according to y e moste auncient written coppies. His leauing out of words material, which he cannot excuse by the print, he defendeth by his writ­ten coppie, and layeth the fault on the printer. Better a badd excuse then none at all, lawyers haue manye such shiftes.

But the place is Quaestion. 16. ad Antioch. Quare cre­dentes omnes ad crucis imaginem cruces facimus, lanceae verò sanctae, aut arundinis, aut spongiae figuras nullas conficimus; cum tamen haec tam sint sancta quàm ipsa crux? Responsio. Figuram quidem Crucis ex duobus lignis compingentes confici­mus, vt si quis infidelium id in nobis reprehendat, quod vene­remur lignum, possimus duobus inter se disiunctis lignis, & crucis dirempta forma, ea tanquam in [...]ilia ligna reputare, & infideli persuadere▪ quod non colamus lignum, sed quòd crucis typum veneremur: in lancea verò aut spongia vel arundine nec facere hoc, nec ostendere possumus. Why do all wee beleeuers make crosses after the image of the crosse, but we make no figures of the holy speare, or of the reede, or of the sponge, whereas yet these are as holy as the crosse it selfe? The answere. Wee make in deede the figure of the crosse by putting two pieces of wood together, that if any of the infidels repre­hende [Page 181] that in vs that wee worship wood, wee may by seperating the two pieces of wood and breaking the forme of the crosse, accompt them as vnprofitable pieces of wood, and persuade the infidell, that wee worship not wood, but that wee worship the type of the crosse: but in the speare, or sponge, or reede, we can neither do not shewe this.’

Here Martiall obserueth, that all Christian men made crosses, yet can he not proue that they did set these crosses in the church: but that they vsed them in other places, it appeareth by that they were made so, as the infidels seeing them, they might be taken a­sunder. But I will obserue, that seeing they made no images of the reede, sponge, speare, &c. they made no images of Christes passion, which the Papistes ac­compt so profitable.

Secondly, Martiall vrgeth, that they worshipped the type of the crosse, which Master Calfhill sayeth is not the figure, but the thing represented by y e crosse. And verily the Gentyles should haue as great cause to reprehend them for worshipping the shape of a crea­ture▪ as for worshipping the creature it selfe. Where­fore, except Martiall will saye, the Christians made a fonde excuse, let him not play the foole so magnifi­cally, in cauilling vppon Master Calfhils interpreta­tion, when he cannot otherwise reasonably defende the authors meaning.

Finally, let Martiall remember that the speare, sponge, & reede, be as holy as the crosse it self, & ther­fore in respect of no holynesse thereof the crosse was made rather then the rest, but because the fourme thereof being easily broken in two stickes, the Gen­tyles might acknowledge, that the Christians made y e crosse neither for the wood, nor for y e fashion, but for a remēbrāce of Christ crucified, whō they worshiped.

From the crosse he digres [...]eth a while to y e marri­age of vowed priests, complaining that Innocentius & Siricius, popes of Rome are slandered, where they are [Page 182] saide to take marriage for a satisfying of lustes of the flesh, where they speake only of the marriage of Prie­stes that had vowed to liue vnmarried, which is false, for they speake of Priestes that were married, lying with their owne wiues. Plurimos enim sacerdotes atque Le­uitas post longa consecrationis suae tempora tam de coniugibus proprijs quàm etiam de [...]urpi coitu sobolem didicimus procreasse. For we haue learned that many Priestes of Christe and Leuites long time after their consecration haue begot­ten children, as well of their owne wiues, as of filthie copulation.’ Thus do they account both faultes alike. Againe, the reasons they bring, are such as concerne marriage generally: That they which be in the flesh can not please God &c. reade the Epistle of Syricius ad Himeriū Tarraconen▪ & Innocentius ad Victricium, which are all one word for word, concerning this matter. But where Martiall taketh vpon him to charge vs with a statute in force against the marriage of Priests in Eng­lād, vnrepealed, he is miscōceiued. For we haue a clause of a statute in force, that all marriages lawfull by the lawes of God, shall be accounted lawfull by the lawes of the realme. So long therefore as the marriage of Priestes may be approued by the lawe of God, there is no daunger in the lawe of the realme. Concerning the filthie liues of the Popish Cleargie, it is needlesse to speake, being so well knowne in the world, & yet it is not their wicked life that separateth vs from their Sy­nagogue, but their hereticall doctrine. But returning againe to the crosse, he burdeneth M. Calfhil with a lye, bicause he saide, that Martial hauing named hou­ses, markets, wildernesses, highwayes, seas, ships, Gar­ments, parlors, walles, windowes, armor, &c. where the crosse should be, nameth not the Church, whereas a little before, he cited out of Chrysostome, that it was vsed in the holy table at y e holy mysteries. But Chry­sostome saith not, that the crosse was erected, and set vp or painted in any Church, although he say, the fi­gure thereof was vsed. Wherfore here is no lye proued. [Page 183] Touching the saying cited out of Augustine Serm. 130. de tempore, although the authoritie is not greatly to be regarded of those Sermons, yet admit it were Augu­stines in deede, M. Calfhil saith truly, that he speaketh neither of Martials materiall nor mysticall crosse, but of the death of Christ, and the crosse whereon he suffe­red, as al the discourse of that Sermon declareth: Before the crosse was a name of condemnation, nowe it is made a mat­ter of honour: before is stoode in damnation of a curse, nowe it is set vp in occasion of saluation. This nowe Martiall would either craftily or impudently referre to Augustines time, which is spoken of the time of Christes passion, when the crosse was set vp in occasion of saluation, and not an idol therof in Augustines time.

He complaineth, that to an other place of Augu­stine, wherein mention is made of the signe of y e crosse, nothing is saide, where nothing needeth, when it is cō ­fessed, that the signe of the crosse was vsed in his time. And concerning Constantines crosse, we haue spoken alreadie sufficiently. To conclude therefore, here is no­thing replied in this article, to proue that the Apostles and Fathers of the first Church did blesse them selues with the signe of the crosse, although the Fathers of latter time vsed to marke them selues with that signe, and counselled others so to doe. Neither is there any thing but the forged newe found Martiales Epistle, which is worse then nothing, to proue that the signe of the crosse in the first age of the Church was vsed by the Apostles, or their immediate successors before the dayes of Valentinus the heretike.

The sixt Article.

That diuers holy men and women got them little pieces of the crosse, Martial. and inclosed them in gold, &c.

It is confessed, Fulke. that diuers made great account to haue little pieces of the crosse, to inclose them in gold, [Page 184] and hang them about them, but their superstition is reproued both by Hieronyme and Chrysostome. To Hierome Martial aunswereth, that he reproued not the hauing of those pieces, but the confidence put in them, as the Pharisees did in their Phylacteries hanged vpon their bodies, and not printing the lawe in their harts. Be it so, but what accounteth he the hauing of them? euen the strayning of a Gnat, Culicem liquantes & camelū deglu [...]ientes lib. 4. cap. 23. But in other places (saith Mar­tial) he wisheth him selfe to kisse the wood of the crosse. Apol. 3. cont. Ruff. This was a small matter, and yet it was more then hauing a little piece of the crosse, for he speaketh of his visiting the places of the death, buriall, and birth of Christ, in which he might take more occasion of meditation vpon the mysteries of our redemption. To Chrysostome, which counted it impietie in certaine priestes, that hanged Gospells about them, and pieces of the coat and haire of Christ, he maketh like answere, alledging out of his Demostr. ad Gentiles, that all the world desired to haue y e crosse, and euery man coueted to haue a litle piece of it, & to inclose it in golde, &c. and whereas M. Calfhil aun­swereth, that this was no praise of the parties, but a pra­ctise of the time▪ Martial replyeth, that it was a praise of the parties, repeating what Chrysostome doth write in commendation of the signe of the crosse &c. where­as in deed Chrysostome speaking of the matter in que­stion, onely sheweth what was the affection of Chri­stians to the crosse, which was sometime the wood of condemnation. Which affection, although in some it were immoderate, yet Chrysostomes reason against y e Gentiles, should not turne him to perpetuall shame, (as Martial saith) for he proueth that Christ was God, in that he had wrought so great a conuersion vnto the faith, that no man was nowe ashamed of the signe of the crosse, which before was a token of condemnation. To conclude, where Martiall abuseth the wordes of Christ: Haec oportet facere &c. These things ought to [Page 185] be done, the other not omtted, to proue that the fact of hauing these pieces of the crosse, and inclosing them in golde, was good, he must either bring the lawe of God, as the Pharisees did for tything of Mynt and A­nise, or else we can not be persuaded that such estima­tion of pieces of wood is good and godly.

The seuenth Article.

That a crosse was borne at the singing or saying of the Le­tanie, &c. Martial.

That processions came not from Gentilitie to Chri­stians, Fulke. Martial will proue, bicause processions came from tradition of y e Apostles, and that he proueth by a saying of Leo, What so euer is retained of the Church into custome of deuotion, commeth of the tradition of the Apostles, and doctrine of the holy Ghost. So is procession &c. but the minor is false, for the Church of Christ, for many hundreth yeares after Christe, knewe no processions. But if processions came from the Gentiles, saith Mar­tial, shal we therefore condemne them? Haue we not y e liberal sciences, & many politike lawes from the Gen­tiles? as though there were one reason of religion, and politike laws or liberal artes: the one we are forbiddē to learne of the Gentiles, Deut. 12. the other being the giftes of God, we may take them euen from the Gentiles. Nei­ther doth Augustine against the Manichees, whome Martial citeth lib. 20. cap. 23. Con. Faust. speake of any heathenish ceremonies receiued in Christian religion, but of such thinges▪ as we must haue common with them, like the sunne and the ayre, as meate, drinke, ap­parel, houses, &c.

Whether processions came from the Montanistes or Arrians, certaine it is, they came not from Christe nor his Apostles. Tertullian a Montanist maketh mē ­tion of certaine stations, but I suppose they were no processions but standings. The miracle of water tur­ned [Page 186] into oyle, to serue for light in the Church, repor­ted by Eusebius, I maruell to what end Martial brin­geth foorth, and counteth that it was an hundreth yeares before the heresie of Arrius. The Letanie or supplication prescribed by the Councel of Ments, Martial saith the Papistes do obserue, for they ride not in the Rogationweeke, nor weare their copes. But how obserue they, that the Canon commaundeth them, to goe barefooted in sackcloth and ashes? The Councel of Orleans anno. 515. calleth these Letanies rogations, but of processiō or going abroad, it speaketh nothing. S. Ambrose in deed is ancienter then this Councel, but whether that Commentarie vpon the Epistles, that go­eth vnder his name, were of his writing, it is not agreed among learned men, at least wise, there be diuers ad­ditions, and the written copies varie. Besides that the worde wherevpon he buildeth dies pr [...]cessi [...]nis both in written and printed copies, is dies purgationis, the days of a womans purification, or if algates he wil haue it pro­cessionis, as some printed bookes haue, yet the very cir­cumstance of the place wil proue that it is the dayes of a womans going foorth after her childbirth, and ther­fore no procession after the crosse.

And if Agapetus did not deuise processions first, as M. Calfhil saith; your owne Canon law lyeth, and not he, de cond. d. 1. Agapitus, as your author Garanza citeth it. But to come neare vnto the article. Sozomenus lib. [...]. ca. 8. sheweth, y t the Arrians at Constantinople began a kind of processiō, with singing of Psalmes by course, which Iohn Chrysostome, fearing least any godly men should be seduced by them, tooke vp the same fashion, & so pasted the Arrians in number & processu & going forward. For siluer standards of the crosse, with burning waxe [...] went before them. This place sheweth, how godly men tooke vpfond ceremonies in emulation of here­tikes. But nowe concerning these siluer standards in forme of y e crosse, which Socrates li. 6. ca. 8. sheweth, did serue to carie waxe candles or torches, burning vpon [Page 187] them, to giue the people light in the night season, for then their processions were in the night, Martiall is as madde as a marche hare, that they should be counted no better then candlestickes or cresset staues: and yet when he hath prated what he can, for that principall vse they serued, although it may be that Chrysostome had some superstitious fantasie in the fourmes also of the crosse, which he deuised to be as y e standerds for the Catholike armie to followe: so the same crosse staues, serued both for candlestickes and standerdes: how so­euer it was, this procession differed much from our Popish processions, in whiche idols are carried about, and not as candlestickes, but candlesticks before them, with candels light in the day time, & not in the night.

His surmise, that the siluer crosses were set in the Church, because no place is mentioned where they left them when they came home, is foolish. They had common theaters and meeting places more meete for seting vp of such candlebearing crosses, then y e Chur­ches. The quarrell of the foure lyes I passe ouer, let the Reader compare both their Bookes, and iudge whe­ther Martiall haue handeled that storie with since­ritie.

The councell Elibertine forbadde candels to be lighted in the day time in the Churchyards, Ergo they forbadde them not on the Lordes table, quod Martial. But why then go you with torches and tapers into the Churchyarde, both in procession and at burialles. And seeing it was an Heathenishe custome to light them in Churches, as well as in Churchyardes, they which forbad the one would not haue alowed the other. But you light them not as Heathē men, of whom Lactan­tius speaketh, thinking God to be in darkenes, and to haue neede of light. But Ad signu [...] latriae demonstrandum to declare a signe of the high seruice that you owe to God, If it be so, why light you them to saintes? yea to images? the Gentils had as good excuses as you. Neuer thelesse you are determined to kepe your lightes still, [Page 188] as you haue record & witnes out of Eusebius, Athana­sius, &c. In deede there is great reason, because they had candels light in the night you wil haue them in y e day: but of light I wish the reader to look more in my refu­tation of Rastals confutation, to y e 33. leafe of his book. After this foloweth a vain discourse, to proue y t we are heretiks, because we haue departed from the vnitie of the Church, from the Cleargie, from the bishop of Rome, &c. Al which is false, for we haue not departed from the church of Christ, which is ruled by his word, nor from the Christian Cleargie, nor from any godly Bishop of Rome, in any point in whiche he departed not from the trueth: but we are gone out of Babylon, we haue forsaken Antichriste, and all his merchantes, that made sale of mens soules: our prayer in a knowen tongue, our communion in both kindes, our reuerent administration of the Lordes supper, haue the Scrip­ture for their warrant, and the primitiue Church for their witnesse.

His rayling vpon Luther, I will not deale withall, God hath aduanced Luther as his poore witnesse a­boue the Pope, the proud antichrist, which maketh all Papistes to spighte him. Concerning Iustinians consti­tution, for crosses to be born at the singing of the Le­tanie, it fauoureth of the corruption of his time. Such godly constitutions as he made, as well in Ecclesiasti­call as politike matters, we esteeme as the good lawes of a forreyne prince are to be regarded.

And at length we come to Augustine the Monke, which cōming from Rome, did more hurte in corrup­ting true religion, then good in planting any religion: And whereas Martiall saith, if our religion came from Eleutherius, it came from Rome: although it were no shame to confesse it came from Rome in those purer times, yet Christian religion came to vs euen from the Apostles, as witnesseth Gildas the Brittaine, being planted here in the reigne of Tiberius the Emperour. And as for Augustine, although the king Ethelbert [Page 189] & the people were well prepared before his comming, by the Queene and the bishop that attended vpon her, yet according to his zeale, he tooke some paines to make the people receiue the doctrine of Christe, al­though in behauiour he was proude, as Galfride wri­teth, and Beda not altogether denieth, but that he see­med so, and in ceremonies superstitious. So that the doctrine of Christ which he taught, came from Ierusa­lem, from whence the Gospel was first preached, his er­rours and superstition came from Rome. That the bi­shops of the Brittaines refused, both his authoritie and ceremonies, it argueth that Christianitie was in this land not subiect to the see of Rome. If they refused to ioyne with Augustine in teaching the Saxons, it might be not for that they enuied their saluation which were their enemies, but because they would not consent to ioyne in y worke with him, which sought to bring them into subiection. Concerning the cruel murder of the Monks of Bangor in Augustines quar­rell, Galfride a Brittaine imputeth no small part of the fault to Augustine. Bede a Saxon would haue him cleare of it. But seeing the threatening of Augustine is agreed vpon, and the slaughter followed, it is shrewde euidence against him. That Augustines crosse, & pain­ted table differeth from that the Papistes nowe vse in procession, Martial counteth it not material, seeing af­terward they receyued other kinde of images from Rome: and other kinde of Images were then vsed in Churches, which yet were harde for him to proue, for the Grecians to this day, receiue none but painted I­mages.

The pretence that Maister Calfhil saith, Augustine might haue to excuse him to feede the eyes of them that neuer heard of Christ, with y e image of his death, that lending their eares he might enstruct their hearts: Martiall wil not admit, or if he did admit it, that it followeth not, that they whiche haue not like pre­tence may not vse like example. Whereas Maister [Page 190] Calfhil doth neither absolutely affirme the pretence, nor allowe it to be good.

From this pretence he passeth into a defence of prai­ing to Saintes, to iustifie the Popishe Letanie, Virgine Marie pray for vs, which he denyeth to be idolatrous, because some steppes, or shewe of invocation of Saints are found in some olde writers. And calleth for Scrip­ture to proue it to be idolatrous, yet refuseth what so­euer Luther, Caluine, or the Magdeburges haue sayde against it. But by his fauour I wil vse one or two rea­sons out of scripture to prooue it to be idolatrous, to call vpon the virgine Marie, or any creature. Saint Paule saith Rom. 10. ver. 14. How shall they call vpon him in whom they haue not beleeued. By whiche it is euident, that none ought, nor can in true faith be called vpon, but he in whom we beleeue, and it is ido­latrie to beleeue in any but in God only, wherefore it is idolatrie to call vpon Marie or any creature, but vp­pon God only.

Againe the Apostle 1. Tim. 2. ver. 5. saith there is but one God, and one Mediatour of God and men, the man Iesus Christe, where the Apostle speaketh not onely of redemption, but of prayers, supplications, intercessi­ons &c. which ouerthroweth your blinde distinction of mediatour, of intercession, and redemption.

For keeping the memorie of the deade, whiche Lactantius counteth superstition, you thinke your selues cleare of it, because Matthew, Peter, and Paule &c. are aliue in heauen. But you must remember, that Christ sayeth: Abraham, Isaak, and Iacob, were aliue to God, but in respect of men they are dead, and therefore those memories are not excused of su­perstition, according to Lactantius iudgement. Fur­ther you say, the note, that the materiall crosse is no ensigne of CHRISTE, hath simple proofe. But in deede your assertion, that it should be an en­signe of Christ, hath no proofe at all. The booke [Page 191] of Carolus magnus against images, you imagine to haue beene written by Caluine, or Illiricus, or some other late protestant: but of the credite and antiquitie thereof, I haue written againste Doctour Sanders booke of Images Cap. vltimo. Also concerning the second councel of Nice which Martiall citeth for pro­cession with the crosse. Cap 15. or 14.

That God would not suffer the bones of Moses to be translated, least they should haue bene matter of idolatrie, he saith it is no cause, why translating of o­ther Saintes bodies should not be permitted. Be­cause God will haue mercie, vpon whome he will haue mercie, and be gentle to whome it pleaseth him. Hath not the pottemaker power to make one vessel to ho­nour, and another for reproch? May he not transferre Pe­ters bones, and let Moses alone? May he not make Paules body to be honoured, and Iosephes obscured, Saint Stephans shrined, and Samuels interred, I thinke you will not deny?

These reasons to rehearse, it is a sufficient confuta­tion of them: But for the highe estimation of re­liques, Hierome is of his side, against Vigilantius, whome he calleth a famous heretike. And yet no man condemned him for an heretike but Hierome, who rather rayleth on him then reasoneth againste him. As for Eusebius, although he speake honou­rably of the bones of Polycarpus, which the Chri­stians gathered and buried, as the partes of an holy martyrs body, yet he nameth not any worshipping of them, such as the Papistes vse. But Martial ma­keth much a do that Maister Calfhil alloweth the ex­cuse which the Heathen men made, that they would not deliuer the body of Policarpus, least the Christi­ans should leaue Christe, and beginne to worshippe him: saying, it was the instinct of the deuill, to de­nie his body &c. and so to say.

What then? Although they meant cruelly and slaunderously against the true Christians, which could neither forsake Christe nor worship any other. Yet [Page 192] the same answere might be well made to superstitious Papistes, who haue forsaken Christ and worship men, yea dead bones, and them often not of godly men, nor always of men. That Chrysostome was a great admirer of reliques, I shewed before, in so much that he would change the kingdome of heauen, for the chaine that Saint Paule was bound withall, wherein if he spake not excessiuely, let Martial follow him. We esteeme the kingdome of heauen more then al the re­liques that euer were. And yet we alowe a reuerent laying vp of the bodies & bones of the Saints, so it be without superstition and idolatrie, as was meant by the ancient fathers, although the contrary followed of their too much zeale and carefulnesse of such small matters.

To conclude, you haue heard what can be saide for the antiquitie of processions, and bearing of the crosse before them: whether it be an Apostolike tradition, that was first deuised by Chrysostome in emulation of heretikes, let the readers iudge.

The eight Article.

That many strange and wonderful miracles were wrought by the signe of the crosse. Martial.

If this article were granted in manner and fourme as it is set downe and meant by the author: Fulke. namely, that God by the signe of the crosse hath wrought mi­racles, yet doeth it not followe, that the signe of the crosse is nowe to be vsed of vs, nor that we should re­pose any confidence therein. By the rodde of Mo­ses great miracles were wrought, yet was neither the signe of that rod to be esteemed, nor hope of health to be placed in it, nor the rodde it selfe to be worship­ped.

The Apostles by annointing with oyle, Marke. 6. did worke [Page 193] great miracles, yet neither the signe of that annoin­ting is of vs to be vsed, nor the oyle to be worshipped: wherefore if God to shewe the vertue of him that was crucified, hath wrought miracles, by the crosse, or signe thereof, it followeth not, that the signe is still to be vsed, or the crosse honoured, but he that was cru­cified. Whereas M. Calfhil saide, that miracles are done by the deuil and his ministers, although Martial cannot deny it, yet he saith it followeth not that all miracles, or those of the crosse were done by the deuil. Wheras M. Calfhils meaning is plaine, that we ought not to beleeue all thinges that are commended to vs by miracles, but to examine all doctrine by the word of God, against which we must beleeue no miracles, no prophets, no Angels, Gal. 1. But whereas Martial labo­boureth to proue, that miracles done by signe of the crosse, were done by God, he should first haue proued substantially, that miracles were done in deede by the crosse, and after prooued, by what power they were done. For we may not beleeue euery reporte of mi­racles, especially when they are alledged to confirme false doctrine. Let vs therefore consider the first mi­racle which he rehearseth of the crosse of Christ, that Helena found: if she found any, for Eusebius that knew Helena, and speaketh much of her commenda­tion, and of her doinge at Hierusalem, as I take it, would not haue concealed such a notable inuention, if any such had bene, in his story, and therefore the note in his Chronologie seemeth to bee a late ad­dition. But to the miracle, that the crosse was discerned from the other two by a sicke Gentle­woman vppon whome it was laide, wherevppon as soone as it touched her, she recouered. This report of Rustinus seemeth to be vncertaine, first because Am­brose sayeth, the crosse was knowen by the title, without speaking of any miracle: secondly, because the reporte of other writers is, that the miracle was of a dead woman, and some of two dead persons, wherof [Page 194] to see more I referre the reader to mine answere to D. Sanders booke of Images cap. 13. or 12. Concerning the rest of the Miracles, reported by Paulinus, Epiphanius, Augustine and others, let thē haue such credite as their authors deserue, which is not to build faith or doctrine vpon them, or their writinges, let it be that some were true and wrought by God, yet followeth it not, that al that haue bene since reported in the Popishe Legendes were either true or not wrought by the deuil: where­about Martiall maketh much wrangling, but neither affirmeth nor concludeth any thing vniuersally. None vse more crossing then witches and coniurers, the de­uil seemeth to be afraide to come neare them, certaine strange works are brought to passe by them Let Mar­tial affirme any vertue included in the crosse, or signe thereof absolutely, & then we may deale with him ac­cordingly For while he telleth vs what may be done by faith & y e signe of y e crosse, and what God hath done by good men with that signe, it is nothing to the au­thorizing of that signe, seeing the deuil by credulitie in wicked men hath don the like by the same signe.

And this is a true position of M. Calfhil, though Martiall will not vnderstand it. That it is not a suffici­ent proofe to make a thing good, or to shew it to be good, (because he cauilleth like a calfe a [...] the worde of making▪) to say that miracles were wrought by it. Martial asketh first, whether the miracles of Christ were not a sufficient proofe of his diuine power? Where he flyeth from the position, which speaketh not of the principal efficient cause, out of a ceremonie, a meane, or instrument. More perti­nently he asketh of the hemme of Christs coate. Saint Paules napkins, whether they had not a vertue by his body. I answere no. No more then Iudas lippes that kissed Christe, and Peters shadowe, which could neither be holy, nor efficient of any thing, because it was no­thing but the priuation of the light by comming be­tweene of his body. So I say of coates, napkins, ashes of Martyrs, and signe of the crosse, if any miracles were [Page 195] done by meanes of them, they are not thereby holy, neither haue they any vertue in them. The Lord hath giuen vs a generall rule to examine all miracles, and miracle workers, by the doctrine they teache. Deut. 13.

‘If there arise among you a prophet or dreamer of dreames (and giue thee a signe or wonder, and y signe, & the wonder which he hath told thee, come to passe) if he say let vs goe after other Gods which thou hast not knowen, and let vs serue them: thou shal not hear­ken vnto the words of that prophet, or vnto that drea­mer of dreames: for the Lord your God proueth you, to know whether you loue the Lord your God with al your heart, and with all your soule. Ye shal walk after the Lord your God and feare him, and kepe his cōman­dements, and hearken vnto his voyce, and ye shall serue him, and cleaue vnto him.’By this scripture we are taught to examine all miracles, whether they tende to the honour of the only true God and the maintenance of his true worshippe according to his worde: whiche Martiall him selfe in a manner confesseth: saying, that miracles done by heretikes are not able to commende a thing. But he findeth great fault with Maister Calf­hil for coupling the generation of a childe in adulte­ry or feeding by stollen breade, to be miracles, because they be not extraordinarily miracles and yet he can not deny but they be great wonders, and the reason of the meanes is all one in both.

Nowe let vs see howe he aunswereth those three reasons of Maister Calfhils, why miracles make not for the crosse. And first he aunswereth to a question, Why the durt in the streete by whiche Christe wrought a mi­racle, should not be honoured as well as the crosse on the altar? He aunswereth because the crosse was an instrument by which all the worlde was saued. So was Iudas, so was Pilate. The second, He saith the crosse is a liuely re­presentation of Christes death. Nay a dombe and dead i­doll which is good for nothing. Abacuc. 2. The thirde The crosse is effectuous euer since. A deed efficient.

[Page 196] The crosse is commaunded of God to be made and vsed by diuers Reuelations from heauen. Nay by the diuell from hell, and yet if Angels from heauen had taught the crosse to be made and vsed as another Gospell, as it is accounted of the Papists, as great as circumcisiō was of y e Iewes, not preached by the Apostles, not conteyned in the Scriptures, we might safely accurse them.

But now to the reasons: the first is: Why should not such external meanes as Christ and his Apostles vsed, & scrip­ture mentioneth, be had in administration, rather then the idle deuice of man, of which there is no lawfull president. Martiall answereth, the crosse is no idle deuise, but a tradition of the Apostles, whereof they haue lawful presidentes. But seeing no president is lawfull to builde our faith vpon, but the holy scriptures, which the Papistes haue not for their crosse, the reason standeth vntouched.

The second reason, If miracles were done by the signe of the crosse, yet not onely by it, therefore the crosse should not only be magnified without the rest. Martial affirmeth that hee would not haue the crosse magnified without the rest, as prayer and faith. How doeth he then magnifie the crosse in Iulians storie, which was without prayer and faith?

The third reason. If miracles were done by the crosse, yet it should not be had in estimation, except all other thinges by which miracles were wrought, as the he [...] of Christes garment, the spitle and clay, the shadowe of Peter and napkins of Paule, were likewise honoured and esteemed. Martial aunswereth, this is but his assertion, for which he hath neither scrip­ture, councel, nor Doctor. As though an argument A paribus, were not good except the conclusion were ex­pressed in Scriptur, doctor, or councel. Yet he replieth, that the crosse is the principall meane, by which mi­racles haue ben wrought. But the Scripture is against that, for Christ wrought no miracle by the signe of y crosse. Nay I slander him, for he reasoneth not ad idem, but the crosse is the cheefe and principal instrumente of our redemption, yet not holier then the speare, the [Page 197] reede, and the sponge, as Athanasius affirmeth Ad Anti­och. que. 16. But euen the hemme, the spettle, and clay, if he had them, Martial would honor, worship & esteeme for his sake whose pretious body they touched. Then let him worship the sunne that touched him with his beams of light, or if that be too farre of, let him wor­ship Iudas lippes that kissed him, if he can come by them. Concerning the person of Helena, I would wish nothing to be spoken of her, but to her honour, except in case where her honour should be an hinderance of the honor of Christ. Martial to iustifie her in al things, raileth vpon M. Calfhil, for charging her with super­stition as though he had bene the first y t had so written of her, when it is reported of her that she was vs (que) ad su­perstitionem pia, deuout euen to superstition. And yet her superstition, appeareth not so great in any thing, as in this supposed inuention of the crosse.

The varietie in time that is in the witnesses of the inuention of the crosse, the blasphemous beast is not ashamed to compare with the apparence of varietie which is in the Euangelistes, where in deede there is none, wheras this discord can not be reconciled. Yet will he not haue the tale discredited for the discorde in time, as though there were none other discorde. The manifest contradiction that is betweene Ruffi­nus, saying, Titulus non satis evident [...]r dominici prodeba [...] signa patibuli, The title did not shewe euidently the signe of our Lordes gibbet. And Ambrose saying, Titulo crux salutaris patuit, by the title the healthfull crosse was manifestly knowen. This contradiction I say, he denyeth to bee any, affirming that a simple Logitian would proue it to be none. Thinking that s [...]tis euidenter euidently inough, would excuse the matter, as though we knewe not what patet doeth signifie, as well as Maister vsher of Winchester. That a shippe would not carrie the peeces of the crosse that are shewed in so many places, he counteth it an impu­dent lye of Caluine, whome he rayleth vpon like a [Page 198] ruffian, and slaundereth like a diuel. Yet Erasmus af­firmeth the same in his Peregrinat. relig. erg. And he that will beleeue neither of them both, let him con­sider beside so many whole crosses as are shewed in steede of that one, and of great boardes y t are kept in many places as part of it, so many thousand churches & Abbeys as either now shew or haue shewed chips & pieces of it, & he shall not think their report to be in credible. The talk of the nayles which were but three at y e first, & al bestowed at the time of y e inuention, yet are now multiplyed to 13. or 14. which bewrayeth an horrible impudencie in the Popish idolaters. Martiall refuseth as impertinent, yet will he not confesse y e for­gerie, which is a token of a wicked & diuelish consci­ence. Where M. Calfhill sayeth that miracles were not done by the crosse to establish a worshipping or hauing of it, Martiall requireth proofe by scriptures, Councels or Doctors. I reason thus a paribus out of the scripture, myracles were done by oyle, shadowe, & other things, not to establish a worshipping or ha­uing of them: the like reason is of myracles done by the crosse. Beside that y scripture is plentiful in chal­lenging all honour & worship to the author, & not to the meanes or instruments. Peter and Iohn, meanes of the healing of the lame man refused all honour and worship in respect of his healing, Act. 3. vers. 12. yet were they other manner of meanes then y e crosse euer was in doing of myracles.

That M. Calfhill sayeth, myracles teach vs not to do the like, but to beleeue the like. Martiall sayeth, they teach vs to do the like if we may: and he proueth it by him that teacheth that almes couereth sinne, who thereby teacheth to do almes, &c. Thus the wise man compareth miracles & men together, facts & doctrin; act & possibilitie, euen as right as a rammes horne. But how shal we come by this power to worke mira­cles by the signe of y e crosse? for to assay without assu­rance of Gods power, is to tempt God. Therefore wee [Page 199] may no more crosse vs against diuels, because God hath sometime chased thē away by y signe, then wee may annoynt blind mens eyes with clay, to proue if they will see after it, because Christ wrought a myra­cle by y meane, which as Martial saith, teacheth vs to do the like if we may. What estimatiō Paulinus a su­perstitious man had in his piece of the crosse, which was perhaps a piece of another tree, then euer came in Iewry. Wee haue not to followe him in his follye. That myracles wrought of holy men by the signe of the crosse, &c. is not a sufficient reason to proue that y e figne of the crosse should be had, kept, set vp, and ho­noured, I haue alreadie proued out of the scripture by y e like or equall, & yet it is against reason, when we deny your arguments whose consequence you ought to proue, y we should be driuē to proue that they fol­low not. Where M. Calfhill sayeth, y myracles onely ought not, or may not cōmend a thing, you pick qua­rels to him without cause, obiecting the miracles of Christ, who tooke witnesse not only of his miracles, but also of y e holy scriptures. When you haue vrged the miracle done by y e signe of y e crosse out of Epipha­nius, as much as you can, yet proueth it not y e honou­ring and setting vp of y e signe of y e crosse in these days, as M. Calfhill telleth you, seing y we liue not among Turkes or Sarazens, y we need to haue any such signe whereby we might be knowen to be worshippers of Christ. But you would faine learne, what if a Portin­gal or one of y e new conuerted Ilāds of India, cōming by chance into England, of which he neuer heard be­fore, & seing neither images nor crosses in church nor streate, how he should knowe in whome wee beleeue. And I would learne of you, what skilleth it, if such a man as neuer came here, nor euer by any likelyhood shall come hither, yet supposed to be driuen on a boarde out of India into Englande, what skilleth it I say, if he know not in whom we beleue, and so depart as wise as he came? What remedy but we must haue al [Page 200] places filled with images & crosses, for such a man to knowe what we holde of, who shalbe neuer the better thereby, nor the worse if he know not. But you think that happily strangers of Greece, Cōstantinople, Iew­ry, & India, may come to our coastes, and therfore wee ought to haue the signe of the crosse in churches, cha­pels, & high wayes, to signifie of whome we hold. We haue not many such strangers, but when they arryue we haue bookes of the holy scripture in Greeke, He­brue, Chaldee, Syrian, Arabike, Sclauonian tongues, in which they may be instructed that are desirous to vn­derstand what religion we professe. The Lorde God thought it sufficient to haue his lawe written vppon great stones, at the entrance into the holy land, to let all strangers knowe, both whome, & after what man­ner the people of Israell did honour and serue their God. Deut. 27. 3. But as for images and pillers he vt­terly forbad them to set vp any for any vse of religi­on, Deut. 12. 1. & 16. ver. 2.

The ninth Article.

What commoditie euery Christian man hath or may haue by the signe of the Crosse. Martiall.

Whereas M. Calfhil detesteth the Idolatrous coun­cell of Nice the Fulke.. 2. by the example of Ambrose, who abhorred the hereticall councell of Ariminum. Mar­tiall willing to iustifie y t rable of Idolators assembled at Nice, wold shew great difference, not only between the councels, but also betwene him & Ambrose, say­ing y t he was a catholike bishop acknowledging obe­dience & subiection to the Popes holynes. As though the bishop of Rome in his time, either required such obedience & subiection, or y Ambrose acknowledged any. But concerning that assembly of Nice, and y e au­thoritie thereof, how they determined contrary to the worde of God, not onely in the matter of hauing and worshipping of images, but also in other things, I re­ferre [Page 201] y e reader to mine answer vnto M. Sanders booke of images, Cap. 15. or 14. Of all y t M. Calfhill saith a­gainst that councel of Nice, Martial chooseth but one saying of Germanus to defend, wherin he picketh two quarels against M. Calfhil, one y t he should misvnder­stand the saying of Germanus, as though he meant y t grace were dispensed by Images, where he sayth: an image is a figuring of holy vertue & dispensation of grace▪ But if grace be not dispensed by images, whether Germa­nus said so or no, I pray you, to what purpose are they set vp in the churches? or what profit may a Christian man haue by the signe of the crosse? when Martial de­nyeth y t any grace is dispensed by images. The seconde quarel he picketh is, y t M. Calfhill denyeth y the ver­tues of saints can be seen in their images, which could not be seene in their persons. Martial sayth: this rea­son condemneth the scripture as well as images, for the ynke and paper hath no mynde or sense to hold the power of Christ, & vertue of the Apostles, more then images haue. As though the scripture were nothing but ynke & paper, or as though y t all things y may be learned & vnderstood by hearing, may be discerned by the eye, which con­ceiueth only bodily shapes of things, & cannot attain to see faith, holines, vertue, &c. wherof no images can be made. When M. Calfhill sayeth: that the image of Mars, or S. George, Venus, or the mother of Christ cannot be discerned asunder. Martial hath nothing to reply, but that we must not suppose to finde any ima­ges among the Christians, but of Christ & his saintes, so that images be wise bookes, which cannot teache their schollers what or whereof they are, but they must learne of the common opinion how to esteeme of them. That images be teachers of pride, auarice, wan­tonnesse, &c. as the Prophet sayeth: they are the do­ctrine of vanitie & lyes, Abac. 2. Martiall sayth blas­phemously, y t images giue no more occasion of vices, then the holy scriptures, of which some wicked men take occasion of dronkennes, whoredome, vsury, &c.

[Page 202] But seeing the scripture directly & plainly condē ­neth al these & other vices as occasion is giuē by thē, howsoeuer any is taken by vngodly persons, whereas images which teach no goodnes, but being gorge­ously & whorishly decked with golde & precious stones, otherwise then the saintes delighted, euen as in holy scripture they are counted as stumbling blocks, so they teach men vainly affected, to delight in such things, as they see to please the saints. But Martiall sayeth, that gylded images make men thinke of the ioyes of heauen. O ridiculous fantasie. They may sooner make men thinke of the vanitie of the worlde, to delight in it. But when the holy ghost by y e mouth of his Prophets hath determined that images are the doctrine of lying & vanitie, it were lost labour to di­spute any longer what good thinges they can teache, Ier. 10. ver. 8. Abac. 2. ver. 18.

The examples of Ezechias, Iosias, & Salomon, he sayth are brought to no purpose against images amō ­gest Christians. As though it were more lawfull for Christians, then for Israelites to commit idolatrie. But y Christians (saith he) direct their hearts, & offer their prayers to God, & therfore there is no mistrust of ido­latry amongest them. Why Martiall? haue not y e Pa­pistes in England made & do they not yet still in o­ther places make vowes to the images that are in such a place and such a place. Do they not trauaile thither, and offer vp both prayers and sacrifice of candels, mo­ney, Iewels and other things vnto the Images? Haue not your idols giuen aunswer? haue they not wagged their heades and lips, &c. O shamelesse dogges & blas­phemous idolaters. The Lord so deal with you as you know in your own consciences y the ignorant people haue made their prayers euen to the stockes & stones, thinking them to haue a life & diuinitie in them: and yet you say, there is no mistrust of idolatrie, lest you should be driuen by exāple of Ezechias, to destroy & break your images, although otherwise they were not [Page 203] against Gods cōmandment, but euen made by his ap­pointment, as y e brasen Serpent was. That fond quarell of yours, that Salomon was not abused by images, but by women, I leaue to women to laugh at your vanity, when they reade, that by women he was brought to be an idolater, and worshipper of images.

And euery childe that readeth Chrysostome Hom. 54. in 8. Tom. can vnderstand, that although occasioned by obstinate Iewes, yet he speaketh generally of al ob­stinat minds, whether they be professors of Christiani­ty, or no. Animo desperato &c. There is nothing worse thē a desperate mind, although he see signes, although mi­racles be wrought, yet he standeth still in the self same frowardnesse.’ For an obstinate sinner that hath profes­sed Christianitie, is no more moued with miracles, and the signe of the crosse, then a Iewe or Pharao was. It hath more colour, but not more trueth, that Athanasi­us ascribeth not all effectes of conuersion of wicked men, &c. wholy and solie to the faith of Christe, when he saith, who hath done this, &c. but the faith of Christ, and signe of the crosse? Martial confesseth, that faith is able to do it w tout the crosse, but y God would haue y signe of the crosse common with faith: if ye aske in what scrip­ture God hath reuealed this will, he hath nothing to say. Only he denieth, M. Calfhils exposition of Atha­nasius, that the signe of y e crosse was ioined to faith, not as a fellow worker, but as a witnesse & signe of y faith against the Gentiles, bicause he hath neither scripture, Doctor, nor Councel for it. Wherin he lieth shameful­ly, for y e scripture shewing, Rom. 3. [...] 28. y faith onely as y e instrumēt by which we apprehend Gods mercy & our iustificatiō, by which God purifieth our harts, sufficiently proueth, Act. 15. v. 9 that the signe of the crosse is no worker in these cases.

Chrysostome speaking of our conuersion, &c. saith: Hom. 14. in Ep. ad Rom. Vnum hoc &c. We haue offered this one only gift of GOD, that we giue credite to him, promising vs thinges to come, and by this onely way we are saued.’ This Doctor ascri­beth all to faith, therefore nothing to the signe of [Page 204] the crosse. Whether the Parisiens approue Erasmus his censure it is not materiall, the censure is true, and ap­proued by as wise and well learned as they.

Touching the next quarell, that Cyrillus acknow­ledgeth it no fault of the Christians, to make the signe of the crosse at their doores, it is very foolish, as all the rest be, for although he defend it as a good deede, and in his time tollerable, yet if any did worship the wood of the crosse, as Iulian charged them, it was a fault, which Cyrillus doth excuse and seeke to couer, but of that matter you may reade more in mine aunswere to D. Sanders booke of images, cap. 4. or 3. after the er­rour of his print.

That S. Basil alloweth images in Churches, he ci­teth his sermon vpon Barlaa [...], where he exhorteth painters to set foorth the valiant conflictes of the mar­tyr by their art, but of setting vp those tables in Chur­ches there is no word. Neither do I perceiue he spea­keth of other Painters then eloquent Rhetoricians. For immediately before he saith. Quin magnificentioribus [...] ipsius ling [...]is Ced [...]us. Sonantiores doctorum tubas ad illius praeconia aduocemus. Exurgite nunc ô praeclari athleti­cor [...]m gestorum pictores &c. But let vs giue place to more magnificent tongues, vtterers of his praises. Let vs call hether the lowder sounding trumpets of learned men. Arise nowe ô ye noble Painters of the valiant actes of champions &c.’ And it is vsuall among learned men, to compare good Orators to cunning Painters.

The counterfet oration of Athanasius, brought in the idolatrous Councel of Nice, we reiect as a matter forged by heretikes and idolaters. The other Doctors places, whome he quoteth, are all considered and aun­swered in seuerall places of mine aunswere to Doctor Sanders booke of images before mentioned.

Whether an image may be made of Christ, which is both God and man, you shall finde it more at large intreated, in my saide aunswere cap. 7. or 6.

That the crosse in the time of Cyrillus had none [Page 205] image vpon it, it is to be proued by this reason, [...] Iulian would not haue omitted to obiect the wor­shipping of images vnto Christians, which they con­demned in the Heathens, if any images had bene vpon their crosses, which he charged them to haue worship­ped. Concerning the calling of Churches by the name of Saints, we haue spoken alreadie.

That S. Paul ioyneth not pictures with scriptures, to be our instruction and comfort, it is an argument of better force then Martiall hath wit to aunswere. For if any such instruction, comfort, or commoditie had any wayes come to Christians by pictures, he would not haue written, that the scriptures are able to make the man of God perfect, prepared to all good workes, 2. Tim. 3. vers. 17. Articl. 3.

The tenth Article.

The adoration and worship of the crosse allowed by the an­cient Fathers. Martiall.

Martial thinketh it not reason, Fulke. that he should proue the adoration of the crosse by some testimonie of scripture, bicause God hath not so tied him selfe to the written letter of the scripture, that nothing can be ta­ken for trueth, which is not written in scripture. But God hath so tied vs to the written letter of the scrip­ture, that we are bound to beleeue nothing but that which may be proued thereby. The baptisme by he­retikes, the baptisme of infants, the authoritie of the Epistle to the Hebrues, of Saint Iames and Iude, and of all the canonicall scriptures, haue proofe and approba­tion out of the holy scriputres, and are not receiued of vs by the onely tradition and authoritie of the church, which yet we doe not refuse, when it is warran­ted by the holy scriptures inspired of God.

The auncient Fathers, Athanasius, Chrysostome, &c. were not exempted from the infirmitie of men, that they could so order their termes, as no heretikes shuld [Page 206] take occasion of error by them, when euen the termes of holy scripture are often times abused by thē, cleane contrarie to the meaning of the spirite, by which they were written.

But Martial like a proud foole, disdaineth to be cal­led to define adoration, bicause euery terme is not ne­cessarie to be defined. And yet I suppose he would claw his poll twise, or euer he could make a true definition of it, or a description either. At the least wise, seeing the word of adoration is taken so many wayes: but that he would walke vnder a cloud of ambiguitie, he shuld haue expressed what manner of adoration he doeth speake of. But he is content to take adoration for bowing downe, prostrating, putting off the cap, &c. which he thinketh may be done to a sensllesse image, as well as to the Queenes cloth of estate, her priuie seale, &c. as though there were no difference betweene ciuil reuerence, and religious worship and yet I weene no man doeth this honour to those senslesse things, although he shewe reuerence to the Prince at the sight of them. The second cōmandement, Exod. 20 he saith toucheth not Popish images, more then politike ima­ges, of Dragons, Eagles, Owles, &c, in armes or other pictures. So good a lawyer he is, that he can not inter­prete the lawe according to the matter wherevpon it is made, namely religiō, but fantasieth, that bicause ima­ges out of the vse of religion be not forbidden to be made by a lawe of religion, therefore they be not for­bidden to be made, no not in the vse of religion.

The Prophets, he saith, cry out against the images of Gentiles, and by his leaue, against the images of the Is­raelites also. The image of the brasen Serpent was a fi­gure of Christ, and yet the Prophets condemned, and Ezechias destroyed the worship of the brasen Serpent.

For the examination of the sentence of Ambrose de [...]bitu Theodosij, I referre the reader, to mine aunswere to D. Sander of images. cap. 13. or 12.

Augustine in Ioan. T. 36. sheweth, howe reuerently y e [Page 207] crosse was esteemed of the Romaines, that now male­factors were no more punished vpon it, least it should be thought, they were honoured, if they s [...]ffered that kinde of death, which our sauiour Christe died. As a­mong vs, if rascall theeues should be beheaded at the Tower hill, where only honourable perso [...]ages vse to suffer, it might be saide, they were honoued with that kinde of execution. Herevpon Martial both foolishly and lewdly dreameth, that if theeues had bene put to death vpon the crosse, the people were likely to haue honoured them for the crosses sake.

Hierome saith, that Paula worshipped lying before y e crosse, as though she had seene Christe hanging vpon y e crosse, yet saith he not, that she worshipped the crosse. Ambrose saith of Helena, that when she found y e crosse she worshipped the king, & not the tree, for that is an heathenish error, De obis, & a vanitie of vngodly persons. wher­fore if Hierome, or any other father should teach vs to worship the crosse as an idol, Theod. we might well say to him, auoyd Sathan. But Martial, least he should seeme wearie of wrangling, scoffeth at M. Cal. for talking of a wodden tree, as though the matter of a thing, might not be named, but where there is difference of matter. Why say we then an earthly or fleshly man, if we may not say a woodden tree? by Martials philosophie, least men should thinke we talke of watrie and fishy men. I had not thought to haue named Martials terme of Gentlemens recognisances, of Dragon, Eagles, &c. vsed in this Article, but that he is so captious, to take exceptions to M. Cal. termes, himselfe being a lawier, to trip in a terme of law. That seruice and worship do so concur together, that the one can not be w tout the other, Martial granteth, although he think M. Cal. can bring no scripture, Doctor, nor Councel for it, when he bringeth the saying of Christ. Matt [...]. 4. But when he inferreth that we must serue God only, therfore we must worship God only. Mart. bringetl [...] instāce of ciuil seruice, & worship of parents. when our sauiour Christ [Page 208] speaketh onely of religious worship, which the diuell required to be giuen him, not as God, but as the distri­buter of all the kingdomes of the world, vnder God.

That Angels are inferiour to Christ, which worship him, Heb. 1. and are not worshipped againe, Martiall saith, it is an addition vnto S. Paul, bicause in all that Epistle we are not forbidden to worship Angels, but where he proued before, that God only is to be worshipped, and the Angel refuseth to be worshipped of Iohn. Apoc. 19. vers. 10. 22. vers. 8. who was not so madd to worship him as God, but as an excellent creature: what additi­on can this be to the sense and meaning of the Apo­stle, especially when he addeth immediately, that they are all ministring spirites, appointed to minister for them that shall inherite saluation. They are appointed of God to serue, they are not set vppe to be serued and worshipped. Their honour and delight is, that God on­ly may be serued and honoured.

Out of Damascen, he excuseth their worshipping of the crosse, for that they worship not y e matter, as wood, copper, &c. but the figure, as if it were lesle idolatrie to worship an accident, then a substance.

The honour which Peter refused to receiue of Cor­nelius, was not such as became the minister of God, and therefore was reproued by Peter, without counterfet­ting of humilitie, the other examples that Martiall bringeth of ciuill worship done vnto Dauid by Abi­gail, and Nathan, be cleane out of the purpose.

Concerning the worship of Angels, I haue spoken immediately before. Martial slaundereth S. Iohn, that he would haue worshipped the Angles as God. The conclusion of this argument he thinketh worthy to be hissed at, Angels may not be worshipped, ergo, much lesle the crosse.

What shall we say to such a Chrysippus, as alloweth not the argument a maioribus? The obiection of the Cherubims, y e brasen serpent, y e oxen, and other images in the Temple, you shall finde answered, cap. 5. or. 4. [Page 209] of my confutation of D. Sanders booke of images.

The seuenteene authorities brought by M. Calf­hil, against the worshipping of images, Martiall will aunswere if he can, and first he denieth, that Clemens speaketh of crosses, crucifixe, &c. but of the images of the Gentiles. In deede in his dayes the true Christians had no such images, that he should speake of them. But consider his reasons, that he maketh against the worshipping of heathenish images, and they serue al­so to condemne the worship of Popish images. The fa­bles of the image of Christes face, that he gaue to Ve­ronica, and sent to Algarus, is good draffe for such swine, as delight in idolatrie. But Martiall thinketh, that as our eares call vpon vs to bowe our knees at the name of Iesus, so doe the eyes at the sight of the cruci­fixe: but he must vnderstand, that we worship not the sound of the name of Iesus, rebounding in the ayre, but the power, the maiestie and authoritie of Iesus, we acknowledge and honor, not called vpon by the sound of the name of Iesus, but by the voyc [...] of the Gospell, to which the idol of the crucifixe hath no resemblance, neither is it a lawfull meane, to strirre vp our remem­brance, bicause it is forbidden of God.

Where Saint Paul saith, that Christ was described or painted vnto the Galathians, we must either say, that the passion of Christ was painted in a table, or else they caried the image of the crosse of Christ rent and torne in their mindes. If they might carrie an image in their min­des, why might they not haue it faire painted in a table, speake Master Calfe? aunswer if you can? O mightie Martiall, withdrawe your grimme countenance a while, and giue him leaue to gather his wittes together. First he saith, that Saint Paul speaketh of neither of both your images, but of the effect and fruite of the death of Christe, which was so liuely described before them, that they ought not to haue sought any thing more to the sufficiencie of his redemption, and their saluation. Secondly, although the sense of hearing be appointed [Page 210] of God, Rom. 10. to instruct faith, yet he findeth not the sense of seeing, and especially of images, which God hath forbidden, admitted to be a mouer to Christian deuotion or worship of God: and therefore there is no like reason, that as the storie may be caried in re­membrance, so the image may be painted and set vp in the Church to be worshipped.

The iniunction of kneeling at the communion, in­tendeth no worship of the breade and wine, more then of the table, the cuppe, the booke, the deske, the wall, &c. before which the people kneele, and therefore it hath nothing like to your kneeling before the crosse, which is not only before it, but also to it, to worship it.

But you thinke you haue an argument to choake vs, of the ceremonie of swearing vpon a booke, seeing swearing is a kinde of adoration. But syr, we sweare not by the booke, as you Papistes doe, we call God on­ly to witnesse, the booke is but an externall indiffe­rent ceremonie, and that rather ciuill then ecclesiasti­call, whereas adoration of GOD by images, is prohi­bited by Gods lawe. Againe, we giue no honour at all to the booke, as you do to your images.

That Clemens alloweth the honour giuen to man, as to the image of GOD, we allowe very well, bi­cause man is a true image of GOD, your blockes and stockes be all false and counterfet images.

To Clemens Alexandrinus, Irenaeus and Tertulli­an he maketh the same aunswere, that they speake on­ly of heathenish images. The like he might say, where they speake against adulteries, that they speake of the adulteries of the Heathen, and not of Christians. And the same to Cyprian, Origen, Arnobius, Lactantius, & Athanasius, bringing instance of the ciuill reuerence done to the Princes seate, and to the Prince him selfe. And wheras Arnobius saith expresly, & absolutely we worship no crosses, he expoundeth it, we worship them not as Gods. Such expositions may auoyde all autho­rities. The Gentiles which knewe the Christians wor­shipped [Page 211] but one God, did not obiuct worshipping of crosses vnto them as Gods.

Against the authoritie of Lactar tius, he bringeth in a verse falsely ascribed vnto him: Flecte genu lignum­que crucis venerabile adora, Bow the knee, and adore the venerable wood of the crosse. If Martial allowe this verse for authenticall authoritie, howe will he iustifie that he saide before, they worshipped not the wood, stone, metal of the crosse, but the figure or signe of it? Against Athanasius he obtrudeth that counterfet ser­mon of the image of Christe in Berisus, and once a­gaine vrgeth his forged question 39. ad Antiochū, which is quest. 16. as we haue set it downe at large Articl. 5. hauing in it no such wordes as he c [...]teth: Crucis figuram ex duobus lignis componentes adoramus. We making a figure of the crosse of two pieces of wood, doe ador [...] it. To Epiphani­us, he aunswereth, that he speaketh onely against wo­men, which offered sacrifice to y e vi [...]gine Marie, where­as neither it was lawfull that women should offer sa­crifice, nor that Marie should be made a God. But in deede Epiphanius speaketh against the adoration of dead men, by images. Et mortui qui lem sunt qui adorantur &c. And they truely which are worshipped are deade, but they bring in their images to be worshipped whi­che neuer liued, for they can not be dead which neuer liued.’ He would haue Marie to be honoured, but not with worshipping her image, for that were idolattie. Martial hath two strong collections: if a woman may not sacrifice, ergo, she may not be head of the Church, as though it were necessarie, that the chiefe gouernour of y e church should do sacrifice. The other, that women may not offer externall sacrifice, ergo, there is an exter­nal sacrifice that men may offer. As good as this, a wo­man may not circumcise, therefore circumcision is in vse to be done by men.

To be short, Epiphanius calleth the heresie of y e Col­lyridiaus that sacrificed to the virgine Marie Haeresis si [...]lachrifica an image making heresie. But least Mar­tial [Page 212] should seeme to be beaten cleane away from Epi­phanius, he citeth him De vitis prophet, alledging a pro­phecie of Hieremie of the second comming of Christ, which shold be Quando gentes vniuersae ligno supplicabunt, when all nations shall make their supplications to woode. Heere is either Martials signe of the crosse, or an Hea­thenish errour commanded by the prophetes, he saith. But if he will boaste of the authoritie of the ancient Epiphanius, he must bring better stuffe then this frag­ment De vita & inter. Proph. Which following so many Iewish fables, argueth the later Epiphanius the pa­trone of Images to be y e author, rather then y e elder of Cyprus. For this prophecie of Hieremie, euen as the fable of the Arke swallowed of a stone, &c. sauoureth of Iewish vanitie: And yet if we should admit it as au­thenticall and true, the sense should rather be, y t Christ shal come when al nations shal be idolaters or wood-worshippers, then when al nations should worship the signe of the crosse, as Martiall supposeth. For Christ at his second comming shall scarse finde faith. There­fore infidelitie possessing the greatest part of y e world, it is more like all nations should worship woodden idols, then Christ by honoring the signe of his crosse.

To Ambrose, denying that Helena worshipped the wodde of the crosse, he opposeth a forged saying of Ambrose, cited in the second councell of Nice, where lying, forging, and false worshipping, did beare all the sway. Concerning the true testimonie of Ambrose, reade more in mine answere to D. Sanders booke of images Cap. 13. or 12.

To Hierome, not admitting y e ciuil honor vsed to be giuen to the pillers & images of the Emperours, much lesse adoration of images in religion, he oppeseth his saying in Psalm. 98. affirming that adoration of the crosse is allowed by him, whereas that commentary by learned and indifferent iudges, Erasmus & Amer­bachius, is proued by many arguments to be none of Hieronymes writing, but of one of much later time.

[Page 213] Thus hath Martial against the true testimonies of the fathers, nothing to oppose, but their counterfetted authorities, and false inscribed writings. Concerning Hieronymes adoration of the mangar and incunabula the cradle of Christ, which Martial so often called the swathling clothes, I haue aunswered before, y t he mea­neth no such adoration, as the Papistes giue vnto their images, but a reuerent estimatiō, as of an ancient, holy monumēt, wherin yet I wil not altogether excuse Hie­rome of superstitious affectiō, as I wil not charge him w t idolatrie. For Chrysostomes iudgment of worship­ping y e crosse, I refer the reader as before, to Cap. 13. or 12. of mine answere to D. Sand. booke of images. To Claudius bishop of Taurino, that in al his Dioces for­bad the worship of the crosse, he aunswereth, Alphonsus de Cactro counteth him for an heretike, & Ionas bishop of Orleans writeth against him. In deed Ionas writeth against his ouerthrowing of Images, but he writeth al so against y e adoration of Images. His words are these: Lib. 1. De cultu imagin. Claudius praesul Ecclesiae Taurinensis, &c. Claudius bishop of the Church of Taurine sawe his flocke (among other things which it did worthy of reformation) to be giuen to the superstitious, yea the pernicious worshipping of images, of which di­sease, some of those partes are sicke of an olde rooted custome, &c. So that not onely Claudius, but also Io­nas, was directly contrary to this tenth article.’

Touching the brabling distinction of Latria & Daulia, I referre the reader to mine answere to Doctor Sanders booke of images, Cap. 6. or 5. as also for that noble argument that followeth, whereby he woulde proue that Papistes cannot commit idolatrie.

That M. Calfhill affirmeth outward profession to be necessary for euery Christian man. Martiall saith, he condemneth his doctrine of onely faith iustifying. Ver [...]ly, a clubb is more meere then an argument, to beate it into such an Asses head, that when we teache that onely faith doth iustifie, we say not, that God re­quireth [Page 214] nothing of a Christian man but faith onely. Againe, who would vouch safe to answere his quarre­ling of true faith, without confession? The ruler [...] belee­ued, but did not confesse, Iohn. 12. here was faith (quod Mar­tiall) but no confession. But who will graunt that here was a true iustifying faith? Likewise this argument: There is a corporall seruice of outwarde gesture due to God, therefore it is no idolatrie to kneele before an image. And a­gaine: Protestants kneele before images in glasse windowes, and holde vp their handes at Paules crosse, therefore they de­file their bodies with sacrilege. And if they excuse themselues by their good intent, the same will serue the Papistes which a­dore the image for that it representeth Christ or his saintes.

But protestants adore no images, with any intent, thou foolish aduocate of Idolaters, no more then Martiall doth reuerence to a dogg, when he putteth of his cap, or maketh curtesie in any house, where a dogge is be­fore him. And verily he sayeth, a man may as well be suspected for idolatrie, if he bowe before any visible creature, as if he kneele before an image. But not so probably, as Martiall may be suspected to be out of his wits, when he maketh such comparisons. The Iewes were not onely suspected, but also affirmed by the Gentyles to worship the clowdes & the power of heauen, because in prayer they looked vp to heauen: Qui puras nubes, & Coeli [...]men adorant, sayeth the Poet of them. Wherefore by Martials comparison, they might as wel haue prayed before images. And where he sayeth, that Protestants condemne outward things except hattes, beardes, barrell breeches, &c. he sheweth his vanitie. Our iudgement concerning outwarde things that serue for order and comlinesse (being not defyled with idolatrie and superstition) is sufficiently knowen. What wee teach of fasting & praying, vow­ing, &c. it were superfluous here to repeate, when pub­like testimonies of our doctrine are daily giuen, both in preaching and writing. And surely I am to blame y vouchsaue such vaine calumniating of any mention. [Page 215] That not to bowe their knee to Baal is not a peculiar note of Gods seruants, because other things are required in Gods seruants, then to be free from idolatrie, it is a foolish and more then childish quarrell. For in the days of Elyas, that was a peculiar note to discern them from idolaters, whom God had preserued both from yelding to idolatrie in hart, & also from d [...]ssembling with outwarde gesture. But Martiall would learne whether M. Calfhill kneeling downe before his fa­ther to aske him blessing, did not commit idolatrie. How often shall I tell him: he is an Asse that cannot make a difference betweene ciuill honour and reli­gious worship. And once againe he must be answe­red, why the people are suffered to sweare vpō a book, with their cappes in their hands, rather then to kneele before the crosse in doing of their adoration to God. If he will be answered, I will tell him againe, partly because it is against ciuil honestie that the people should stande couered before the Iudge, partly be­cause they sweare by the name of God, whome they ought to reuerence. But kneeling before a crosse to worship it, is manifest idolatrie, and expressely for­bidden by the lawe of God. Thou sh [...]lt not bowe downe to them nor worship them. The people are not allowed to put off their cappes to the booke, nei­ther yet to sweare by the booke.

When Martiall can proue, that it is lawfull for Christians to worship images, then we will graunt, it is vncharitable to iudge them idolaters that kneele before them.

But he will not graunt the crosse to be nothing in that sense that Saint Paul sayeth, an Idoll is nothing, because it is a representation of a thing that was, by this reason the image of Iupiter, Hercules, Romulus, which were men sometime, were no idols. The image of the Sunne, of an Oxe, an Ape, a Catt, &c. worship­ped of the Egyptians, were no Idols, neither was the worshipping of them idolatrie. The questions to be [Page 216] propounded in the Chauncery, I leaue to Martiall to propounde him selfe. But where he sayeth, that no euidence of any idolatrous fact in worshipping the crosse can be shewed in true Christians, I agree with him: but in Papistes, if he meane them, great euidence. Who went a Pilgrimage to the roodes of Bostone, Douercourt and Chester, were they not Papistes? who made the roodes to sweate, to bleede, and to smell sweete as D. Reade did with his roode of Becclys, were they not Papistes? Finally, who sayeth & sin­geth to the Crucifix? Aue rex noster, &c. All haile our King: All haile, O crosse our onely hope, &c. I doubt not but the countrey of Christian men, wil iudge this as good euidence for pulling downe the crosse, as E­zechias had for destroying the brazen Serpent.

It is Martials poore iudgement, when you see men praying, they be Christian men: therefore they serue God in spirite and truth: but afterward, he restrayneth it to men that were baptised in Christ. Yet may they be heretikes, and therfore no true worshippers of God. But y which he spake in way of humilitie, he will now say stoutly: Sir when you see men, that is to say men that are baptised, men that beleeue in God, praying yea before an image, and holding vp their handes, and knocking their breastes, it is a good consequent to say they be Christian men. Ergo they serue God in spirite and trueth: and we may not iudge the contrary. This argument holdeth of the place of stoutnesse. For other consequence there is none in it, nor yet wittie conueyance. For first when I see men, I must say, they be men that are baptised, and beleeue in God. Where­as by sight I can not perceiue that they are baptised, & yet if I know that they be baptised, I can not tell whe­ther they beleeue in God, as Christians, or as heretikes, or whether they be hipocrites without faith. How shal I then iudge them to be Christian men? Finally when I see them do an open acte, contrary to Christian pro­fession, yet by Martials diuinitie, I may not iudge, but that they be good Christians, and worship God in spi­rite [Page 217] and truth. Euen as by his Canon law, I am taught, that if I see a prieste embrasing of a woman, I must iudge he doeth it for no harme, but to blesse her. To be shorte. Martials good consequent, wil make him confesse, that al the protestantes that holde vp their hands at Paules crosse, and say Amen when the preacher her sayeth, God confound the Papistes, (whereat he scoffeth) be Christian men, and worship God in spirite and trueth. As for their adoration of the crosse, he saith standeth as well with the glorie of God, as our kneeling at the com­munion, putting off our cappes to the cloth of e­state, to the Princes letters, bowing to the Princes person, kissing of the booke, &c. So that with him thinges by God expressely forbidden, stande as well with his glorie, as things by him commanded and per­mitted. In the end, complayning that Maister Calfhill hath not answered him to thirtie places out of the aun­cient writers, whereof let the Readers when they haue compared, iudge, he glorieth that his rayling & slan­derous conclusion, is not dealt withall, but by silence, which silence he taketh for a confession: but in deede it is a sufficient confutation of such lies and slaunders as haue no colour of trueth in them. Our Sauiour Christ being called a Samaritan made none answer to it. Socrates an Heathen man, kept silence when a var­let railed on him, wherfore silence in such case as this, is neither a confession, nor a conuiction. To conclude, I will not altogether refuse, as Maister Calfhil doth, to deale with So [...]ewde an aduersarie as Martiall is, but I would wishe that the Papistes for their credites sake, would henceforward set forth a better champion for their causes, or else helpe him with better weapons to fight in their quarrel. For in this reply he doth nothing in a maner, but either conster like an Vsher, or quarrell like a dogbolt Lawier.

FINIS.

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