WHen vainglorious Tarquine Tarquin ba­nished. the last of the Romaine kings for the shamefull rape of Lucrece committed by one of his sonnes, was bani­shed from Rome & Consuls succeeded, which as the name declares, had charge of prouiding for the cōmon safetie & securitie, the Romaines changed gold for brasse, and loathing one king suffered manie tyrants, scourging their follie with their fall, and curing a festred sore with a poisoned plai­ster: for what could be more vniust, or more contrarie to the free estate of a citie, then to subiect the whole common weale to the rule of manie potentates, and to exclude the peo­ple from all right and interest in publique af­faires? VVhat could be more absurd then the [Page 2] Senators onely to bestow the Consulship, the soueraigntie in warres, the supremacie in su­perstitious offices, according to their fancie and affection, to call Senates at their pleasure, to conuocate assemblies when it seemed best for their owne profite, and to haue power of life and death vpon the bodies of their fellow citizens, & the people to liue like their slaues, being barred and restrained from marrying with the daughter of anie Senatour, as if that pray had bene too high for so low a wing, and being held in such disdaine and disreputation that common fellowship and mutuall societie was denied them, which was indeede not to liue like free men in a citie, but like villaines and bondmen in a wainscot prison, and like sillie birds in a golden cage: but when after long experience they had found, that winter succeeded sommer, & that the withered wel­fare of their citie could not be reuiued with­out some fortunate spring: to the intent that moderation might be induced, and that the meaner sort might beare some stroke with the mightier, that the people might enioy the sweete of the citie as well as the fathers, they [Page 3] procured a new office entituled the Tribune­ship, whereby they might protect themselues as with a shield against the arrogant endeuors and outragious decrees of the Senatours, and thē the fellowship of mariage was brought in with the Senate, which before was prohibited the people, as if they had bene stained with some cōtagious iandise, or infected with some dangerous leprosie, and their suffrage was thē made necessarie to the election of officers, which before was as rare in that cōmon-weale as a white skin in Aethiopia. The people ha­uing thus erected their power, did by degrees more and more enhaunce it, till by many al­terations it was turned from an Aristocracie, from the rule of them that were manie and mightie, to a plaine and visible Democracie or estate popular, administred by the voyces of the multitude and magistrates, and by the vnited consent of the whole corporatiō. Now when the people had by continuall incroch­ments assumed and seased into their handes the giuing and bestowing of the greater offi­ces, as the Consulship, that strong tower of the Senatous authoritie, and besides that the [Page 4] Dictatorship, the Censorship, the warlike Empire, the priestly dignitie, and many other most excellent honors, which before did sole­ly belong to the Peeres of Rome, and now there wanted nothing to make their power e­quall, but onely that Plebiscites, that is, de­crees made by the people, should binde the greater powers, as well as the people them­selues, frō which at that time the whole com­panie of the Nobles were exempted. There­fore to make them generall, and of like force against all, they wrested from the fathers after much businesse, the law Hortensia, by which it was enacted that in euery important matter the people should be equally interested with the Senate, and that the lawes so made and ratified by them, should stretch as well to the Senators, as to the people themselues. After that the common-weale was brought to this good and temperate constitution, many pro­fitable lawes were established, many victories followed, many cities bowed vnto them, ma­nie monarchies sued for their fauour, manie tyrants feared their puissance, & manie coun­treys dreaded their inuasion. Then there flou­rished [Page 5] in Rome most admirable examples of abstinencie, modestie, iustice, fortitude, and which was the seale of their securitie, an vni­uersall vnitie and agreement. Then the same of their Curij, their Coruncani, their Fabritij, their Metelli, their Fabij, their Marcelli, their Scipioes, their Pauli, their Lepidi, did ring in the world, whose great magnanimitie & wise­dome in the tumult of warres, together with their singular temperance, and loyaltie in the calme of peace, is to be wondred at of all, and of all to be reuerenced. But when either the Senate or people did passe the lists and limits of aequall regiment, the ancient and vertuous orders of the citie were immediatly troden vnder foote, and their good and laudable cu­stomes were encountred and put to flight by dissolute and vnbridled enormities: then the Asiaticall triumphs did incorporate into the citie a womanish wantonnesse, then proude ambition mounted her plume of disdaine vp­pon the top of the Capitolle, then their exces­siue pride and iouissance for their victories had against Pyrrhus, for their cōquest of Car­thage, for the ouerthrow of Philip, Perseus, [Page 6] Antiochus, mightie kings, for the winning of Spaine, Sicilie, Sardinia, Illyria, Macedonia and Greece, being as yet fresh in their memo­ries, were as bellowes to puffe vp their swel­ling humours. Thē there succeeded a dismall discord, which beginning when the estate was at the highest, did not end or expire, till it fell to the lowest ebbe, sticking fast in the sands of a grieuous desolation. If a man will retrospe­ctiuely measure the space of former times, & the whole compasse of yeares, wherein the fortunes of the Romanes were by God his hand turned about, he shall finde that all the weight of their affaires, before the incohation of the Empire of Augustus, may be dispersed into sixe ages; wherof the first containing the number of fiftie yeares, was spent in the ma­king of a towne; for that gorgeous seate which nowe we call Rome, was then but a plot of Rome built. ground, to which houses were wanting, but afterward a great multitude of Latine & Tus­cane shepheards, together with Phrygians & Arcadians, flowing to that place, as to a tem­ple reuerenced by pilgrims and trauellers, the common-weale was compacted of these se­uerall [Page 7] people, as a bodie of diuerse elements. Romulus the founder of their citie & empire, did delight wholly in mountaines, riuers, woods, marishes and wastes, playing perhaps the espiall, to discouer and find out in what place it were best to erect a citie, and how to conuey things necessarie vnto it, and how to adorne it with continual increment and addi­tion of demeisnes; to such imaginations the fields and places desolate were most accor­dant, and to his sauage societie this practise of life was most acceptable.

The second age which chalengeth other fiftie yeares, did ingender in them working spirits and loftie cogitations, which eneagred and inflamed their mindes, against the confi­ners & borderers: then it first began to beare the countenance and shape of a kingdome, which was after enlarged to the shore of the Midland and Adriaticke seas, which they ra­ther vsed as bridges to other nations, then as bounders to their owne.

The third age whose steps were an hundred and fiftie yeares, was the crowne and consum­mation of their kingdome, in which whatsoe­uer [Page 8] was done was done by thē for the pompe, glorie and magnificence of that estate: as yet the Romane pride was in her blade, and in the tendernesse of her minoritie, this threefold age was spent vnder seuen kings, differing by fatall prouidence in the disposition of their nature, as the frame and condition of that common-weale did especially require: for who was euer more fierce and ardent then Romulus? Such a one they needed to inuade Romulus ea­grest in sight. the kingdomes of others. VVho more reli­gious then Numa? Such the time did aske, Numa reli­gious. that the furie of the people might be mitiga­ted by the feare of God: VVherefore was Tullus that artificiall champion giuen vnto Tullus an ar­tificiall Cap­taine. them? That he might sharpen their valour by his wit. VVherefore Aucus the great builder? Aucus a great builder That he might extend their citie with colo­nies, ioyne it together with bridges, enuiron it with walles. The ornaments; ensignes and Tarquinius his ornamēts braueries of Tarquinius, did with rayes of dignitie illustrate and decore that estate. Ser­uius Seruius tax­eth the Ro­manes by polles. taxing them by polles, brought to passe that the Romane commō weale might know her riches. And the importune domination of [Page 9] proud Tarquine did verie much profite, for Proud Tar­quine occa­sioner of li­bertie. the people afflicted by iniuries, did force a passage to their libertie.

The fourth age was as it were the youth of the Romane monarchie, when the flower of their prowesse being greene, and the bloud of their mindes blossoming in their faces and armes, the shepheardly sauagenesse did as yet breathe foorth the reliques of an vndaunted stomacke. Then flourished these Romane ha­zards, and miracles Cocles, Sceuola, Cloaetia, which chronicles do therefore witnesse, that posteritie may wonder. Then were the Tus­canes repulsed and the Latines and Volsciās daily and deadly enemies, vanquished by the triumphant husbandman L. Quintius Cin­cinnatus, The speedie war of Cin­cinnatus. which war he ended within fifteene dayes, as if he had made hast to returne to his tillage. Then were ouercome the Vientines, the Faliscians, and the Fidenates: then the Galles a couragious nation, vsing their bo­dies for armour, in all respects so terrible, that they might seeme to be borne for the death of men, and destruction of cities, were vt­terly vanquished: then were ouercome the [Page 10] Sabines and Samnites wasting and dispoiling The praise of Cāpania. the fields of Campania, being the goodliest plot, the Diamond-sparke and the hony-spot of all Italie: there is no land more temperate for aire, for it hath a double spring-tide: no soile more fertile, and therfore it is called the combat of Bacchus & Ceres, no region more hospitable in regard of the sea, here be the noble hauens Caieta, Misenus, & the health­full bathes Lucrine and Auerne, the resting places of the sea. Here the mountaines clad with vines Gaurus, Falernus, Massitus, and the firie hill Vesurius: here the famous citie Ca­pua third sister to Rome and Carthage doth imperiously stand. They begirt Samniū with warre and bloud on all sides, till they had rui­nated her verie ruines, and reuilled in her bowels, and twelue seuerall nations of Tus­cana waging hote and furious battell against them, in such sort and terrible maner, as if darts had bene throwne at the Romans from the coulds, were likewise suppressed. In this age happened the Tarentine warre, in which Pyrrhus fighting against the Romans. the armie of Pyrrhus continually slaying was continually slaine, and reuenge did liue in the [Page 11] death of the Romanes: so that Pyrrhus did thinke him selfe to be borne vnder Hercules his starre, who hauing cut off the seuen heads of Hydra, seuen other did spring vp. But from this Captaine the Romanes plucked such spoiles, that neuer fairer were caried in tri­umph. For before this day nothing passed in triumph, but the heards of the Volscian cat­tell, and the flocks of the Sabine sheepe, the broken wagons of the Gaules, & the crushed harnesse of the Samnites: but in this triumph, if you respect the prisoners, they were Molos­sians, Thessalians, Macedonians, Brutians, Apulians, Lucans: if you regard the pompe, it was gold, purple, curious pictures, tablets, and the delights of Tarentum. Next to this was the victorie of the Pisani and Salentini: this age shewed her force the space of two hundred and fiftie yeares.

Then followed the fifth age, in which the bodie of the common-weale grew to great strength, the ioints and sinewes being by ma­ture soliditie setled in firme estate. Therefore the conquering nation hauing now attained to the verie manhood of manlinesse, and dis­played [Page 12] her standerd round about the sides of Italie, to the skirts of the sea, pawsed a litle, as a great scalefire, which consuming all the woods and groues in the way that it goeth, is abrupted and put out of course by a floud cō ­ming betweene. But soone after seeing a rich pray on the other side of the sea, supposing it to be a peece of gold pulled from her masse, they did so vehemently desire the same, that because it could not be ioyned vnto their do­minion by bridges for the interruption of the sea, therefore they resolued to ioyne it by sword and battell: and so was Sicilia subdued by the Romanes, which was the cause and o­riginall of the first Carthaginian warre, which the warres of the Ligurians, Insubrians and Illyrians did follow: and after the second Car­thaginian The begin­ning of the second Car­thaginiā war. warre, so dangerous and bloudie to the Romanes, that if a man compare the losse of both nations, they which did conquer, were more like to persons conquered. For it grie­ued that noble brood, and valiant people of Carthage to be abridged of the sea, depriued of the Ilands, to pay tribute, and to vndergo not onely the bridle, but the yoke: to this age [Page 13] must be ascribed the circuit of one hundred yeares, which may be termed the golden age of the Romanes, & the first age in which they shewing their streamers on each side of the Ocean, did transport their warres into all na­tions of the world, in whose yeares the Ro­manes were honest, religious, iust, sincere, ver­tuous, and dutifull.

The sixt age containing 120. yeares was troublesome and vgly, bloudie & detestable, vices growing with their Empire. For with the wars valiantly fought against Iugurtha, & Mi­thridates, against the Carthaginians, Cimbri­ans, Parthians, Galles & Germanes, by which the Romane glorie ascended and pierced the skie, the ciuill slaughters of the Gracchi, and of Drusus, of Marius, Sylla and others were mingled and enterlarded: how mournefull a spectacle was it, that they fought the same time with fellowes in league, with fellowes in the citie, with bondmen, with fencers, all the Senate afterward contending and being in hurliburly with it selfe? These times receiued of the other ages an exquisite commō weale, as it were a curious picture, which after mil­dring [Page 14] and decaying by age, they did not only neglect to renew, with the same colours, but they also forgot to preserue the outwarde forme and lineaments thereof, for what re­mained of the auncient maners, which were both vnused and vnknowne: for by their re­cent vices they lost the common-weale in fact, and in name retained it. How lamenta­ble was the face of things at that instant? when euerie man confusedly being found in the field, in the streetes, in townes, in houses, in highwaies, in markets, in temples, in beds, sit­ting at the table or in the porch, was suddenly and sauagely murdered? what howlings were there of them that died? what teares of them that liued, and beheld this? The cause of these miseries was too great prosperitie. VVhat made the people so earnest to extort the lawes of fields and corne, but verie famine procured by riot on the one part, and coue­tousnesse on the other? for such was the lauish mis-spending, & excessiue vianding of some, that it can hardly be defined, whether more did perish by the blade or by the banquet, and such againe was the couetousnesse, & greedie [Page 15] exacting of others, that none can iudicially decide, whether the Romanes were more en­damaged by the enemie in time of warre, or by the vsurer in peaceable seasons. Hence grew the two ciuil broiles of the Gracchi, and that of Saturninus being the third, and that of Drusus being the fourth, who maintained the Senate against the Knights: and for the further abetting and auow of this quarell, he promi­sed the freedome of the Citie to diuerse Ita­lians animated to this attempt, so that in one Citie there was as much discord as in two se­uerall The Italian warre. campes. This bred the Italian warre, because promise was not perfourmed. And Mithridates an enemy to the Romans. next ensued the warre of Mithridates, seeing the Romans on each side intangled with gar­boiles, which presently bred the enmitie be­twixt Marius and Sylla, when Marius would haue deuested Sylla of his Generalship giuen The conten­tion betwixt Marius and Sylla. him by the Senat for the oppugnation of Mi­thridates. These two gaue Mithridates enco­ragement, by leauing the ribbes of the com­weale naked and open vnto him, Marius led an armie, ambition led Marius: ambition I say ingendred by riches, did raise contention [Page 16] betwixt them: from this the warre of Serto­rius and Pompey had his originall, whereof the one was proscribed by Sylla, the other protected. For Pompey was accompted Syl­laes minion or fauorite, whom he therefore called Magnus, that himselfe might seeme greater, being the Saint whom Pompey ser­ued. Sylla was cruell in reuenging crueltie, and his medicine was worse then the maladie itselfe. This stirred the dissention of Lepidus The dissen­tion of Lepi­dus and Ca­tulus. and Catulus, whereof the one would haue ra­tified, the other reuersed, all the acts of Sylla. Then Catiline whom his lust occasioned by Catilines re­bellion. Syllaes indulgence brought to beggerie, op­posed himselfe to the Consuls. Then Pompey Pompeyes great dignity in Rome. entred the lists, as a follower of Sylla, who ob­tained excellent dignitie in these times, but ciuill, and such as the regular course of that common-weale did affoord, whose power & authoritie Caesar could not tollerate, because Caesar cānot brooke it. he could not match it: which notwithstanding he being ouercome and slaine, Caesar passed and transcended. But when this vsurper had bleached the floore of the Senate house with his owne bloud, who before had ouerflowed [Page 17] and deluged the whole world, with the crim­son goare of most admirable men, the com­mon-weale did seeme to haue rolled herselfe into the state of her pristinate libertie, and it had returned vnto the same, if either Pompey had not left sonnes, or Caesar had not made an heire, or, which was worse, if Antonius the thunder-dart of furie had not suruiued, being once colleague with Caesar in the Consulship, now successor of his vsurpation. But while Pompeys sonne striueth for the honor of the name, the sea ratleth with armour: whilest Octauius reuēgeth the death of his adoptiue father, Thessalie is againe made the basis of tents and pauillions, and all Europe and Af­fricke groneth vnder the weight of iron, whi­lest Antonius in the habit of his mind diuerse and discoloured, doth either disdaine Octa­uius or doate vpon Cleopatra, whose beautie if he could haue exceeded by his chastitie, his shame should not haue blazed like a beacon at this day in the eyes of posteritie, but he had won the garlād of cōquest, not meriting more then triumph. The armie of Octauius hauing slaine Pompeis sonne, did in him slay enmity, [Page 18] and Cassius being ouercome by fight, Brutus by despaire, they did extirpate faction. Yet Antonius not chalenging part with anie, but principalitie ouer all, imagining that he wan­ted no kingly thing saue onely a kingdome, remained as a rocke or gulfe in the mouth of the hauē, whom he with some labor subdued. And, as in the yearely conuersion of the hea­uens, it commeth to passe, that the starres iog­ged together do murmure and threaten tem­pest, so with the alteration of the Romane state, before Octauius founded his Monar­chie, the whole globe of the earth with ciuill and forraine warre, with fight on sea and land was terribly shaken. But the accidents and oc­currences of these last hundred and twentie yeares, in the sequele of this historie shall be, if God fauour these lines, more particularly & distinctly reported. The first that made the The valor of the former Scipio. Romanes mightie was the former Scipio that scourged Affrica with continuall warres and vexations, and in the end subdued it: the first that made them wanton and effeminate, was the later Scipio, by whom Carthage was sub­uerted, The prowesse of the later Scipio. yet not by his fault, but by the casualty [Page 19] of the time. For when the riuall and enuious ielousie of the Carthaginian glory, was by his The Romans made [...] by prosperity matchlesse victorie finally determined, the Romanes did sodainly degenerate, and with an hungrie gorge fed on the poisonfull baites of bitter sweete ambition, following wantons like wilde horses, and addicted to pleasure as their onely paragon, the auncient gouerne­ment of the Citie was vtterly forsaken, the watchings of the campe were ended vpon beds of downe, their heauie armour was tur­ned to light and fashionable attire, and the wonted businesse of the Citie was chaunged into idlenesse. Then did Scipio Nasica build porches in the Capitolle, then did Metellus threaten the heauēs with haughtie buildings, thē did Cn. Octauius erect a most sumptuous forefront, & then did the riot of the Cōmons imitate the magnificence of the nobles. In the middest of this delicate iolitie, when the Ro­manes were now in the ruffe of their pride, a grieuous and despitefull warre was raised in Spaine by Viriathus of Lusitania, a notable Viriathus an enemy to the Romanes. theefe & ringleader to a multitude of rogues, which hong a long time in suspence: but in the [Page 20] end when Viriathus was slaine, rather by the couine then courage of Seruilius Caepio, a greater danger ensued, namely the warre of the Numantines. The citie of Numantia did The Numan­tine warre. neuer affoord armour to any more, then ten thousand citizens at one battell; but either through the fiercenesse of their nature, or the default of the Romane captaines, or the in­dulgence of fortune, they brought Pompey Pompey en­forced to strange lea­gues by the Numantines. the first of the Pompeys that was Consull, a mā of note & fame to most shameful leagues, & Mancinus Hostilius, to a detestable truce, which vpon a remorce of minde, and change of opinion, against the law of Armes, and to the great discredit of the Romanes, he after­ward broke: but Pompey escaped vnpunished by fauour, Mancinus was punished by shame. The punish­ment of Mā ­cinus for breaking truce. For he was caried and transported by the Ro­mane Heraulds vnto the Numantines, his hands being manacled, and so was deliuered vp into the enemies power, whom they refu­sed to receiue, saying that a publique breach of promise was not to be punished by the bloud of one man. This yeelding vp of Man­cinus into the enemies hands, did cause in the [Page 21] citie a perillous and pernitious dissension. The parents of Ti. Grac­chus. For Ti. Gracchus the sonne of the right noble man Ti. Gracchus, whose mother was the daughter of Scipio Affricanus, by whose meanes and authority that reprochful league was made, taking it grieuously that any thing which he did should be discountenanced, and fearing himselfe the danger either of the like punishment or of the like iudgement, being at that time Tribune of the people, in life in­nocent, The praise of Ti. Gracchus in wit pregnant, and in purpose guilt­lesse: and furthermore adorned with so great vertues, as either nature could affoord, or in­dustrie could perfect, or mans frailtie could containe. P. Mutius Scaeuola, and L. Calphur­nius Gracchus swarueth frō vertue. being Consuls fell from vertue to vice, and extreme villanie: and hauing promised vpon a dissolute fancie, that he would enfran­chise and receiue into the Citie anie Italian whosoeuer, turned all things into a contrarie state, mingled vertues with vice, lawes with lust, and brought the common-weale into an headlong and hideous danger. Octauius his fellow in office, who stood against him for the A Treuirate first made in Rome. cōmon good, he put from his place, & created [Page 22] a new state in Rome entitled a Treuirate or Triarchie, that is the rule of three men, who were called Treuiri, himself for one, his father in law Appius who had bin Cōsul for another The familie of Scipio Na­sica. and C. Gracchus his brother for the third. At that time flourished P. Scipio Nasica, nephew to him, who was iudged of the Senate in his life time to be the best of the Romanes, sonne to that Scipio who purchased great praise for his good demeanor in the Censorship, ne­phew two degrees remoued to Cn. Scipio a man highly commended, vncle to Scipio Ae­milianus whose commendation lieth in his name: this Scipio Nasica thogh he were near­ly linked in kindred to Tiberius Gracchus, yet preferring his countrey before his kin­dred, thinking nothing priuately cōmodious Scipio Nasi­ca opposeth himselfe to Gracchus. which was not publikly conuenient, standing in the higher part of the Capitolle, exhorted all the Romanes, which desired the safetie of the common-weale, to follow him, vpō which words the Nobles, the Senate, and the grea­ter and better part of the Romane knights did runne suddenly vpon Gracchus, standing in the floore of the Capitolle with his adherēts, [Page 23] and euen then conspiring with a frequent as­semblie of new-come Italians, he thereupon flying and running downe the hil whereupon the Capitolle was founded, his head being crushed as he was running downe, with a frag­ment of one of the boordes which was in the Ti. Gracchus slaine. Senate house, did sodainly end his life, which he might haue enioyed with great honor and quietnesse.

This broile and haplesse dissention was the first conspiracy in which ciuil bloud was shed, and the first dispensation of drawing swordes within the walles: after that time right was oppressed by violence, and the mightier man was accompted the better, the quarels of citizens that were wont to be cured by com­promise and agreement, were now decided by sword and bloudshed, and warres were not followed according to the goodnesse of the cause, but according to the greatnesse of the pray. But it was no maruell, though this small beginning had so great effect, and this odious faction so vnfortunate consequence, for ex­amples do not pawse there where they begin, but being once receiued into a narrow strait, [Page 24] they make way to themselues, raunging and spreading themselues ouer the bodie of the world, and when men go once astray, they mind not how farre they go, thinking that no­thing can procure dishonestie to them, which hath brought profite to others.

VVhilest these things were done in Italie, Scipio Affricanus of the house of Aemilius, who destroyed Carthage, after many slaugh­ters of his enemies in the Numantine warre, being nowe againe made Consull, was sent backe into Spaine, where his courage and Scipio is sent into Spaine. successe did match and aequall his valure and fortune in Affricke, and within a yeare and three moneths after his comming thither, he Scipio taketh Numantia. tooke Numantia, and caused euerie stone to be throwne to the ground, as a notable mo­nument of a Romane victorie. There was ne­uer anie man of anie name or nation, that by the sacking of cities did more aeternise his house or enlarge his glorie: for hauing roo­ted vp Carthage, he deliuered the Romanes from feare, and hauing razed Numantia, he deliuered them from reproch. Being retur­ned into the Citie within a short time, after [Page 25] two Consulships, two victories, and two no­table triumphs, he was found dead in his bed, Scipio found dead in his bed. his iaw bone being dissolued and dislocated. There was no inquisition made afterward of the death of this inuincible Captaine: the bo­die of Scipio was brought out into the streete Scipios body is brought out into the streetes. his head couered, by whose great labours and warlike exploits, Rome lifted vp her head o­uer all the world, to the terrour and dismay of other cities and countreys. His death was, as the most say fatall, as some say conspired: his life doubtlesse was of that singularitie, that it was ouercome of no mans glorie, but onely his grandfathers.

After the death of Ti. Gracchus, the same C. Gracchus a rebell to the state. fury and rage of mind that possest him, entred as it were by a kind of transmutation into his brother C. Gracchus, a man as like to Tibe­rius in his vertues as in his errour, who when with great facilitie and ease of mind he might haue bene the Prince of the Citie and the ru­ler of the Senate, tooke the Tribuneship vpon him to raise tumults, to licence swords, and to reuiue discord, to no other intent or purpose but either to reuenge his brothers death, or [Page 26] purchase to himselfe a soueraigntie, and for the more hastie pursuing of his drift, he be­stowed the freedome of the Citie vpon euery inhabitant of Italy: he interdicted and forbad by Tribunitial law, that no citizen should pos­sesse more then fiue hundred akers of land, he erected new hauens, he filled the prouinces The sediti­ous acts of C. Gracchus. with new colonies, he transferred the autho­ritie of iudgement frō the Senate to the No­bles, he determined to distribute and deuide corne amongst the people: to be briefe, he left almost nothing vnaltered or vndisturbed. This man was slaine by the sharpe and hastie pursuite of L. Opimius Consull who was in armes against him, and Fuluius Flaccus was Ful. Flaccus a rebellious Senatour slaine. likewise slaine, one that had enioyed both the Consulship and the honor of Triumph, a man of a detestable meaning, whom C. Gracchus had denominated and designed to be one of the Treuiri in the place of Tiberius his bro­ther, being his associate in all his enterprises, and defiled with the like dishonest intend­ment. Opimius caused proclamation to be Opimius his proclamatiō made, that whosoeuer could bring vnto him the head of Gracchus, should haue the weight [Page 27] of the head in gold. Flaccus inciting his soldi­ers on the hill Auentine, was there slaine, to­gether with his eldest sonne. C. Gracchus cō ­mitting himselfe to flight lest he might fall in­to the hands of them whō Opimius had sent to take him, putting his bare necke vnder the C Gracchus beheaded. naked sword of his seruant Euporus, was of him beheaded: and the same Euporus was suddenly a slaughter-man to himselfe. Thus the two Gracchi finished the course of their life, men that had a fortunate beginning, sini­ster proceedings, & a cursed ending, to whom if they had embraced quietnesse, the commō ­weale wold haue offered these honors, which by tumult and disquietnesse they sought, their mother Cornelia as yet liuing, a vertuous and Cornelia la­menteth her children. learned Ladie; who hauing nurtured and trai­ned them vp in the studie of learning and ver­tuous demeanour, did greatly bewaile, that her good endeuors had so bad successe, and that her two sonnes, whom nature praetended to be the solace of her age, were so sodainely and shamefully disgraced, that she could not see their bodies couered with earth, they be­ing in most despitefull maner throwne into [Page 28] Tiber, whose mindes she had furnished and beautified with such excellēt learning, so was her ioy ouercome and surprised with griefe, that she must either loath her children, or else lament for them, but howsoeuer, for euer lacke them.

In that tract of time C. Marius waging bat­taile in Numidia against Iugurtha, who were both fellow souldiers and managed armes to­gether vnder Scipio Affricanus, sent L. Sylla his Quaestor to Boc [...]hus the King of the C. Marius taketh Iu­gurtha by Sylla his meanes. Mores, to treate and capitulate with him a­bout the taking of Iugurth, whom by that meane he enioyed, and being made the se­cond time Consull, in the beginning of his Consulship and in the Calends of Ianuary, he brought Iugurth in triumph to Rome. The Cimbrians & Teutons at that time did cause great slaughter and manie massacres of the Romanes in France, and hauing put to flight and discomfited Caepio, Manlius, Carbo, and Silanus, they killed in fight Scaurus Aurelius one of the Consuls, and other excellent men of memorable qualities. The people of Rome did not thinke anie Generall so fit to encoun­ter [Page 29] these foes as C. Marius: & whilest he was in these warres, he was continually Consull, his third Consulship he spent in warlike pre­paration, C. Marius his third Con­sulship. thinking it not sufficient to haue souldiers, but to haue practised and skilfull souldiers, training them by pettie skirmishes, and encouraging thē by the conquest of base townes, to more haughtie and valorous at­tempts: his fourth Consulship was spent a­bout His fourth Consulship. the warres of Sextus, where he fought with the Teutons: and before that warre fini­shed, he razed out of the world the whole pro­genie of the Teutons. In his fifth Consulship His fifth Cō ­sulship. he planted his fight betwixt the Alpes and Rome, and in that battell Marius him self be­ing Consull, and Q. Catulus Proconsul, a for­tunate victorie ensued, farre beyond the ex­pectation Marius his great victo­rie which he had against the Cimbri­ans. of the Romanes, and the admira­tion of strangers, an hundred thousand men being brought into the power of the Romans wherof some were slaine & some were slaues. By this victorie Marius deserued, that Rome should not repent her selfe of his birth, nor re­quite his acts with reproch. His sixth Consul­ship C. Marius his sixth Con­sulship. was giuē him as the crowne of his merits, [Page 30] yet he is not to be defrauded of the glorie, which during this Consulship did of right be­long vnto him, euen by the confession of the enuious. Marius being the sixt time Consul, Saturninus a broacher of sedition. Saturninus one of the Tribunes of the peo­ple, did promulgate a lawe, that what lands or demesnes Marius had gained in France by his expulsion of the Cimbrians from thence, should be equally parted & deuided amongst the people of Rome, and that euery Senator should sweare to this, thinking to bind them by their oath from dispossessing and disseising the people of these alotmēts and purparties. Q. Metellus a Senator, against whom Satur­ninus Q. Metellus opposeth himselfe a­gainst Satur­ninus. had a burning stomacke, denied to ra­tifie that lawe by oath, wherupon he had day giuen him to appeare before the Senate. For Marius fa­uoureth the lawe of Sa­turninus. Marius being wholly addicted to please the people in all things, which did not oppugne his owne profite, did greatly fauour the law. Metellus though he were supported in this a­ction by many good and vertuous citizens, Metellus cō ­mitteth himselfe to vo­luntarie ba­nishment. yet fearing some bloudshed in the citie by maintaining that cause, committed himselfe to voluntarie exile, and shortly after water & [Page 31] fire was forbidden him, which was the title & stile of the banishment vsed in Rome. This Saturninus was afterward made the third time Tribune, and because he feared that C. Memmius, who at that time sued for the Cō ­sulship, would with maine force oppose him­selfe to his actions and enterprises, he gathe­red Saturninus causeth C. Memmius to be slaine. a garrison of souldiers, and caused him to be slaine. Marius presently rowzing himselfe for the punishmēt and reuenge of this proud Tribune, and by Senate-councell authorised, charged his bodie with harnesse, and with a troupe of warlike citizens besieged the Capi­toll, C. Marius besiegeth the Capitol. which Saturninus and the Praetor Glan­cias, together with Saufeius the Quaestor his adherents did hold as the castle of their de­fence. But Marius cutting in peeces the con­duit pipes, enforced them to yeeld, and to C. Marius putteth the conspirators to death. submit themselues promising thē life, liuing, and libertie; but when he had them in his po­wer, he made hauocke of them all leauing not Saturninus his house de­stroyed by Marius. one aliue; the house of Saturninus he razed from the lowest foundation. VVhen the con­spiracie of Saturninus was appeased, there began of fresh a new quarell betwixt the Se­nators [Page 32] an [...] M. Liuius Drusus a noble Gentle­man, eloquent and modest, nature being as bountifull vnto him, as fortune was iniurious; he had alwayes a great desire to restore the former honor to the Senate, and to transferre the iudiciall power from the Nobles: for they being possest of that authoritie by the law of C. Gracchus, which is aboue mentioned, did practise extreme and brutish crueltie vppon manie excellent Senators and guiltlesse Citi­zens, and amongst the rest was slaine P. Ruti­lius, a man in that age incomparable: yet the fortune of Drusus was such, that he was cros­sed The hard fortune of Drusus. and confronted by the Senate, in those matters which he moued for the good & be­hoofe of the Senate, they either not percei­uing, or not willing to perceiue, that though the petitions which Drusus made as Tribune, and as of dutie he ought, sounded and indeed tended to the profite of the people, yet his drift to be this, that the people hauing lesser things graunted them, might permit greater to the Senate, that so giuing them a litle the reyne, they might enioy the fruite of libertie, but yet might easily be plucked in if there [Page 33] were anie feare of disorder: which was the onely meane to preserue the dignitie of the Senate, and to restraine the humours of the people, but the eyes of the Senators were so dazeled with enuie toward Drusus, with en­mitie toward the people, and selfe-loue to­ward their owne persons, that they did more allow the pernitious practises of the other Tribunes, then the dutifull meaning of Dru­sus: despising the reuerence wherwith Drusus did alwayes honour them, and yet digesting the iniuries wherwith his fellow Tribunes did molest them: which vniust and absurd dealing did euidently proceed from the gall of their enuie. Then this good Tribune hauing his mind surcharged with malcontentment, see­ing that his honest purpose was maliciously peruerted, lacking patiēce to beare his griefe, and constancie to perseuere in his commen­dable intents, resolued sodainly in a desperat passion to maintaine the faction of the Grac­chi, to entertaine into his heart rebellion, to swarue from vertue, to prostrate himselfe to the violence of fortune, and being garded with a great multitude of vnknowne soldiers, [Page 34] who were seditious Italians, whom Drusus la­boured to make free-men of the Estate, he thought to terrifie the citie, but within a short time he was slaine in his owne porch, his side Drusus is slaine. being pierced with a knife, which sheathed in his entrailes, and was left there sticking and filling the mouth of the wound, but when he yeelded vp to the heauens his vitall spirit, ca­sting his eyes vpon the companie that stoode about him, & lamenting that dismall chance, he breathed out these words at the last instant and with the surrender of his soule: Tell me my friends and kinsfolke, may the common-weale at any time enioy a more faithfull citi­zen, then I haue heretofore bene? This ende of life had that noble Gentleman, who if he had bene armed with patience, might haue triumphed ouer enuy. Caius Marius was now C. Marius in high reputa­tion. become the refuge and defender both of Se­nate and people: he was of bodie hardfauo­red, in maners rigorous, famous for warre, & odious in peace, vnsatiable in ambitious de­sires, impatient in his wrath, and alwayes at­tempting some strange noueltie: he did not long after valiantly endeuor to suppresse the [Page 35] flames and perillous scalefire of the Italian warre, which because it was most dangerously begun and continued, & with great difficultie quenched and ended, I thinke it not amisse to make full description thereof, laying for my foundation the cause which moued the I­talians or Latines to reuolt from the Romans, and to breake their faith before constantly kept. But the causes of things are so secret & misticall, being the most remote obiects, to which our vnderstanding may aspire, that we may easily be deceiued by disguised and pre­tenced reasons, whilest we seeke for the true and essential causes. For to report things that be done it is easie, because the eye and the tongue may dispatch it, but to discouer and vnfold the causes of things, requireth braine, soule, and the best prowesse of mans nature, wherefore to find out the causes of this warre, diligence must be vsed. This warre is of di­uerse men diuersly named, some terme it the Italian, some the Marsian, some the Sociall war: all which haue sufficient reason to make good their seuerall appellations. The Italian warre it was tearmed, because it was raised by [Page 36] such Italians, as were in league with the Ro­manes, which was the occasion of the enter­course of manie good turnes and benefits be­twixt them and the Romanes: for though they did not inioy the liberties of the city of Rome in such large and ample maner, as the citizens or free men of that Citie, yet they possessed them in farre greater measure, then others which were meere straungers to that Estate, and that by the law of societie, which to the Romanes was alwayes sacred and inuiolate: this warre therfore vpon their reuolt was ter­med Sociale, as maintained by them who had contracted & established a league of societie. The Marsian war it was called, because the first The Italian warre first at­tempted by the Marsians commotion was attempted by the Marsians, a free people of Italie. The cause & the begin­ning of this war do in time greatly differ, for the cause hath a retrospect to the first times of the Romane monarchie, when the people of Italie being greatly infested and endamaged by the continuall inuasions of the Romanes, did watch oportunitie, and with serious expe­ctation attended, if by anie possible meanes they might requite the Romanes with the [Page 37] like, and recouer their auncient rights and iu­risdictions, and at one instant breake both the league and shake off the feare which they then had of the Romanes, and which was the last marke of their enterprise, rather cōmaund then condition with the Romanes. But as there is no euill without excuse, and no prae­tence without some colour of reason, and no wiles can be wanting to malicious & wrang­ling wits, therefore an occasion was sought for, whereby peace might be dissolued, and discord warranted. Here now appeareth the error wherein Drusus was intangled. For they made him an instrument or lure to draw vnto them the free vse of the Romane liberties, which in truth they did neither greatly desire, not strongly hope for, but they looked for a repulse, and thought that would be a good occasion to ground their tumults vpon, and as it were a vaile for their leud endeuours: whereby it is euident that as the cause of this warre is ancient, so the beginning thereof is The repulse of Drusus the beginning of the Italian warre. to be referred to the repulse of Drusus, which happened sixe hundred sixtie and two yeares after the building of Rome. These commo­tioners [Page 38] of Italie had this purpose and intent, at their festiual meetings to ioyne their heads and hands together, and so to proceed to the Citie, there to worke the death of the two Consuls Sex. Iulius Caesar, and Martius Phi­lippus: but this matter being discouered, they did presently put to death Seruilius Procon­sull, Seruilius Proconsull slaine by the cōmotioners of Italie. who was sent vnto them at the first begin­ning of their stirres, by peaceable & reasona­ble meanes to appease and determine them, and all the other Romanes which were at As­culum, were slaine. This bloudie deed being reported at Rome, did greatly plunge the minds of the Romanes in doubt and sorrow. For this slaughter was as it were an Adamant to draw the other Italians, who did not con­spire in this murther to their part, and as a firy beacon to the Romanes, to giue them war­ning not to prescribe too much in their pro­speritie, but to be circumspect, & by all warie preuention to anticipate these euils, which if it should haue bene neglected of them, would presently haue turned to such a cloud of in­conueniences, that the fire which did before serue to giue light, would after haue bent his [Page 39] force to burne and consume: for the next neighbour to admonition is correction, and it is easier to auoide then to escape a danger. But the Romanes with prouident care fore­seeing that the defection and reuolt of them who were linked in societie with them, might be a great maime to their Estate, & as it were a ladder for forreine and professed enemies to scale the walles of their Citie, did therefore in this war make speciall choise, both of Cap­taines and souldiers: for meane men were not to be employed in a warre of so great impor­tance, and they that were vnskilfull, were not in the midst of these eminent dangers, to be trained and taught. And because they saw that the commodious ending and composing of this war, was the hinge whereupon the whole estate of the Common-weale did depende; therefore it was decreed by Senate, that both the Consuls (a rare thing in that Common­weale, and neuer done but when exceeding daunger was feared) should go in person to the managing of this warre. Neither were the Italiās vnprouided or vnaduised: for they knew, that if they were cōquered, they should [Page 40] fall from the estate of fellowes to be slaues, & their league should neuer more be trusted, which them selues had broken: and if they should enioy the victorie, that they should then haue all the wealth of the world at com­maund. This golden bootie being enameld with a sweete desire of reuenging old iniuries (for they had written them in marble with a pen of yron) did greatly incense their minds, and rauish their spirits with a burning affectiō to fight. The Marsians who brought the first stubble to kindle this flame, were gouerned by Silo Popedius, a man as it seemed by de­stiny Silo Pope­dius a natu­rall enemy to the Romans. opposed against the Romanes, to whose eares nothing was so delightfull as the report of a Romanes death, hating that hower in which he did not impeach their good estate. He in this respect was diuerse from manie of his countrimen, in that he detested a Romane because he was a Romane. VVherefore ha­uing singled out some of his factiō, who were partly by the instinct of their nature, partly by his instigation, obdurate and eager in ha­tred against the Romanes, hauing proposed and shewed vnto them the scope and drifte [Page 41] whereunto his purpose did aime, and hauing disclosed the meanes, whereby he hoped to compasse and effect his designements, and lastly hauing declared vnto them the rewards which they might gaine by their valor, he did labour by this speech to inflame their furie, ‘I am moued and enforced to this new enter­prise, Silo Pope­dius his o­ration to the Marsi­ans. not by anie ambitious desire of enhaun­cing my estate, but because I see a poison­ful baite of deceit hidden vnder the pretence of Societie, because I see too great charges & burdens to be imposed vpon vs, because I see leud forreiners to be our commaunders, and originarie Italians, though men of good de­sert, kept vnder the snaffle, and placed in the sinke-hole. I see the credite of our nation de­faced, the libertie destroyed, and the state o­uerthrowne, and for our great labours vnder­taken, and dangers sustained for the Romans, we haue this reward, that we are despised by them, and they haue not thought it sufficient to be aided by vs, vnlesse in the pride of their spirits they may insult vpon our neckes, men of insolent mindes, by nature iniurious to all other men and by fortune superiour. If a man [Page 42] should examine from the beginning, and as they say from the roote, the degrees of their estate, what iustice shall he find? nay what in­iustice shall he not find? The two twinnes who Romulus & Remus bastards. were the founders of their city, were bastards, begotten by the rape of a holy virgin, and by destinie were cast foorth as of no regard, vn­till a she-wolfe feeling perhaps some sauour Nourished by a wolfe. of her owne nature in them, did with her dugs nourish them. After, when from milke they were growne to meate, they were fedde by a chough, and when they had attained to mans estate, nothing would please then but a king­dome, & a regall citie, the foundation wherof was solemnized by an augurie deriued from the flight of Eagles. Thus a most rauenous bird did ominate vnto them a monarchy, thus a most greedie beast whose hungry teeth, and vnsatiable appetite no pray could content, did giue them milke, thus a most theeuish and busie brained birde was their foster-father. These were the portents and signes of their Citie, that it should be a daughter verie like to the parents: these did prognosticate vnto vs the spoiles, rapines, inuasions and violent [Page 43] incrochments that should afterward be made by the Romanes. And for that cause Romulus wold not make or appoint limits and bounds for his kingdome, that he might by force en­ter into euery soile as his own. But what wold not Romulus do, which had the heart to shed Remus is slaine by Romulus. the bloud of his owne and onely brother? And thus was their citie cōsecrated by bloud: but some of the Romanes do with impuden­cie denie this fact, some with modestie do doubt of it, some with griefe do conceale it, and they which by cleare proofe are enforced to confesse it, do with this imagination molli­fie the fault, that it was done by the consent but not by the hand of Romulus. But whether he commaunded it, or committed it, he was a murtherer. After this hainous crime ensued the rape of the Sabine virgins, the rauishment The rape of the Sa­bine vir­gins. of whom they excuse, because they would not yeeld their franke consent to mariage: surely they cannot iustly be reproued, if they, being a noble people, did denie mariage to such a base assemblie of shepheards, heardsmen and hoggards, newly crept out of the straw: for in that great assemblie of newe vpstartes there [Page 44] were but an hundred men, who were lawfully begotten, and these forsooth were at the first made Senators. But nothing doth more be­wray the vniust dealing and lacke of consci­ence in the Romanes, then the lamentable e­state of the Saguntines, who had bin alwayes verie constant in fellowship and friendship toward them, and whilest they did keep their faith to them, they lost their Citie. Saguntus was fiercely besieged by Hanniball, which when the Romanes heard, they sent presently The Ro­mane em­bassadors are despi­sed of Hā nibal. Embassadours to Hannibal to dehort him frō the siege, but being despised they went to Carthage, and there framed a complaint a­gainst Hannibal, pretending that he had bro­ken the league, but failing of their purpose, they returned to Rome. Amids these delaies, that poore citie within eight or nine moneths after the laying of siege was destroied of the Carthaginians, when the inhabitāts were be­fore The mise­rable fa­min of the Sagūtines. consumed with famine, and one of them did eate anothers carkasse, and being wearie of the world, because they should not come as captiues into the enemies power, they made a common fire, into which, when one of [Page 45] them had slaine another with the sword, they were throwne. How manifest and manifold is the abuse which they offred to the Carthagi­nians? They did incite Masinissa the neigh­bour of the Carthaginians to quarrell with Masinissa quarelleth with the Carthagi­nians. them, who praetended that the Carthaginiās ought to haue no more land then Dido the Tyrian queene did enioy, which was as much as could be measured by the hide of an Oxe being cut into thongs. But could their prescri­ption & possession during the space of seauen hundred yeares be so easily dissipated? by the same reason the Romanes should content thē selues with the cottages and cabbins, which first they inhabited. But the Carthaginians being greatly vexed by Masinissa and the Ro­manes assisting him, did fall prostrate at the feete of the Romanes, and did grieuously cō ­plaine of the intollerable couetousnesse and pride of Masinissa, and requested with teares, that of three things they might obtaine one: namely, that either they might equally de­bate the whole cause and conrrouersie before the regents of some common-weale leagued in societie with them both, and indifferently [Page 46] affected toward them, or that they would suffer them to defend thēselues by iust warre against the vniust armes of Masinissa, or lastly, if fauour did more preuaile with them then truth, that they would once determine and certainly set downe, what and how much they should yeeld to Masinissa. But the Romanes did not one whit helpe these afflicted persons, and that good Affricanus, whom they so Scipio sent as vmpier betwixt Masinissa & the Car­thaginiās. much commended, being sent as an indif­ferent vmpire betwixt them and their ene­mie, did make their discord a great deale more: and the desolate Carthaginians, when they were enforced to prouide for thēselues, were accused at Rome for the breach of league, and hereupon they were declared to be enemies. They had straite commandemēt from the Romans to restore the Romane ho­stages, to deliuer their money and treasure into the hands of the Romanes, and by that meane to purchase the safetie of their Citie: all this was done. VVell this was not enough: the Romanes must haue their ships, their mu­nition and weapons: they deliuered these likewise: yet this suffised not: the Romanes [Page 47] must haue their Citie, and the Carthaginians must build some other Citie farre from this: this was graunted vnto them, and Carthage The Citie of Cartha­ge burnt. the fairest Citie of all Affricke was by them presently burnt, and turned euen with the ground. Here when the Romanes were pres­sed and vrged with their promise, their answer was, that in speaking of the safetie of the Ci­tie, they did meane the safetie of the citizens and inhabitants, not of the Citie which did consist of stone and timber: O snares! ô im­postures! ô sophistrie! can the Romans with­out blushing obiect perfidiousnesse and tre­cherie to the Carthaginians? Surely as they dealt with them being leagued in ancient so­cietie with them, so I am afraid they wil deale with vs. And I do the rather suspect it, because I see they will stil haue a difference betweene them selues and vs. Herein lieth a mysterie, I will not say of the Punicke fraude, but of the Romane arte. And when it pleaseth them to drawe the curtaine, we shall be made their slaues, and our goods their dearling. VVher­fore I request you all with all the vehemencie and force of my minde, that you would with [Page 48] one heart contend for the recouerie & de­fence of liberty, and that you would at length aime at such a common-weale, wherein right and law, not the priuate will of powerful men may beare sway. To the which purpose I know all the other people of Italie ioyned in league and fellowship with vs, will affoord the dili­gent assistance of their persons, and the best wealth of their treasuries. As for me, such hath my birth, such hath my education bene, that I preferre the dignitie of my countrey, and the libertie of this common-weale before all things in the world. VVhich if you do so desi­rously embrace, I am fully resolued to lay my life open to all dangers, without anie regard of estate or priuate respect: if not, I will lay downe weapons, and leaue the estate of the common-wealth as it now standeth, to your owne discretion.’

The Marsians hearing the name of liberty, did greedily receiue it, and therefore applau­ding to Popedius, as informing them of that which was most for their vse, because there appeared in his speech no signes of coue­tousnesse or ambition, but an earnest and ve­hement [Page 49] desire of publique good, did resolue to follow him as their generall.

They had no sooner set vp flagge of defi­ance against the Romanes, but there resorted vnto them a huge multitude of all the prouin­ces of Italie: so readie are disloyall persons to cast off the yoke of obedience, or common societie, when they haue gotten a head. The metamorphosis truly was verie great, to see the Citie of Rome enuironed on all sides by foes, which before was garded by friends, & there was none almost left to defend the City but the citizens, and nothing to defend the citizens but the Citie. The people that reuol­ted were the Marsians, the Samnites, the Vm­brians, the Vestini, the Irpini, the Lucani, the Marrusini, the Asculani, the Peligni, the Pisa­ni: and they were led by great Captaines, men of valour and seruice, hauing as great desire to fight with the Romanes, as the Romanes had to rule ouer them. The most of them were of so choise courage and conduction, that the Romanes had before in many warres relyed vpon their seruice. But yet the name of a Ro­mane was such a scepter to their spirits, that [Page 50] they were still kept in awe and order without anie thought of reuolting. These men were now quite altered, as if they had lately bene at some mart of soules, and had exchaunged their mindes with some men by nature enra­ged against the Romanes: and it is greatly to be wondred how the mightie power of the diuine Maiestie, doth sway the moments of things, and sorteth them in peremptorie ma­ner to straunge and vnlooked for effects, ma­king reason blind, pollicie astonished, strēgth feeble, and valour dastardly, turning loue into hatred, feare into furie, boldnesse into trem­bling, and in the circuite of one minute ma­king the conquered person a conqueror. The Romanes did not in anie warre shewe more wisedome and courage, which two things are in common vnderstanding repugnant, be­cause wisedome for the most part procureth feare in dangerous accidents, which is oppo­site to courage, and courage causeth rashnesse which is contrarie to wisedome. But so were their fortunes crossed, & the lot of warre was so variable, that this warre was resolutely vn­dertaken of them, vnhappily continued, and [Page 51] victoriously concluded. The Romane armie had two Generals: namely P. Rutilius one of the Consuls, whose Lieutenants were Cn. Pō ­peius Strabo, Q. Caepio, C. Perperna, C. Ma­rius, Valerius Messalla: and L. Caesar the other Consul, who had these Lieutenants, P. Lentu­lus, T. Didius, P. Licinius Crassus, L. Corne­lius Sylla, M. Marcellus, all famous Captains, men of excellent desert and heroicall quali­ties, and the most of them fit not onely to ma­nage a warre, but a kingdom, yea an Empire: yet of all these none did obtaine the victorie during the first yeare of their fight, C. Marius and L. Caesar onely excepted, yet Caesar was not long before with his whole armie discom­fited, and Marius did with great difficultie at­chieue one victorie, which was the beginning of a greater warre. The Consuls did thus dis­pose the encounters of themselues and their Lieutenants, L. Caesar was opposed to Vet­tius Cato, who led a wing of the Marsian ar­mie, but Caesar being ouer mated by a man of greater wisedome and magnanimitie, was enforced to flie, and after the slaughter of two thousand of his men, being hotely pursued & [Page 52] enchased of the enemie, was constrained (for necessitie will affoord no choise) to take Ae­sernia for his refuge. C. Perperna did encoun­ter C. Perperna discharged of his Lieu­tenancie. P. Praesenteius, who put him likewise to flight, & deuested him of his armie, for which cause he was discharged of his Lieutenancie, and now was C. Marius sought vnto by the Consuls, to whom he yeelded such assistance, that he rather seemed to be their protectour then their champion. P. Rutilius to reuenge the death of Q. Caepio, who was slaine by the Q Caepio slaine. ambush of Popedius, and the quarrell of his fellow Consul, vpon the Marsians, did assay them by battell, but lost a great number of P. Rutilius slaine. men, & in the end lost himselfe, being slaugh­tered in the midst of his enemies. C. Marius with a fresh courage renewed the fight, & put C. Marius putteth Vet­tius Cato to flight. to flight with extreme labor Vettius Cato the fatall enemie to both the Consuls. But the messenger who brought the newes of this vi­ctorie of Marius to the Romane campe, did meete there another messenger, who repor­ted vnto them, that Egualius one of the ene­mies campe had surprised Venafrum a towne of great strength: that M. Lamponius another [Page 53] of their enemies had slaine eight hundred of the armie of P. Licinnius Crassus, and had put the residue to flight, that C. Papius Mutilus their enemie, had brought Nola a flourishing Colonie of the Romanes into his power, to­gether with Q. Posthumius their Praetor, that he had also taken Stauia, Minturna and Saler­num, and did nowe besiege Acerra a chiefe towne. These newes succeeding the other did make the Romanes to heare with ioy, and to remember with sorow. But no better fortune did ensue: for M. Marcellus being assigned for the defence of Aesernia was taken prisoner by the Samnites, who surprised that Colonie. Cn. Pompeius was by three Captaines of the aduerse part, Iudacilius, Aefranius, and Venti­dius fiercely encountring, driuen to the vil­lage of Firmo, and there besieged. L. Caesar had a prosperous victorie against the Sam­nites, but C. Marius fighting against the Mar­sians C. Marius fought equally against the Marsians. with doubtfull euent, did recompence the death of euerie enemie with the losse of his owne souldiers: so constant is the fortune of warre in inconstancie. Now was come the second yeare of this daungerous warre, which [Page 54] continued old broiles, and made new Con­suls Cn. Pompeius Strabo, L. Portius Cato, both which were by the decree of the Senate enioyned to take vpon them the charge of this warre. They brought some new Lieute­nants in the place of some that were dead, and some that were discharged. The succeeding Lieutenants were A. Albinius, Cosconius, Lu­ceius, A. Gabinius, Sulpitius, L. Muraena, Cae­cilius Pius, Mamercus Aemilius. It seemeth that Rome in these dayes was a verie schoole of warfare, which did yeeld the supply of such excellent Captaines, after the departure of Captaines not much more excellent. C. Ma­rius C. Marius disliked by the Consul Portius. vpon a disliking conceiued by the Con­sul Portius (priuate humor is alwayes an ene­mie to publike good) was discharged of his place. But so it happened, that the Romanes changed their fortune with their Consuls, but the Italians were more daunted and disani­mated by the continuance of the warre, then encouraged by the increase of their victories. For a base spirit cannot ioy in any honorable matter, & nothing more deuoureth the heart of a rebellious or trecherous person, then the [Page 55] inward fire of a glowing conscience. L. Sylla Syllaes vi­ctore against the Sānites. had a notable victorie against the Samnites, and did ransacke their tents. Cn. Pompeius Cn. Pomp. Strabo his victories. did constraine the Vestini, the Peliani, and the Aesculani, and the Pisani to yeeld vnto him. Sylla did kil Cluentius a Captaine of the con­trarie Sylla killeth Cluentius. part at Nola, and he brought vnder his power the Irpini. A. Gabinius did fight pro­sperously A. Gabinius after a pros­perous fight is slaine. against the Lucani, and tooke many of their great townes, but when he wold haue spoiled their tents, he was slaine. Sulpitius ha­uing slaine all the souldiers of the Marrucini, Sulpitius bringeth the Marrucini to obedience. did reduce that whole region into the subie­ction of the Romanes. L. Muraena and Caeci­lius Pius had manie encounters against the Marsians, and in the ende enforced them to yeeld, but Popedius their Captaine the au­thor Popedius is slaine. of this warre was slaine in fight, in which war Portius Cato was also slaine, not through Portius Cato slaine. his owne default, nor by the valor of his ene­mies, but through the malicious stomacke of the sonne of C. Marius, who in reuenge of his fathers quarell, did throw his dart at him, and with a deadly wound did make him fall pro­strate to the ground: but because he could [Page 56] not be discerned in such confusion of fight, & in the heate of the battell, he was not impea­ched for this trecherous murder. The Romans hauing enioyed and accomplished all things according to their desire, returned with the great ioy and gratulation of their fellow citi­zens. Ca. Pōpeius Strabo tri­umpheth. Cn. Pompeius, for his ample victories & great desert was rewarded with a triumph. Thus was the Italian warre being left to the Romanes as the legacie of Drusus ended and appeased, which wrought two notable effects: for it brought the Italians from societie to ser­uitude, and refusing the bridle they receiued the yoke, and were euer after kept vnder the chaine of perpetuall commaund, but the Ro­manes it made glorious and inuincible: for their iust warres had alwayes good successe, and their vniust warres or inuasions, could not (as may partly appeare by this Italiā vprore) by forraine warre be reuenged. But for the cause hereof let no man make search or in­quirie, sith it is no where to be foūd saue only in God his decretall booke, the contents whereof as I cannot know, so the comments of man in this matter I may not beleeue. This [Page 57] thing therefore as vailed with vtmost darke­nesse, I do with all humblenesse leaue to him who hath reserued it to himselfe: & this onely I obserue, which euerie man may note in the sequele of this historie, that the Romans were punished by the Romanes for their wrongs & iniuries (if I may vse coniecture in so thicke a mist) done to their neighbours and others. Not long after the death of Drusus the Con­sulship inuested vpon Q. Pompeius & L. Cor­nelius Sylla is made Consul. Sylla, who before his victory could not be too highly commended, and after neuer sufficiently dispraised: so contrarie and oppo­site he was to himselfe, being more mercifull in the combat, then after the conquest, and Sylla fighting in the field was not so cruell as Sylla his cō ­trary nature Sylla triumphing in the towne. He was nobly His discent. descended, being the sixth man from Corne­lius Rufinus, who was one of the chiefe Cap­taines in the warre against Pyrrhus. For the glorie and credite of that familie had bene long intermitted, and was almost perished, till it was raised and rampired vp by Sylla to the ancient grace, and restored with an ouer­plus to the former dignitie. Sylla did a long [Page 58] time behaue him selfe so modestly and con­tentedly, that he seemed to be without all in­tent for suing for the Consulship, but after his Praetorship being much renowned by the Ita­lian warre, & for his great exploits in France, hauing slaine the stoutest Captains of the ad­uerse part, he tooke stomacke by reason of his good successe, and making sute for the Consulship, was made Consull, not one citi­zen almost withdrawing his consent, and that honour he purchased when he was eight and fortie yeares olde. At that time Mithridates Mithridates an enemy to the Romans. king of Pontus, a sharpe and victorious soul­dier, being sometime great in prosperitie, and at all times great in courage, in counsell wise, in strength mightie, in hatred against the Ro­manes another Hannibal, had taken and pos­sest Asia, where he put to death all the Ro­manes that did there inhabite: the region of Asia did by lot happē to Sylla as his prouince, he addressing him selfe thitherward with as great speed as he could possibly make, came at length to Nola, which he besieged, for that Sylla besie­geth Nola. Citie did most stubburnly resist the Romans, reuolting from that faithfulnesse which the [Page 59] Nolanes did religiously obserue and exhibite to the Romanes in the Carthaginian warres: but not long after the laying of this siege, he was abridged of his Generalship by Sulpitius Sulpitius a seditious Tribune alte­reth the state a Tribune, who being in wealth, fauor, friend­ship, wit, and courage great amongst the Ro­manes, hauing before sought dignitie by de­sert, did now by his leud decrees and disloyall practises deserue to loose his dignitie. He as­signed to C. Marius an imperiall praehemi­nence, & the regimēt of all the prouinces that belonged to the citie of Rome, which honors as Marius did ambitiously desire, so Sulpitius The ambitiō of Marius. did iniuriously dispose: and therewithall he enacted that Sylla should be called from Asia, and Marius should be Generall in his place; manie other pernitious lawes he established, both intollerable and detestable: for conclu­sion, he ended in murther, procuring by his Murder committed by Sulpitius. bloud-thirsty seruants the death of one of the Pompeys, sonne to Q. Pompeius, and Syllaes sonne in lawe. Sylla hearing of this sodaine change, and being solicited by the letters of his dearest friends, made speedie returne to the Citie, which hauing taken by force of [Page 60] armes he droue out of it the twelue authours Syllaes re­uenge vpon the seditious of this newe and damnable faction, amongst whom was C. Marius and his sonne, together with P. Sulpitius the first beginner of discord, Sulpitius being taken by Syllaes horsemen in the Laurentine fennes was there beheaded, & for the guerdon of his cruelty, his head being afterward conueyed to Rome, was erected vpon a pinnacle ouer the barre of the Senate house. C. Marius (a cleare mirrour of this worlds vnconstancie) to whom if you will place him amongst the fortunate, you must as­signe the highest seate, if amongst the vnfortu­nate, the lowest, hauing before enioyed all pleasures which prosperitie could yeeld, and now suffering all troubles which aduersitie could bring) after his sixth consulship, and the sixtieth yeare of his age, for the auoyding of Syllaes horsemen, stripped himselfe naked, & The extreme miserie of C. Marius. flying to a marrish of reedes did there hide himselfe, plunging so deepely into the mud, that nothing could be seene of him but his eyes and nostrels, who being afterward des­cried, was drawne by a thong of leather tied to his neck, into the prison of Minturna. There [Page 61] was sent to kil him a captiue slaue, whom Ma­rius A captiue slaue sent to kill Marius. had taken prisoner in the battel which he fought against the Cimbrians: this bloudie Cimbrian assaying to strike Marius, was so­dainly amazed, and terrified by the maiestie of his countenance, though Marius was then full of yeares, full of miserie, and void of wea­pons: but the slaue seeing so bright a starre in so darke a dungeon, reuerencing the man whom he had before feared, and perswading himselfe that it was impossible for one man to worke his death, who not long before had al­most destroyed the whole nation of the Cim­brians, left him aliue, and in trembling maner departed from his presence. The Minturnians because they held the worthinesse of Marius in high reputation, deliuered him out of pri­son, and attiring him with conuenient appa­rell, The Mintur­niās friends to Marius. bestowing vpon him a pilgrims viande, which might for a season relieue his hunger, dismissed him out of their Citie. He hauing o­uertaken his sonne at Aemaria, directed his voyage vnto Affricke, where he led a poore and wretched life in the ruines and desolate rēnants of the Citie of Carthage. Sylla leuied [Page 62] an armie & renewed his iourney toward Asia, (the yeare wherein Sylla was Consull, was the first yeare in which the Romane souldiers did slay their Consull; for then Q. Pompeius be­ing Q Pompe­ius slaine. fellow Consull with Sylla, was slaine by the seditious armie of Cn. Pompeius Procon­sull.) After the broiles of Marius and Sulpi­tius the tumults of Cinna succeeded, who was not one iote more temperate then those dis­orderly Cinna be­ginneth a new broyle. and enormous quarellers, or rather furious and traiterous conspirers. He was Cō ­sull with Cn. Octauius, who because one of them namely Cinna, fauoured Marius, and the other Sylla, fell to a sodaine iarre, & main­taining seuerall armies in the Citie, caused much terror, and some bloudshed. Cinna was Cinna is ex­pulsed the City. expulsed the Citie by the power of Octauius and the Senators, his Consulship was abroga­ted, and in his place L. Cornelius Merula, Iu­piters priest was elected. Cinna hauing cor­rupted the Centurions, Tribunes & souldiers Cinna is made Cap­taine of a se­ditious ar­my. with hope of liberalitie, was admitted of that armie (which was as yet about Nola) for their Captaine, and hauing sworne all his souldiers to obeisance and loyaltie, he marched in his [Page 63] Consul robes toward Rome, his armie consi­sting of three hūdred bands of good souldiers amounting in the view of spials to the number of thirtie legions: but though he had manie souldiers and much courage, he lacked not­withstanding factioners and fauourites to vp­hold him, and was destitute of popular credit, which might bolster and support his doings. For supplying of which want, he called from banishment C. Marius and his sonne, with all Cinna cal­leth C. Ma­rius and his sonne from banishment. the other Romanes which were before by Syllaes horsemen chased out of the Citie. VVhilest Cinna was thus preparing warre a­gainst his mother towne, Cn. Pompeius father to that great state, of whom we shall hereafter speake, whose worthie actes in the Marsian warre, together with his victorie at Asculum, was verie beneficiall and commodious to the common-weale, being frustrate of hope to continue the Proconsulship, shewed himselfe Cn. Pom­peius father to Pompey the great his dissembling and vncon­stancy. verie indifferent and equall to the factions, doing all things for his proper and priuate good, and lying in waite for oportunitie to serue his owne turne and aduancement, encli­ning his armie this way and that way, now as a [Page 64] fauourer to Cinna, & now as a friend to Sylla, following fortune by coniectures, and deter­mining to ioyne with him, who by all likeli­hood should be most puissant: at length he A great fight betwixt Cinna and Cn. Pōpeius encountred with Cinna before the citie wals, where after a maine sea of bloudshed, the Ro­manes that were vpon the walles, beholding the slaughter of their brethren, friends and kinsfolke vnder the wals, the battell was fully finished, but the victorie was doubtfull. Not long after Cn. Pōpeius died, by whose death the souldiers of Cinna conceiued so great ioy and gladsomnesse, that they forgat the finall ouerthrow of their fellow souldiers, and the Romans did bestow their reuenge vpō Pom­pey being dead, which they did owe to him being aliue. Cinna and Marius did not with­out great hauocke of men and matrons in­uade Cinna en­treth the city the citie: but Cinna entred first, and pu­blished a lawe touching the receiuing of Ma­rius, then C. Marius entred the wals with a C. Marius recalled frō banishment, entreth the citie. most fatall and daungerous returne to the ci­tie of Rome. Nothing had bene more blou­die then his entrance, if his death had not shortly ensued: for hauing possessed the citie, [Page 65] he was more vnsatiate in his crueltie then any rauenous tiger, and more mercilesse in his tra­gicall punishments, then any furie, breathing nothing but bloud, and delighting in nothing but murder, neither did the licentious rage of his wrath content it selfe with the bloud of meaner men, but it seised vpon the states and starres of the citie. Then did Octauius one of Octauius put to death by the cruel­tie of Marius the Consuls, a man of a mild & douelike hu­mor, render vp his life into the pawes of these wolues: and Merula, who a little before the returne of Cinna had through feare renoun­ced the Consulship, cut in peeces his owne Merula cut­teth in pee­ces his owne veines. veines, and sprinkling his lukewarme bloud vpon the altar, vpon which he had often sa­crificed the bloud of beasts, and intreating the gods for the execratiō of Cinna, to whom he had often prayed for the preseruation of the citie, gaue vp his fainting ghost in a great M Antonius the Oratour put to death by Marius & Cinna. agonie of mind. M. Antonius the chiefe of the citie, and the Phaenix of eloquence, was slain at the commaundement of Marius and Cin­na, by the swords of their souldiers, whome by the sweetnesse of his eloquence he did a longtime restraine and delay from the killing [Page 66] of him. Q. Catulus a man famous for his ver­tues Q. Catulus cause of his owne death. and valour in the Cimbrian warre, the glorie of which he did participate with Mari­us, as we haue aboue reported, when he was hunted to death by these greedie bloud­hounds, shut himself into a narrow closet that was newly pargited with lime, and hauing there a fire of burning coales, which might raise vp a sudden dampe, stopping his breath with a vaporous and darkish smoke, departed this world, rather according to his owne wish then his enemies will: then were the streetes, channels, theaters, market places, and tem­ples strewed and ouerspread with carcasses, so that it could hardly be iudged, whether these two tyrants did slay more that they might ob­taine the victorie, or more were put to the sword that they might safely enioy the victo­rie. For euerie one to whome Marius would not reach out his hand by way of salutation, was immediatly slaine. The common weale was now in a tottering and ruinous estate: co­uetousnesse was the cause of crueltie, and the more wealthie a man was, the more faultie he was iudged: the accuser of a rich man had his [Page 67] pay and reward out of the coffers of him that was accused: and then was profite and hone­stie confounded and made one. Afterward Cinna and Marius were Consuls, Cinna was now the second time Consul, Marius the se­uenth C. Marius dieth. time, who in that consulship died, a Ro­mane in war terrible to his enemies, in peace to his friends, and at all times impatient of quietnesse: in his place was chosen Valerius Flaccus. Cinna being now the sole regent of Italie, the greatest part of the Nobilitie fled to Sylla into Achaia, who in the meane time did so fight with Mithridates his Lieutenants and Coronels about Athens, Macedonia, and Beotia, that he tooke Athens, and made great hauocke of his enemies. But if any impute the rebellion of these times vnto the citie of The Atheni­ans faithfull to the Ro­manes. Athens, he is altogether ignorant of the truth. For the faith of the Athenians was alwaies so firme and inuiolate towards the Romanes, that euery action which was performed with­out blemish or staine of promise, was said to be done by an Athenian faith: but they being heauily oppressed by the vnsufferable vsage of Mithridates his host, were besieged of their [Page 68] friends, when they were held captiue of their enemies, and obaying necessitie stayed their bodies within the wals, though their minds were without, and entirely with the Romans. Sylla did then conduct his armie into Asia, where he found Mithridates very tractable & Silla his hard conditions of peace cō ­cluded with Mithridates. suppliant vnto him whome he punished with the paiment of a great summe of mony, and with the losse of part of his nauie, enioyning him to depart out of Asia, and out of all the prouinces which he had vniustly inuaded, and constraining him to content himselfe with the inheritance discended from his father, which was the kingdome of Pontus: he tooke from Mithridates the Romane prisoners without ransome, and vsed great seueritie against the traiterous reuolts, and runagates. Sylla ha­uing thus appeased and qualified forraine af­faires, went by sea toward Rome, and in the way met him certaine ambassadours from the The king of Parthia sen­deth Ambas­sadours to Sylla. Parthian king, which were sent to gratulate his victorie, he being the first of the Romanes to whome the king of Parthia sent ambassa­dours. There was nothing more worthie a­mong Syllaes labours, then that whole three [Page 69] yeares space, whilst the factioners of Cinna & Marius did besiege the townes of Italie, he neither pretended any fauour toward them, neither did he omit that which he had in hād, namely the subduing and vanquishing of for­raine enemies: for he knew when external tu­mults were ended, he might with more ease extinguish domesticall enemies. Before the comming of Sylla, Cinna in a mutinie of his owne souldiers was slaine, a captaine more Cinna is slaine. worthie to be adiudged to death by the dis­cretion of the conquerour, then to loose his life through the furie of his souldiers, of whom it may truly be said, that he aduentured those things which no vertuous man wold attempt, & that he brought those things to passe, which none but a valiant souldier could accomplish. His fellow Cōsul Carbo hauing no colleague did now praedominate and beare sway. Sylla Sylla passeth quietly tho­rough Italie. hauing entred Italie, it was thought he came not as a reuenger of warre, but as an authour of peace, with such quietnesse and mildnesse he lead his armie through Calabria and Apu­lia, with a great & speciall regard of the grow­ing corne, of meddowes, of men, of castles, [Page 70] and cities, and indeed he assayed by lawfull articles, and equall conditions, to appease the discord, but peace could not please them which were immoderatly couetous. Sillaes army did daily increase, euery good and dis­crete Italian making recourse vnto him, and he had a most happy victory about Capua a­gainst Scipio and Norbanus Consuls, Nor­banus being ouercome by fight, Scipio being forsaken of his army, yet Sylla gaue him leaue to depart, without hurt or hinde­rance, so vnlike was he to himselfe in his warres, and after his victory, for whilst the vi­ctorie was fresh, he was more mild then equi­tie required, but when peace had taken roote, he was more cruell then any barbarous Scy­thian, for Q. Sertorious the fury and firebrand Sylla dismisseth Serto­rious without hurt. of that rebellious warre, which not long after ensued, being disarmed by Sylla, was sent a­way in safety, and many others he did with the same clemency intreate: of purpose, as I thinke, that he might giue an example of a double and diuerse mind in one man, and by that meane shroud and couer the contents of his heart. At that time to fill vp the measure [Page 71] of publike mishap, in the city of Rome, where before men did emulate one another in ver­tuous actions, now they did combate and contend in malicious practises, & he thought himselfe the best man, that was most wicked and iniurious. Sylla had three mighty aduer­saries, Carbo, and C. Marius, the sonne of Marius that was the seauenth time Consull, which both were Consuls whilst Sylla rong an allarme at the gates of Preneste, and Pontius Telesinus, who leuying an army of the Sam­nites, did stoutly confront Sylla before the walles of Preneste, he was an Italian borne, but was not free of the city of Rome, a valiant souldier and a great enemy to a Romane name, who stood in defence of Preneste, but not with the Consuls. This Telesinus condu­cting Silla fighteth with Telesi­nus a Sam­nite. forty thousand fighting men ioyned battell with Sylla at Collina, and brought both him and the commō-weale to extreame danger: for Rome was not in greater feare, when the tents of Hanniball were but three miles distant from her walles. Telesinus did greatly encourage his souldiers, saying that ‘the day of their battell was the last period of [Page 72] the Romane glorie, and he cried that Rome, Rome must be throwne downe, and razed frō the foundations, adding therewithall that there wold▪ neuer be wanting inuadors of the Italian liberties, as long as the wood stoode where such wolues were harboured.’ At the first houre of the night the Romane armie re­uiued their courage, Telesinus the next day after was found halfe dead, bearing the coun­tenance rather of a conqueror then of a man subdued, whose head being cut off Sylla cō ­maunded to be caried along the streetes of C. Marius the younger is slaine by Syllaes soul diers. Preneste. C. Marius, his life being in a despe­rate case, was faine to creepe through certaine holes of the earth to escape his enemies, but he was slaine of Syllaes souldiers that were appointed for that purpose, of which toward­ly gentleman, what opinion Sylla caried, a man may easily coniecture: for when he was slaine he intitled himselfe Sylla the fortunate, which had indeed bene true if he had ended Sylla vsur­peth the Di­ctatorship. his life with his victories. For hauing entred the citie and vsurped the Dictatorship, which had bene an hundred and twentie yeares in­termitted, (for the last Dictator before Sylla [Page 73] was made the first yeare after Hannibals de­parture out of Italie, so that it was apparant, that the Romanes did not so much desire the vse of a Dictator, as they did feare his tyran­nie) he began presently to broach the bloud of citizens, hauing alreadie drawne to the bottome the bloud of straungers: foure legi­ons of souldiers, who had bene of the contra­rie faction, and had now vpon couenant of life submitted themselues to his mercie, cal­ling in vaine vpon the faith of a Romaine sol­dier, he caused to be slaine: fiue thousand of that armie which fought against him at Pre­neste, Silla causeth the souldiers of Preneste to be slaine. being promised life by P. Cethegus his Lieutenant, he put to a sudden and vnlooked for death, and caused their ioynts to be pluc­ked in peeces, and commaunded that they should be dispersed and cast abrode in the wastes and mores. After these great and ex­treme cruelties, he put in practise the heauie penaltie of proscription, which if it had died Proscription put in pra­ctise by Sylla with Sylla, would haue beene a great part of the Romane happinesse: by that meanes he brought to passe, that whose names soeuer he writ in the table of proscription, should be [Page 74] vpon their attachemēt presently put to death, their goods also were subiect to sale, euery one taking the benefit to whome Sylla would graunt it: neither was he content to rage a­gainst them onely which had before opposed themselues to him, but the most quiet and in­nocent citizens for the greatnesse of their wealth he depriued also of life, and against sil­ly women did he bend his wrath, as not satis­fied with the death of men: and, which was a signe of a Thracian crueltie, as soone as the heads of the slaine citizens were parted from their trembling corses, breathing as yet, their faces being not wholly depriued of a vitall bloud, he did gaze vpon them, and tosse thē in his hands that he mightfeed on them with his eyes, though he could not crush them with his teeth. VVith what sauagenesse did he be­haue M. Marius slain by Silla. himselfe in the killing of M. Marius, whose eyes were pluckt out before his death, and euery part of his bodie was sundred and disioynted: and at that instant he enforced his Sylla his rage against M. Pletorius. sword through the bowels of M. Pletorius, be­cause he seemed to be grieued with the tor­ture of M. Marius. O extreme punisher of pit­tie [Page 75] and compassion, to whome it seemed a crime not to consent to crueltie. Neither did The ashes of C. Marius thrown into a riuer by Sylla. he spare the dead, for the ashes of C. Marius the elder he caused to be raked out of the graue and throwne into a riuer. Sylla whilest he sought the victorie, was to the Romanes a Scipio, whilst he vsed it a very Mithridates. Many other bloudsheds he did commit, and more would he haue committed, had not the terrour of a guiltie conscience followed him, with the blazing brand of his vexed soule, which torment some cal an ecstasie, some me­lancholie, some madnesse, but I denying it to be any one of these, allow it to be all these, doubtlesse it is a thing sooner felt thē known, not to be auoided by medicine but by true felicitie. In this perplexitie he died, and yet Sylla dyeth. ceassed not the ciuill or rather vnciuil and vn­brotherly discord: thus was Rome the famous citie of Europe, the mother and nurce of wor­thie Senators, the miracle of nations, the e­pitomie of the world, the kingdome of Mars, and the seauenheaded soueraigne of many prouinces exceedingly shaken with these quarrels, stained with these bloudsheds, and [Page 76] grieuously discomforted with the death of her children, her babes were brought foorth for the sword to glut vpon, the bodies of her an­cients were made as pauements to walk vpō, her matrons became a pray and prize to eue­ry rauisher, her priests and deuoute sacrificers were slaine before the gates of the temples. Syllaes bodie was conueied in sumptuous manner to Campus Martius, in which place before the buriall the two Consuls, namely M. Aemilius Lepidus, and Q. Luctatius Ca­tulus Debate be­twixt Lepi­dus and Ca­tulus Con­suls touching the decrees of Sylla. did earnestly debate about the repea­ling and cancelling of the acts and decrees of Sylla. Lepidus vrged that they who were pro­scribed by Sylla, ought incontinent to be re­duced to the citie, and there to haue restituti­on of their goods. Catulus together with the Senate defended the contrarie, saying that though his motion were good and honest, yet it might be the beginning of some tumult, which would be most daungerous if it were suddenly done, because the common-weale was but newly recomforted, and had as yet enioyed but a short pause of tranquilitie. By this dissention they fell to weapons, Cn. Pō ­peius [Page 77] and Q. Catulus hauing gathered an ar­mie Cn. Pom­peius Mag­nus and Q. Catulus fight with Lepi­dus and o­uercame him. did proffer battell to Lepidus, and in a light skirmish ouercame him. Not long be­fore the death of Sylla, Q. Sertorius rising in armes maintained warre in Spaine: for when he saw that the faction of Marius which he specially fauoured, was vtterly defeated and dissipated by L. Sylla, he fled presently into Spaine, where before he had bene Pretor, & there hauing gathered a great host and con­triued Sertorius le­uieth armies in Spaine. an huge nauie, fearing lest Sylla, who had put Carbo to flight and slaine Marius, should send an armie against him, he caused Liuius Sali­nator the Lieutenant of Sertorius slaine. Liuius Salinator his Lieutenant to encampe in the mountaines of Pyraeneum, but he was afterward slaine by C. Anius the Romane Proconsul, who was sent thither to abate the courage of Sertorius, and after him Q. Me­tellus was also sent, but their proceedings were not prosperous. VVherefore Cn. Pom­peius being as yet a priuate man, had charge giuen him of the Senate to go into Spaine. There came at that time for the aide and as­sistance of Sertorius, M. Perperna with a great multitude of souldiers. Cn. Pompeius made [Page 78] way for himselfe through the Alpes, betwixt the famous springs of Padus and Rhodanus. He immediatly after his coming into Spain, did enter into conflict with two of Sertorius his captaines, Herennius and Perperna, and not farre from the citie of Talentia ouercame them: Herennius was there slaine, Perperna escaped by flight. Pompey did passe the win­ter in the Pyrenae an mountaines, Sertorius in Lusitania, and at the beginning of the spring, Metellus and Pompeius did encounter with seuerall armies Sertorius and Perperna, in which battell Sertorius constrained Pompey to fly, and Metellus draue Perperna to the like extremitie, Pōpey was at that time woun­ded in the thigh, afterward they met againe at Seguntia, where Sertorius did the second time ouerthrow Pompey, and Metellus Per­perna: the third time when Sertorius was co­ming against Metellus, Pompey meeting him in the way, caused him to retire: Sertorius did againe oppose himselfe to Pompey. Hauing taking Segida a noble citie of Celtiberia, where Sertorius lost a thousand souldiers & Pompey as many: then they turned thēselues [Page 79] to the besieging of townes, Pompey did be­siege Palantia, but Sertorius did raise the siege, and of them which besieged Caliguriū he did slay three thousand. Metellus and Pō ­peius with great stoutnesse & stomacke took many cities that were leagued with Sertorius and at Ilerda and Iliosca the townes of the I­lergitanes they put Sertorius to a desperate plunge, but Caligurium the citie of the Vas­cons he did with much prowesse & puissance defend. Sertorius was like to Iugurth in his fight, and in his fortune not vnlike to him, the exploits and stratagemes of them both were singular and admirable, but their end and last euent was miserable and mournefull. Iugur­tha Sertorius is slaine. was taken by treacherie: Sertorius by the treason of M. Antonius and M. Perperna his captaines was slaine, as he was sitting at a bā ­quet, in the eight yeare of his rebellion, his empire was presently transferred to M. Per­perna, whome Pompey ouercame, tooke prisoner, and put to death, and in the tenth yeare after the beginning of this warre, he tooke Spaine. The Romanes were in these times busied & molested in Italie by certaine [Page 80] fencers or sword players, trayned vp in a sha­dowed fight vnder the gouernment of Lentu­lus, but defying their maister, and stirred with an hellish humor to seate themselues in the highest thrones of honor (for as fire is to gun­powder, so is ambition to the heart of man, which if it be but touched with selfe-loue mounteth aloft and neuer bēdeth downward till it be turned to ashes) they raunged them­selues, and drew to their ensignes a great mul­titude offorlorn men. For in processe of time their armie did encrease to fourescore thou­sand and moe. The leaders were Spartacus, Enomans, and Crixus, who making great spoile and saccage in Italie, at length imbat­telled themselues vpon the mountaine Ve­surius. Against them were sent Clodius Gla­ber, and Publius Varinius, but their armies were suddenly by these enemies discomfited: therefore the yeare next ensuing C. Lentu­lus and L. Gellius Consuls, and Q. Arrius the Praetor prepared against them. Crixus one of these rebellious captaines, was together with his whole armie vtterly ouerthrowne: but Spartacus, in whome was more vigor of si­newes, [Page 81] courage, and counsell, conducting his souldiers from the Apennine mountaine to the Alpes, and from the Alpes into France, was at the first enforced to retire by one of the Consuls, by the other to flye. But after­ward hauing animated, surueyed, and mar­shalled his men, he did suddenly turne backe Spartacus a fence-plaier, doth encounter the army of the Con­suls. vpon the Consuls, gaue them battell, in seue­rall places ouercame them: & was marching toward Rome there to possesse himself of the Capitole, and to erect a monarchie, but that the Consuls reuniting their dissipated forces, did hardly with much labour & great slaugh­ter of men restraine and hinder him. But he hauing lost his purpose, yet not loosing his Spartacus taketh the citie of the Thurians. time surprised the goodly citie of the Thuri­rians, where breathing for a while & refresh­ing his armie, and soone after reencountring the Romanes, he obtained a glorious victo­rie, and a plentifull spoile. This successe did notably enhance the pride of Spartacus, who presuming now that he was better then the Consuls, thought himselfe therefore fit to be a king. And as Athenio not long before, a shepheard and drudge in the fields, hauing [Page 82] slaine his maister in Sicilie, and mustred vn­der ensigne a great number of vagrant per­sons, by whose meanes he did spoile, and lay wast many hamlets, castles, and villages, and applauding to himselfe in this succesfull pil­lage and roguerie, was adorned with a purple garment, strowted and walked along with a staffe of siluer, and enuironed his head with a crowne of gold: so did this rebell of Italie as­sume to himselfe a regall pompe and title, & making fortune his rest, which of all things is most vnlike to it selfe, thought he might as easily continue as beginne a conquest. But the Romanes who neuer could suffer victorie to warme her selfe long with the robes of a straunger, committed the whole scope and M. Crassus appointed for the warre against Spar­tacus. charge of the warre to M. Crassus their Prae­tor, a man ambitious and venturous: he ha­uing ioyned battell with Granicus one of the rebell chieftaines, did slay both the captaine and thirtie fiue thousand of his souldiers, and after fighting with Spartacus did slay him, & with him fortie thousand, fiue thousand one­ly escaped, whom Cn. Pompeius returning from the Spanish warre, did suddenly meete [Page 83] and presently put to the sword. After these times M. Cicero being Consul, whose nouity and strangenesse in Rome, the nobilitie and rarenesse of his good gifts might iustly excuse who for all his excellent qualities was more beholding to nature then education, as for his vertue famous, so for his eloquence most famous, by whom it was that the Romanes were not inferiour to them in wit, whom they vanquished in warre, the conspiracie of Catiline was detected and determined, and Cicero for his constancie, courage, & watch­fulnesse, in suppressing the scalefire of that warre to the vtmost cinder, was intitled by Cicero called Pater patriae. the name of Pater patriae, the father of his countrey. But before I enter into the dis­course of his rebellion, I must make knowne the person of the traytor, and the cause of the treason. L. Sergius Catilina was in face and Catiline his qualities. feature comely and absolute, in wit prompt and pregnant, in eloquence sweet and de­lightfull, in pompe and maiestie princely and regall, in courtly behauiour quaint and deli­cate: and to set vpon this gold a Diamond, of a most noble parentage. There were certaine [Page 84] families amongst the Romanes, which sur­mounted & ouerheaded the rest, being most auncient and of a worthie originall, and they are parted into two discents, some of them hauing the Aborigines to their auncestours, and some the Troianes. The first and princi­pall of the race of the Aborigines, was the fa­milie of the Vitellij, being discended frō Fau­nus the king of the Aborigines, which did in­habite Italie before the comming of Aeneas, and Queene Vitellia, which in many places was worshipped as a goddesse: the secōd was the familie of the Fabij, whose ofspring is rightly deriued from Fabius the son of Her­cules: the third was the lineage of the Anto­nij, issuing from Anton an other of Hercules his sonnes: the fourth was the race of the Po­titij, so named of Potitius, who did with great curtesie entertaine Hercules, when he was entred Italie: the fift was the house of the Ma­milij, borne of Mamilia the daughter of Tele­gonus one of Vlysses his sonnes begotten of Circe that notorious enchauntresse. The o­ther families which referred their beginning to the Troiane roote, were ten in number: [Page 85] first the house of the Iulij, who descended frō Iulus the sonne of Aeneas: the second the Ae­milij, who tooke their name of Aemilius the sonne of Ascanius a Troiane, & of that house was the matchlesse Scipio, sonne to Paulus Aemilius, who being the Romane Generall destroyed Carthage. The third the Nautij of Nautes one of Aeneas his companions: for when Diomedes hauing stolen the image of Pallas, did perceiue that it was of no vse to him, after the destruction of Troy he offered it as a present to Aeneas passing by his king­dome, but as Aeneas doing then sacrifice was turning himselfe, Nautes did lay hold of the image, & by that meanes did appropriate the vse of it to himselfe, so that the Nautij and not the Iulij did enioy the mysteries of Minerua: the fourth the Cloaelij of Cloaelius an other of Aeneas his companions: the fift the Iunij of Iu­nius The linage of Catiline. an other of his associates: the sixt the Ser­gij of Sergestus one of the Troiane captaines, of which familie was L. Sergius Catilina, and before him none of that name was euer tain­ted with any sauour of rebellion. The seuenth the Memij of Muesteus, an other of the Tro­iane [Page 86] trauellers, the eight the Cloantij of Clo­anthus a bird of the same fether, the ninth the Giganij or the Gianij of the Troiane Gias, the tenth the Caecilij of Saeculus a Troiane also who built Preneste. Catiline being ador­ned with the nobilitie aboue described, made himselfe through his vices and misdemeanor ignoble and odious: his life was the picture of licentiousnesse: to women he was so lewdly affectionate, that euery curtizane of Rome layed claime vnto him. And to marie Aurelia Orestilla into a vacant house, he committed the shamefull murder of his owne and onely Catiline kil­leth his own sonne. child: for two things he promised her, and performed for her, which were tokens of a mercilesse heart, the balefull death of his son, and the chaunge of the state, in such sort that Aurelia Orestilla should be the Dictatresse of Rome. And for the performance he bound himselfe by a cursed circumstance, drinking mans bloud to fill his bloudthirstie humour. In al his actions he was a perfect Protean, fra­ming and composing himselfe to all sides and sects: with the grauer sort of men he would be sad and seuere: with the riotous, prodigall & [Page 87] excessiue: with chast matrons modest and bu­xome: with light huswiues wanton and vaine: with young gentlemen pleasant and actiue: with auncient fathers demure and delibera­tiue: to the baser sort curteous and pitifull: to the nobler persons sociable and gratefull: so variable & discoulored he was in his doings, that M. Cicero did greatly maruell at his ma­nifold dexteritie. The first sparks of Catilines conspiracie began to blaze and appeare, L. Tullus, M. Lepidus being Consuls, sixe hun­dred eightie & seuen yeres after the building Catiline greatly in­debted. of Rome. At that time was Catuline greatly indebted, & because he could not discharge the summe within the time appointed and li­mited by lawe, nor bring in an estimate or va­luation of his goods, whereby it might ap­peare that he was able to defray the debt, he Catiline for­bidden to make sure for the Con­sulship. was forbidden to make sute for the Consul­ship, whereupon being stirred by a reuenge­full wrath, he sought by all meanes possible to execute his iniurious intent. There was at that time in Rome Cn. Piso, a man of desperate boldnesse, poore and yet presumptuous, Ca­tiline did open and impart his meaning to [Page 88] him and Pub. Antronius, and they three deter­mined to kill the Consuls, which were made the next yeare after Catilines repulse. The in­quisition of this matter was deferred till it came to greater ripenesse. Afterward they in­tended the death of the most part of the Se­nators: the time was appointed when their complices and confederates, abbetters, and assistants should meet in armour: but because Catiline perceiued that the number of these rebellious souldiers was not yet sufficient to giue onset to the citie, he withdrew his hand for a time, and dismissed the armie. But a yeare after M. Cicero, and C. Antonius ha­uing entred the Consulship, Catiline being now also disgraced with another repulse, re­collected into his seditious braine his aunci­ent plots and former villanies: then he con­spired with P. Lentulus & C. Cethegus Prae­tors to worke the death of the Consuls, to slay the Senate, to burne the citie, and to alter the state: and for this purpose they did by letters inuite to this horrible massacre many Ro­manes that were employed in forraine ser­uice. This being apparantly euident, & dan­gers [Page 89] being now at the doore, and in a readi­nesse to pierce into the citie, vnlesse some mature aduise were presently taken, a Senate was appointed in the temple of Iupiter Stator, vnto which place shamelesse Catiline, imagi­ning that he might bleare their eyes by a pre­tended purgation resorted also, and with an vnchaunged countenance shrowded vnder the habite of a Senator, the heart of a serpent. And because the method of this historie may seeme in this place to require some descripti­on of the Senatorie state, I will briefly set downe the constant and perpetuall order of the Romanes in going to their senate house, though I cannot counteruaile with aequall termes, nor with a perfect discourse the great maiestie and pompe, that in this reuerend so­lemnitie was obserued. The first place in the proceeding to their Senate had the Dictator, The solem­nitie which the Romans vsed in their proceeding to the Senate (when that office was in esse) the next the Consuls, the third the Praetors: the Dictator was therefore preferred because his power was supreme, and was not subiect to the con­troll of any other, the Consuls were in the se­cond place, because they were in praehemi­nence [Page 90] next to the Dictator, and all the de­crees of the Senate were ratified by thē, bea­ring date according to the dignitie of their persons: their triumphs also were signed with the same marke: such a triumph was said to be done, such an one being the second time Consull, and such an one being the third time Cōsul, according as their aduancement was. In the third rancke of these greater Magi­strates were the Praetors, because they had authoritie to call a Senate as the Dictator & the Consuls had, which was not permitted to the inferiour magistrates: they had also iuris­diction to examine any matter that was done within the hundred stone, after the vulgar supputation, within an hundred miles of the citie of Rome on euery side. Before the Di­ctator went twelue Lictors or Sergeants, who at the bidding of the Dictator and Consuls did arrest offenders, and commaunded strangers that met them in signe of reuerence to light from their horses, they caried in their hands an ensigne of terror, a double poleaxe enuironed with a bundle of rods. The Dicta­tor was caried in a chaire of estate, being clad [Page 91] with a purple gowne, edged with a crimson border, and inuested with a robe triumphall, which were the ornaments of the auncient kings of Rome: the same attire had the Con­suls and Praetors, but the Praetors did weare a siluer coloured garment, and did alwaies ride vpon milke white horses: after these the next place had the Cēsors, if there were any at that time, for they were in the number of princi­pall magistrates, their office being not of per­petuitie, no more then the Dictatorship. Af­ter these being the more worthie potentates, the inferiour sort of the authorized persons did immediatly follow. The first of that order were the Aediles of the chaire, because they were conueyed to the senatehouse in a chaire of yuorie, which monument of honour, as it seemeth was permitted vnto them, because in ancient times they were trusted and ador­ned with the entire regimēt of the citie: these were created of the bodie of the Senate: next to them succeeded the Aediles of the people, which were raised to that dignitie from the roote of the people: after the Aediles follow­ed they which had borne office, though they [Page 92] were not charged with any office that present yeare. All of them seuerally marshalled accor­ding to the worthinesse of their calling, the Consulians, the Praetorians, the Aedilitians, the last place had the Senators, which had not yet borne office. The number of them all in such an assemblie did some time amount to the number of sixe hundred all of them, these onely excepted who were borne in chaires of estate, riding on faire pampered horses, and long traind gownes, the skirts of which were circumscribed with these words, Senatus, po­pulus (que) Romanus. VVhen the Senators were placed, and euery one began to expect what should be spoken against the rebellious con­federates, M. Cicero aiming at Catiline with his eyes, did thus pierce him with his tongue, & with this inuectiue reprooued his maners.

VVas there euer seene so great and noto­rious Cicero his Oration a­gainst Cati­line. impudencie, graue fathers and worthie ‘Senators, that a dissolute and disorderly re­bell, a professor of prodigalitie and vnthrifti­nesse, a maintainer of theeues, barrettors and seditious slaughterers, a proclaimed enemie to temperance, iustice, chastitie, & the whole [Page 93] synode of the seuerer vertues, a man or ra­ther a monster of men, compacted of vices & vanities, should dare so much as to staine this sacred presence with his prophane person, & though he conspire against vs, yet amongst vs to consult. To consult (said I) nay to con­ceale his trecherie. VVhat should the iay do amongst swans, or the owle amongst nightin­gales, or the vultur amongst amongst doues, or Catiline amōgst Catoes: do we not dread the thunderbolt when we see the lightening? and can we loue the traytor when we loath his treason? Canst thou so dissemble Catiline that we may not discerne thy doings? Nay there is no deed of thine, no drift nor deuise, which I haue not heard, nay almost seene, nay almost felt. Here, here they be in this our as­semblie (worthie Senators) in this most graue and solemne councell of the world, which muse continually of our death, of the downe­fall of Rome, and the desolation of Italie. But thou yet liuest Catiline, and yet thou liuest not to abate, but to abet thy pride. VVhat va­nitie hath bene at any time absent from thine eyes? what villanie from thine hands? what [Page 94] president of vice frō thy person? what young gentlemā hath there bene along time in this citie, whome, if he were once corrupted by the deceitfull baits of thy false entisements, thou didst not animate and incite either to desperate attempts, by carying the sword be­fore him, or to effeminate examples by bea­ring the torch before him, and yet thou ima­ginest that thy doings are not misliked. Of thee Catiline when the Romanes keepe si­lence they pronounce sentence, when they suffer thy misdeedes they condemne them, when they are at rest with themselues, they are at deadly warre with thee. But why am I so earnest against thee? Is it possible that any thing shold amend thee? may it be hoped for that thou wilt reforme thy selfe, that thou wilt shake off these faults? that thou wilt banish these enormities? Thou art not of so good & vertuous inclination, that honestie may re­claime thee from whoredome, feare from vn­iustice, and reason from outrage: to this mad­nesse nature hath framed thee, frowardnesse hath exercised thee, and destinie hath reser­ued thee, and for these deformities of thy na­ture [Page 95] thou hast bene more feared then trusted, and indeede more wily then we haue here­tofore bene watchfull. But at length noble Senators, L. Catilina enraged with boldnesse, breathing out bloudshed, preparing in most hainous manner a scourge for his countrie, threatning to this citie fire and sword, is suffi­ciently knowne and abundantly hated. No plague can now be inuented of that monster and horror of men within this citie against this citie, but in that he hath not drawne his bloudie sword out of our naked bodies, in that he hath left vs aliue, in that we haue wre­sted the weapon from his butcherous hands, in that the citizens be safe, & the citie secure, can ye coniecture with what a bitter agonie and anguish of mind he is vexed: and if he be­ginne hereafter to renew his furie, take cou­rage my Lords, and leade out against his bro­ken and outcast band, the flower and the po­wer of all Italie, and consider with what foes we deale, which surfetting in banquets, em­bracing harlots, stuffed with meat, faint with wine, adorned with garlands, soupled with ointments, weakned by wantons, cast from [Page 96] their contagious mouths the slaunder of the vertuous, ouer whome I do hope there han­geth some heauie destinie: and that the pu­nishment that hath bene long time due to their wicked lust and licentiousnesse, is either now imminent or now approching: whom if my Consulship do chaunce to quelle because it cannot cure, it shall not procure a short sun­shine of peace to the common-weale, but whole ages and worlds of tranquilitie: that which may be healed by any meanes I will heale by some meanes, that which must needs be cut off I must needes cut off, therefore let them either leaue the citie, or leaue their tu­mult, or if they will stay both in this citie and in this mind, let them looke for their desert, and assure themselues of the full measure of reuenge, but if in stewes and tauernes they sought onely beluing and baudrie, they were more to be spared, but yet wholly to be dis­paired of: but who can tollerate that cowards should determine trecherie against the cou­ragious, wild braines against them that be wise, sottish drunkards against sober Senators and sluggish drones against carefull magi­strates? [Page 97] These men building like gods vpon the earth, as if their houses should be hea­uens, whilst they take their pleasure in sump­tuous coaches, great families, costly ban­quets, rich attire, and in the lewd companie of lasciuious curtizanes, are fallen into such a gulfe of debt, that if they would be free from it, Sylla is to be raised from the dead. But they shall soone perceiue, if they still persist in their naughtinesse, that there are in this citie vigi­lant Consuls, politicke gouernours, a puissant Senate, that we haue weapons, that we haue a prison, which our auncestors haue made a re­uenger of hainous and manifest faults. And now sith you are deliuered through my care and industrie from a swelling cloud of terrors, without battell, without bloudshed, without armie, without fighting. For this so great be­nefite noble Senators, I require of you no re­ward of vertue, no ensigne of honour, no mo­nument of praise, but an eternall record of this very time: I desire that all my deserts, all the ornaments of my person, the fruits of my glorie, and the good aestimation of my dili­gence, should be registred and enrolled in [Page 98] in your memories. No mutenesse, no silence, no secret whispering can delight me, by your remembrance worthie Senators mine actes & exploits shall be nourished, by your words they shall grow, by your writings they shall not onely receiue life but aeternitie.’

Catiline hauing all this while itching eares, Catiline his impudent answer to Cicero. but a more itching toung, made in disorderly manner this disdainfull reply: I haue a long ‘time maruelled and now with astonishment do wonder (ye noble Lords and ancient pro­genie of kings) for as to the rest I will not bēd my selfe to them but against them, that with so patient eare, and minds impassionate, ye can digest the cholericke railings of this rhe­toricall parot, whome since we first promoted from the pearch to the pinacle, from the bar to the bench, from the ground whereon we go, to the tribunall whereon we sit, the Senate surfetting long ago on his rude and vnmaner­ly speeches, is now constrained to make a diet of a disease: vpon me as ye haue plainely per­ceiued, he hath spent the whole chest of his gall, who am as free from the crimes inten­ded, as he is farre from the vertues which he [Page 99] ascribeth to you. He thought perhaps (what wickednesse I pray you hath he not thought) to blow me out of the gates of the citie, by the venimous aire of his impoisened lungs, but maugre his malicious throat. I stand before his lowring face, to the abashment of his fro­zen forehead, and the confusion of his ill spea­king eloquence, as one irreproucable, being like a cage of chrystall, vpon which the more poyson is cast, the more cleare it doth seeme. I am not made (Consul Marcus) of so fleeting and brittle mould, that the gnashing of thy teeth should either fray me or fret me: but if I were guiltie of the faults alleadged, why was I not impeached of them before thy Consul­ship, but vnder the triumph of thy tearmes must suffer this intollerable iniurie? Catiline is an Epicure forsooth, because Cicero is a Stoicke, Catiline is wanton, because Cicero is iealous, Catiline is lawlesse, because Cice­roes will must be a lawe to him: Catiline is prodigall, because he hath not bestowed any bribes vpon Cicero: Catiline is rebellious, because Cicero is fearefull and timerous: Ca­tiline is an enemie to the common-weale, [Page 100] because he is not friend to Ciceroes priuate pollicie: mightie accusations and vnanswera­ble! Hath he not drawne bloud (trow you) of Catilines credit? It grieueth me worthie Se­nators, and trust me, it grieueth mine heart, that the hope of the Romane youth, and the sweet societie of gallant gentlemen your selues attēding, bearing, & forbearing, should by the spawne of a ragge be so hainously dis­graced: as for his distempered declamation it is no noueltie with vs my Lords, for it is the vsuall methode of his mercenare toung, vpō poore and pitifull presumptions, to hazard the life and soule of his clients cause. But what madnesse is it for one that is lately crept into the citie to talke of antiquities, taking mat­ters in hand which are elder then his memo­rie, which were forgotten and dead before he was begotten and borne? Thou art not aun­cient enough Cicero to speake of our aunce­stors, nor worthie enough to talk of our wor­thies, thou art as a pilgrime in this citie, thou art ignorant of the orders and customes ther­of, thou seemest to wander in another coun­trie, and not to beare office in the Metrapolis [Page 101] of Italie: thou threatnest vs with extremities, and layest on load with imprisonments, as if our bodies should be anuils to thine hatred: but suffer not my sweet, mild and curteous magistrates of Rome, that vpon Ciceroes suggestion we should endure such reproch: the ignominie of arraignment is miserable, the arresting of guiltlesse men is lamentable, banishment is discomfortable, but the rack­ing, rowling, tearing and tormenting of men far be it not only frō the bodie of a Romane, but euen from his thoughts, from his eyes, from his eares. For mine own part I confesse, and professe, and pretend, that Catiline li­ueth not to please, but to displease and dis­place M. Cicero, of whome when I speake, I speake of tyrannie, of villanie, of basenesse, and assure thy selfe Cicero, that either the law of Rome, or the lawe of reason shall be my warrant in this case, and to them that be dis­contented in this citie, thy fall will be a ge­nerall s;atisfaction.’

Catiline departed out of the senate house continuing his furie, and because danger was feared, it was thought good that the Senate [Page 102] should be dismissed in the night time. Cati­line went with a slender gard to the tents of Manlius. Lentulus, Cethegus, and diuerse o­thers that were priuie to the conspiracie, and did as yet remaine in the citie, were arrested and imprisoned, and being conuicted by ma­nifest euidence, were presently put to death. The day wherein the punishment of these traitors was decreed, did greatly illustrate & beautifie the worthinesse of M. Cato. He dis­cended from M. Cato the Prince of the Portiā familie, after whome this Cato in degree of The linage of M. Cato. discent was accompted and numbred in the third place. This M. Cato was of all the Ro­manes The praise of M. Cato. most sincere, and most like to vertue itselfe, and seemed in his iustice and integri­tie to be nearer to God then to man, who did not liue honestly & orderly because he would seeme to be vertuous, but because it was a­gainst the course of his disposition to be dis­honest and disorderly, thinking that onely to be reasonable, which was iust and lawfull: he was free from fancies, and had alwaies for­tune in his owne power: he was then Tribune of the people, young in respect of his yeares, [Page 103] but in wisedome and aduise a father, & a right Senator, who (when others perswaded that the conspirators should be kept aliue in seue­rall wards) being the last of them that senten­ced the rebellious, did inueigh with such force of mind and wit against the conspira­tors, that by the vehemencie of his speech he cancelled their opinions, which perswaded lenitie, and made their softnesse to be suspe­cted: and the greater part of the Senate in fa­uour of Catoes gracious seueritie, did accō ­panie C. Caesar in­clined to se­dition. him to his house. C. Caesar did at that time giue some token of a rebellious humor, whereof Rome tasted afterward too much, & himselfe in the end was poisoned with the dregs. Catiline hearing what was done at Rome, gathered an armie, and making a la­borious iourney through the steepe and crag­gie hils, intended a voyage into that part of Fraunce, which is beyond the Alpes: which Q. Metellus perceiuing, who was leader of three bands of soldiers in the Picē prouince, he remooued his tents and pitched them at the bottome of the Pistorian heath, frō which place the armie of C. Antonius was not farre. [Page 104] Catiline when he saw that he was on euery side embayed with mountaines & armed mē, chose rather to fight with Antonius, who cō ­mitted the vantgard to the conduct of M. Pe­treius. Catiline in that battell gaue a sharpe onset, and continued the fight with an vn­daunted stomacke, but in the end was slaine, and dying with great indignation, was there trampled to death by the hoofes of horses. Thus he that did defend himself in the Senate house, was confounded in the field, and that by the iustice of destinie, who with a scourge of steele followeth proud aspirers: this inso­lent Romane perceiued at the time of his death the deceitfull glose of his fawning fancie, & the vaine sophistrie of bewitching ambition.

⸪

CN. Pompeius for his great valor & magnanimitie iust­ly intitled Magnus, did in course of time grow to an exceeding greatnesse of au­thoritie, and had purchased through his worthie exploits, the loue, ap­plause and admiration of the whole world, his father was Cn. Pompeius an approued soul­dier, and a Consularian, his mother was Lu­cilia a Senators daughter: he was of a comely personage, not so commendable for beautie, as for a pleasing and constant complection, which continued euen to his last houre, his wisedome was of a wonderfull excellencie, his life in all parts absolute, his eloquence but indifferent, he was desirous to haue honour offred, but was not ambitious to vsurpe it, a fast friend & a religious obseruer of his word, [Page 106] in reconciling mē that were at variance most faithfull, in receiuing satisfaction for offences most easie, neuer vsing his power to impotē ­cie, nor his wit to vanitie, from his cradle a souldier, in his youth a conqueror trium­phant, and in all his warres couragious and dreadfull. For though Sertorius did more cō ­mend Sertorius feareth Pō ­pey. Metellus, yet he was more afraid of Pompey. And of the Spaniards he triumphed when he was but a Romane knight, not ha­uing as yet borne any office of estate. To be a knight of Rome was so much better then to be a common gentleman, by how much a pa­tritian Senator was more honorable then a nouitian, whose auncestours were neuer of the Senate. And Pompey by degrees did en­deuour to aduance his credit, and in the end by the conquest of many & mightie nations, became peereles. Mithridates his power was enfeebled by Sylla, disiointed by Lucullus, & broken in peeces by Pompey, after which vi­ctorie Mithridates ouerthrown by Pompey. Pompey en­tred the tē ­ple of Ieru­salem. he subdued the Iewes, tooke their ci­tie, and possest the temple of Ierusalem, a rare and miraculous monument, which though he filled with his souldiers, yet he restrained thē [Page 107] from the spoile. In that warre he partly reco­uered, and partly subdued to the Romane power, Armenia, Colchis, Cappadocia, Cili­cia, Syria, and all the region of Palestine to the riuer of Euphrates. He ouercame beside Paphlagonia, Galatia, Phrigia, Mysia, Lydia, Caria, Ionia, and all that part of Asia which lyeth about Pergamus. He committed the regiment of Armenia maior to Tigranes, the Island of Bosphorus to Pharnaces, Cappado­cia to Arioberzanes, Seleucia to Antiochus Commagenus: to Deiotarus and other Te­trarkes Galatia with Armenia minor, to At­talus and Pylaemenes Paphlagonia, to Ari­starchus Colchis, to Hircane Palestine. And for a triple reward of these his victories, he Pompey ho­nored with a triple tri­umph. had the blazon of three triumphs: the first was of Affricke, the second of Europa, and the third of Asia. After these triumphs ensued the Consulship of Marcus Bibulus and C. Caesar his o­riginall. Caesar, issuing from the famous familie of the Iulij, and conueying his discent from Anchi­ses the Troiane father to Aeneas: he was of ex­cellent beautie, and in vigor of mind most sharpe and vehement, in his rewards boun­tifull, [Page 108] in courage farre aboue mans nature, or mans beliefe, in the haughtinesse of his thoughts, in the celeritie of his fight, in the suffering of bitter euents and casualties singu­lar, in all his actions most like to Alexander the great, to Alexander I meane being sober, and neither surcharged with wine, nor ouer­come with wrath, vsing sleepe and meate not for the pampering of his lust, but for the con­tinuing of his life. He was neare in bloud to C. Marius, and was Cinnaes sonne in lawe, neither during Syllaes Dictatorship could he by any means be moued to diuorce Cinnaes daughter, though M. Piso a Consularian, did for feare of Sylla sunder himselfe from Annia Cinnaes widow, by which constancie Caesar did greatly endaunger himselfe; for his death Caesars death sought for by Sillaes officers. was sought for by Syllaes officers, Sylla him­selfe being ignorant of their purpose. Caesar being made Consul, a league of soueraigne societie was concluded betwixt him and Cn. Pompeius, & M. Crassus. Pompey did there­fore enter into that league, because he would haue his acts and deedes, which he had made in the prouinces before mentioned, that were [Page 109] conquered by him, fully confirmed and rati­fied by the Senate. Caesar by taking that course had a double intent, to increase his owne honour by yeelding to Pompeis glory, and to establish his owne authoritie by char­ging him with the hatred of this treuirall power. Crassus had this drift to maintaine & preserue the aestimation which he had alrea­die obtained by the power of Caesar, and the authoritie of Pompey. There was also an af­finitie contracted by marriage betwixt Caesar Pompey marrieth with Iulia Caesars daughter. and Pompey: for Pompey tooke to wife Iulia Caesars daughter. Caesar had the regiment of Fraunce committed to him by the Senate, af­ter whose Consulship ended, and before his departure into Fraunce, P. Clodius Tribune Clodius Tribune of the people becommeth seditious. of the people began to giue new edge vnto quarrels, and did with maine force bend him­selfe against Cicero. For what agreement could there be betwixt them, when their ma­ners did so farre disagree? The head of dissen­tion was cut off when Catiline was slaine, the bodie also was mangled when his confede­rates were put to death, but the serpents taile did as yet mooue: for Clodius did seeke by all [Page 110] meanes possible, to take reuenge on Cicero Clodius see­keth to re­uenge him­selfe vpon Cicero. for the sharp seueritie vsed against his friends which were of Catilines seed-plot, and of that seditious league. But it was to be wondred at, that a man conuicted of so notorious and hainous crimes, durst proceede to such im­pudencie as to attempt the disgrace of M. Cicero, or any way to disturbe his quietnesse. At that time Clodius was infamous for his a­dulterie Clodius in­famous for adulterie with Pom­peia Caesars wife. with Pompeya Caesars wife, which amiddest the most religious & solemne rites of Bona Dea, this vnchast Tribune commit­ted: and these ceremonies, which it was not lawfull for any man to behold, Clodius in wo­mans attire did pollute. But he was the author of greater lewdnesse then this, when with his owne sisters he became incestuous, two of Clodius in­famous for incest with his sisters. them being his sisters german, and married to two worthie Romanes, the one of them to Q. Metellus, and the other to L. Lucullus, the third was his sister by the halfe bloud, the wife of Q. Martius. For these and other his faults, he was condemned by the seuerall censures Clodius cō ­demned by Senate. of two hundred Senators at one Session, and this notwithstanding was absolued: so that I [Page 111] do greatly doubt, whether the Consuls that did absolue him, or Clodius that was absol­ued, did more deserue punishment: for by that meane such a window of impunitie was then opened, as could not be shut in the space of many yeares ensuing. But Clodius because he was Tribune, and because he was Clodius, did thinke all time lost wherein Cicero was safe. He was then in great fauour both with the people and Consuls: for when any com­moditie was sought for by the Consuls, which could not be preiudiciall to the people, he would labour earnestly for the Consuls, and when the people would haue had any bene­fite which did not concerne the Consuls, he was wholly for the people: so that by displea­sing neither, he pleased them both. Vpon this ground he aduentured to make lawes, amōgst which one was enacted against thē who had put a Romane citizen to death without the iudgement of the people of Rome, which lawe though it ranne in generall termes, yet in sence and meaning it was directly leuelled against Cicero, who in his Consulship had by Senate condemned the confederates of Ca­tiline. [Page 112] Cicero perceiuing this did clad him­selfe Cicero mourneth. with mourning roabes, the Senators al­so were attired with blacke, as the associates of his sorrow, the Romane knights did weare his colour, the inconsolate citie did droope and deplore his state, and the forreiners that heard thereof did enlarge the griefe. For the redressing of this maladie meanes were made to Crassus, Caesar, and Pompey. But Caesar denyed to stand against Clodius, because he feared that the lawes and decrees made by him the yeare next before when he was Con­sul should be disanulled and abrogated by Clodius if he maintained hatred against him. M. Crassus was monies weathercocke, and an hungrie cormorant of coyne, and therefore refused to meddle in this matter, because they that craued the assistance of his authoritie, came not to him with golden faces: only Pō ­pey did helpe, countenance, & comfort him, and protested openly that himselfe would ra­ther be slaine by Clodius, then Cicero shold be abused: but the Consuls commanding the Senators and others to lay aside their mourn­full sable, did so firmely lincke themselues to [Page 113] Clodius, both against Cicero and Pompey, that neither could Pompey profite him, nei­ther would Cicero stay in the citie. For how could he expect any better successe, L. Piso & A. Gabinius being Consuls, men of notori­ous naughtinesse, and raked out of the scum of Senators? VVherefore Cicero left the city, Cicero com­mitteth him­selfe to vo­luntarie exile. and in the very day of his departure, his house that stoode on mount Palatine was burnt by Clodius, and the soile was consecrated to Li­bertie: his goods were confiscated, his lord­ships and farmes bestowed vpon others: there was a lawe also made touching his banish­ment, wherby it was prohibited that he shold A sharpe law made con­cerning Ci­cero his ba­nishment. not haue the vse of water and fire within the citie, that none within fiue hundred miles of Italie should receiue him into his house, that none should make any motion for him to the Senate, that none should deliuer his opinion of Cicero, that none should dispute of that which was done, that none should speake of it, that none should go vnto him, that none should write vnto him. But in the end Cn. Pompeius hauing vndertaken emnitie with Clodius, being vrged by the earnest petition [Page 114] of Titus Annius Milo, and moued by the a­bundant kindnesse of his heroicall nature, did in his mind make speciall election of this care to reduce Cicero from banishment. VVhere­fore the yeare next ensuing, P. Lentulus and Q. Metellus being Consuls, Cicero by a Se­natorie decree was recalled from banishmēt Cicero re­called from banishment. with the great desire of the Senate, and the great reioycing of Italie. The ground where­on his house stoode, was exempted from reli­gious consecration, and his house was not so shamefully throwne downe by Clodius, as it was sumptuously reedified by the Senate, his possessions were restored vnto him, and all the acts which Clodius made in his Tribune­ship Clodius per­sisteth to be an enemie to Cicero. were adiudged to be void. Clodius did greatly indignate at the returne of Cicero, & hauing aggregated vnto him a rascall route of thriftlesse and vnconscionable ruffians, he partly draue away, and did partly maime and murder the carpenters and workmen, that were busied about the renewing of Ciceroes house, he burnt beside the house of Q. Cice­ro, Clodius bur­neth, the house of Q. Cicero. he fought with Milo many times in the streets: he pursued Cicero with stones, clubs, [Page 115] and swords, & arming all his men with brāds of fire in the one hand, and swords in the other led them to the burning of Miloes house: but this tempest and trouble of the citie, who did bestow kingdomes and take them away, and deuided the world at his pleasure, which burnt the temple of the Nimphes, that he might scorch the rowle in which his shame was enregistred, which with masons, archi­tectes, and measurers of ground did suruey almost euery close and plot that lay neare vn­to him, hoping in the end to make it his own purchase, and to dilate and extend his de­measnes from the gate of Ianus to the top of Clodius threatneth death to Sanctia. the Alpes: which threatned death to Sanctia a matron, as holy in her manners as in her name, and to Apronius a young gentleman, vnlesse they would sell vnto him their inheri­tance: who told Fursonius in plaine termes, that if he would not lend him so much mony as he required, he would carie him dead into his house. This enemie I say to all good men, to his neighbors, to forreyners, to his friends, Clodius is slaine by Milo. to his kinsmen, was shortly after slaine by Mi­lo, for whose death he did lye in awaite, and [Page 116] his bodie being conueyed to Rome was loa­thed of the beholders, for it was the harbour of a foule ostridge.

Caesar was now in hot warres against the French, of whose exploits as they did happē in nine yeares space, whilst he was President there by the commission of the Senate, I will make a brief rehearsall as the times did yeeld them.

In the first yeare the Heluetians, when The Helue­tians flye be­fore Caesar. Caesar had scarcely set foote in France, burnt their houses, and leauing their countrie dis­persed themselues in the fields of the Sequa­ni, and so came to the coast of the Tolossians. Caesar perceiuing that their abode in that place would be dangerous to the citie of To­lossa, and being earnestly intreated by the petition of the Ambarrians and the Allobro­ges, who did complaine themselues to be greatly vexed and disturbed by the Helueti­ans, remoouing his tents and hauing ouerta­ken them at the riuer of Arraris destroyed in pursuite all the villages of the Tigurines. Cae­sars horsemen which were sent before to ob­serue what waies and pathes the Heluetians [Page 117] did take, were by them discomfited. After­ward The Helue­tians ouer­come by Caesar. they gaue battell to Caesar, and in that battell they were ouercome, and yeelding themselues to Caesars mercie, they were en­ioyned to resort to their owne countrie, and there to repaire their houses. Then Caesar be­ing mooued by the complaint of certaine Frenchmē addrest against Ariouista the king Caesar pur­sueth battell against Ari­ouista. of the Germaines, whome he did pursue in battell to the riuer of Rhenus.

In the second yeare he waged battell a­gainst Caesar figh­teth against the Belgians & Neruians. the Belgians, the most of which were slaine. The like successe had he against the Neruians.

In the third yeare fighting on the sea a­gainst the Venetians, he caused thē to yeeld: and P. Crassus his Lieutenant did subdue al­most all the countrie of Aquitania.

In the fourth yeare the Germaines passing with a great multitude ouer the riuer of Rhine arriued in Fraunce, whom Caesar assaulting on the sudden did vtterly destroy: then he made a bridge ouer Rhenus, and determined Caesar ouer­throweth the Germaines. to vexe and exagitate the Germaines in their owne countrie, because France was so much [Page 118] disquieted and molested by them, & hauing Caesar bur­neth the vil­lages of the Sicambrians burnt there many cities and villages of the Sicambrians, being also certified that the Bri­tanes did minister succour, and gaue encou­ragement to the conspiracies of the French, he sayled into Britaine, and constrained the Caesar ouer commeth the Brittains Britanes by sharpe onset to yeeld vnto him. Caesars nauie that transported his horse, was shrewdly shaken with a tempest, wherewith the Britaines being reuiued betooke them­selues againe to weapons, and fighting with Caesar were put to flight: at length they sued to Caesar for peace, which he taking hostage Caesar recō ­ciled to the Britaines. of them did easily graunt, and returned into Fraunce, and the same yeare the Morines & Menapiās rebelling he reduced to obediēce.

In the fifth yeare Caesar returning from Il­lyrium, to which place he went for the stop­ping and beating backe of an incursion made by the Pirustae, came to his armie in Fraunce, and addressed warre afresh against the Bri­taines hauing broken truce, and enioying Caesar renu­eth his war against the Britaines. there a prosperous fight, a great multitude of the inhabitants being slaine, and a great part of the Island brought into the power of the [Page 119] Romanes, taking hostages, and imposing tri­bute he set saile for Fraunce.

In the sixt yeare the Eburons did rebell a­gainst Caesar, Ambiorix being their king and The Ebu­rons ouer­come by Cae­sar. Captaine, whō in many places Caesar fiercely and feruently pursuing, put to the sword and dispersed the remnāt of that rebellious com­panie.

In the seuenth yeare Caesar went into Italy, vpon occasion of a mutinie which there did befall. The French thinking that he would be detained by domesticall warre, and that it would be hard for him to returne to his ar­mie during that dissention, began now to take aduise of renewing warre against the Ro­manes. The Carnutians professing that they would be leaders to that attempt bound o­thers vnto them by oath, and hauing appoin­ted a day they repaired to Genabis, where many of the Romanes did negociate, & were earnestly occupied and busied about their Treacherie against the Romanes in Fraunce. trafique & merchandise, all which were slaine by the French, which massacre being certain­ly reported at Aruernum and other parts of Fraunce, the Pietons, the Parisians, the Ca­durcians, [Page 120] the Tureus, the Aulerci, the Lemo­nickes, the Audians did ioyne in armour and did confederate with the Carnutians. Caesar hearing of this new enterprise made speedie Caesar his reuenge v­pon the re­bels. returne into Fraunce, and hauing placed se­uerall garrisons in the cities of the Volscians, of the Artonikes, of the Tolossians, & in Nar­bo, which were nearest vnto the enemies, he tooke Vellannodunum the citie of the Seno­nes, & Genabis the chiefe towne of the Car­nutians, which he spoiled and burnt, and ma­ny other townes did he take, and seised v­pon many of the rebels, receiuing some of them into his mercie, & punishing very sharp­ly the most notorious offenders.

In the eight yeare he pursued the Carnu­tians to their vttermost ouerthrow: the Bello­faci conducted by two valiant captaines Cor­bius and Comius, were enforced to submit themselues, and Corbius was then slaine by Caesars horsemen.

In the ninth yeare Caesar did not enterprise any warlike affaires, but laboured specially to cut off all occasions of reuolting: therfore honorably emparling with the magistrates [Page 121] of the cities: bestowing vpon the gouernors great rewards, and burdening them with no new taxes, he brought Fraunce being weari­ed by many warres, to a perfect and perpetu­all peace, and departed thence to Italie, but was still garded with an armie of souldiers.

In the seuenth yeare of Caesars warfare in Fraunce, Iulia Caesars daughter departed this world, and Pompeis litle sonne which he had by her, within a short space after died also, which was a great cracke to the concord be­fore continued. Pompey had alreadie proro­ged his Praesidētship in the prouince of Spain Pompey his President­ship in Spain proroged. for fiue yeares: but the people of Rome did exceedingly grudge, that either Caesar or Pō ­pey should in any forraine prouince haue an armie of souldiers at their commaund, sith all warres both forreine and domesticall were ceassed & determined, because they thought by that meane some daunger might grow to the Citie: for Pompey being now in Rome, did rule Spaine by Affranius and Petreius his Lieutenants, hauing in seuerall cities seuerall garrisons, and C. Caesar had in the bosome of Italie an huge hoast, & had then a garrison [Page 122] at Rauenna, where he was personally residēt: this did seeme also inconuenient to many of the nobles, and Pompey shewed himselfe ve­ry partiall: for he did fawne vpon them which would haue had Caesars armie dismissed, but was very aduerse to others who would haue measured him by the same compasse, who if he had died in Campania two yeares before the ciuill wars, where he was greatly assayed by sicknesse, at which time all Italie did make speciall vowes for his health, his glorie which was gained by sea and land he had caried vn­touched to the graue. Vpon these considera­tions L. Lentulus and C. Marcellus being Consuls, a decree was made by the Senate, A decree made by the Senate, that Caesar shold dismisse his armie. that within a time limited Caesar should dis­charge his armie, and if he would not, that he should be accompted an enemie, for Caesar wold haue bene made Consul in his absence: but M. Cato did well answere, that no citizen ought to praescribe lawes to the common­weale: wherefore it was ordained that Caesar contenting himselfe with one legion, should beare only the title of the Presidēt of France, and that he should come into the citie as a [Page 123] priuate man, & in his suite for the Consulship, should wholly relye vpon the voices of the people. C. Curio an impudent oratour, a mā wickedly witted, and eloquent for a publike mischiefe, whose mind no riches could satis­fie, nor any pleasures sufficiently please, who first stood for Pōpey (as it was then accomp­ted for the common weale, which I do not speake to reprooue, but that I might not be reprooued) and now was in shew and appa­rance both against Pompey and Caesar, but in deed and mind wholly for Caesar: this Cu­rio Tribune of the people, posted in hast to Rauenna where Caesar was, and signified vn­to him the order of the Senate, applying his eloquence as a brand to the inflaming of Cae­sars Caesar is in­censed by Curio a­gainst the Senate. furie. Curio came to Caesar at the en­trance of twilight, when the cloud of vapours and exhalations, is by nature disposed to turn men into melancholie, which tooke so deepe hold on Caesar, that making no answer to Cu­rio, but casting himselfe on his bed he did in this sort expostulate with the Romanes. The passio­nate speech of Caesar a­gainst the Senate.

Thus is Caesar measured with a scantling, dieted with a paring, and rewarded with no­thing. [Page 124] ‘Vanish from me thou sad and vgly cō ­cubine of Erebus, thou grimme and duskie night, which with thy blacke circumference doest hood winke our sences, driuing the day from vs before we can flesh our swords, con­tracting our sinewes when they are but new­ly stretched, causing vs to lurke in our cab­bons when we should cleaue to the throats of our enemies; vanish I say from me, and delay not with thy lingering minutes my expeditiō against Rome. Against Rome? ô the eccho of my heart! nay for Rome, against the Ro­manes, amongst whom is Cn. Pompeius Ma­gnus, but not yet Maximus, for he lacketh a degree of that, and before he can attaine to it, there will be effusion of bloud by successiō. But what careth he for that, was he not one of Syllaes whelpes, whose sword reaking with Italian bloud he so greedily licked, that the tast thereof doth as yet relice in his rauenous and polluted lawes? But learne of Sylla, learn of thy Sylla Pompey, that a tyrant bathing himselfe in goare, shall at length sinke by the weight of his cruelties. VVhat Caesar hath done, I referre to the Oracle of Bellona, what [Page 125] he will do I leaue to the concealed decree of sacred vengeance: what he may do, let the foredoming Parcae praedestinate: what he ought to do let warlike iustice pronounce. VVas not Pompey made Consul without suing, without seeking, without speaking? and shall I requesting, yea and humbly requesting suffer a repulse? Fortune thou mightie and miraculous Goddesse, which in a moment doest procure a world of varieties, whetting with thine anger the points of our launces, shaking crownes and kingdomes with the spurne of thy foote, triumphing ouer our vi­ctories with the speckled wheeles of thy vo­luble chariot, controlling our hope with thy frowning countenance: thou knowest great goddesse, that if Rome hath at any time flou­rished: if it hath at any times tasted the pure and vnmingled extract of sincere happinesse, if it were euer caried on the brode wings of fame, if it did euer swim in a floud of plentie, it was through Caesar and his fortune, & yet we are now dispised, and yet we will not be despised, fortune is able to reuenge the iniurie done to Caesar, and Caesar will alwaies fight for the praeheminence of his [Page 126] fortune. Therefore for the honour of Aeneas against the defacers of his race, for the credit of mount Palatine, against the vniust magi­strates of Rome, for the glorie of Romulus who shineth in the heauens like a giant-starre against the seditious repugnants, I will shoot the sting of my wrath, and they shall well per­ceiue that Caesar aesteemes no better of his enemies, then if a sort of hares should be har­nessed, which would trust rather to their feete then to their force: auaunt frō me pitie thou feminine passion, for I will deriue my name of a martiall act, and wil be called à caedendo Caesar, possesse therfore my heart thou dread­full Nemesis, ransacke my vaines, rage within me wrath, assist me fiends, furies, and ye de­formed ghosts, subiect to the seuere edict of the baser destinie, make your seats and circles in the wast of Italie, and neuer forsake that place, till the fierie brightnesse of Caesars su­premacie do deterre you from thence.’

Caesar in this rage of mind, carried away with the whirlewind of his turbulent spirit, left Rauenna and passed ouer Rubicon: the Senate hearing of his rebellion, decreed that [Page 127] Pompey should be Generall, & that he shold Pompey is appointed by the Senat Generall a­gainst Caesar haue monie out of the common treasurie. There was present choise made of souldiers throughout all Italie, warres were proclai­med, and taxes were imposed vpon the con­fines, suburbes and confederate cities. Caesar hauing passed Rubicon seized vpon diuerse townes of Italie, Pisaurum, Fanum, Ancona, Tignium and Auximon, and he ran ouer all the Picene prouince, with his armie which was forsaken of Lentulus Spinther the gouer­nour there, and from thence he went to Cor­finium, which was held of L. Domitius Ahe­nobarbus, which he enioyed hauing Domiti­us also in his power, a most constant friend to Pompey, whose standard was at no time ad­uaunced, but it was worshipped and follow­ed by Domitius: whome Caesar did in this Caesar par­doneth Do­mitius. maner greet: Domitius I do franckly pardon thee & all those which belōg to thy charge, & with these words I make a perfect disclaime of anger and emnitie, I giue thee also free choise and election, whether thou wilt be a captaine in Caesars campe, or still adhere to Pompey. Domitius not demurring vpon [Page 128] Caesars offer, did incontinent fly to Pompey, Domitius flyeth to Pompey. who was then at Brundusium, and there were many at that time which did obserue the like faithfulnesse to Pompey, to whom Caesar did more plentifully offer the benefite of life, thē they did thankfully receiue it. Caesar hasted to Brundusium to assault the Consuls in that place, but failing of his purpose he addressed toward Rome: there was then in the citie great feare and amazednesse, the people cal­ling to memorie the crueltie of Marius, the matrons with their rented haire did display their fearefulnesse, the young damsels with salt teares did blemish their faces, their skri­king voices & deepe drawne sighs, did moue the heauens to a sympathie. The silly babes flying as it were from the face of Caesar, did cleaue to the breasts of their parents, the stur­diest necks did then begin to stoope, and the strongest hearts to melt, and nothing could be seene in Rome but signes of sorrow: for as the earth when she is disrobed of her budding and fructifying trees, and of her amiable ver­dure, which is her onely grace and garment roiall, is like a naked table wherein nothing [Page 129] is painted, so was Rome at that instant being bereaued of her young and lustie gentlemen, euen as if the springtide should be taken from the yeare: and a great deformitie did then al­so arise by the absence of the graue and aun­cient fathers, who with their spreading sha­dow did shield and protect the bodie of the citie, and did nourish the rising plants of the generous brasill, gathering strength and soli­ditie vnder the curtaine of their boughs. Cae­sar hauing entred Rome, vsed all sorts of men with great kindnesse and curtesie, and hauing conuocated an assemblie declaring and ag­grauating vnto them the iniuries of his ene­mies, he transferred all the blame vpon Pom­pey, and made a notable pretence, that he was desirous of vnitie, and that peace was the virgin of his heart. But Caesars Diamond was nothing else but glasse, and his words no­thing but wind, which at that present was clearely and euidently perceiued, for he went in great hast to the temple of Saturne, where the treasurie of Rome was before his ransack inuiolably kept, and at the gates of the tem­ple L. Metellus Tribune of the people did [Page 130] boldly resist him, and with these words enter­tained him.

Caesar the lawes of Rome haue made this Metellus his speech to Caesar. place sacred, thou shalt not enter into this ‘temple but through the sides of Metellus, & no coine shalt thou carrie from hence with­out bloudshed: vnsheath therefore thy blade, and feare not lest thy wrongs be espied: for alas we are now in a desolate citie, there be so few to condemne thy doings, that there be almost none to see them: thy priuate and rebellious souldiers shall not haue their pay out of the treasurie of Rome, and if thou wol­dest be rich by violence, there be strange wals for thee to batter.’ Caesar in this sort replied vnto him.

‘Shamelesse churle as thou art, this right­hand shall not vouchsafe thee so much honor as that thy bloud may shine vpon a souldiers steele. Metellus, thou art not worthie of my wrath, and where thou hoissest vp the saile of lawes and customes, assure thy selfe Tribune that the lawes of Rome had rather be cancel­led by Caesar, then confirmed by Metellus.’ In the end by the earnest intreatie of his friends, [Page 131] who were addicted to Caesar rather for feare then contrarietie of opinion, Metellus gaue place to Caesar, and he rushing suddenly into Caesar sei­zeth the treasurie. the temple, caused the treasurie which in ma­ny yeares space was leuied by polles, which was gained in the Carthaginian war, and in the victories had against Philip Perseus, and Pirrhus, together with the tribute of Asia, of Creet, and the wealth which Cato brought from Cypris, and which Pompey purchased by his warres, being caried before him when he triumphed, to be laid on asses backes, and to be caried as the sinew and supporter of his warres. This was thought the fowlest act that euer was committed by Caesar, and it was ne­uer feared that Rome shold be poore by Cae­sar. This captaine being as glad for this new bootie as some of his friends were sorie, led his souldiers toward Spaine, where Afranius Caesar mar­cheth toward Spaine. and Petreius did rule the affaires vnder Pom­pey, but he did so masserate them with famine that he possest the greatest part of Spaine, without shedding many drops of bloud: then he went into that part of Spaine, which is now called Andeluzia, where M. Varro captaine [Page 132] to a great number of Veteranes, did hold a forcelet, but he being daunted with the pre­sence of Caesar, resigned all the prouince into his hands: thē he marched toward Dirrachio, taking by the way Orichum and Apollonia an Vniuersitie towne, where his Nephew O­ctauius was taught at that time in the liberall artes and sciences, who is said to haue accō ­panied his vncle in the warres following, but because it is a tradition of more antiquitie then credit, I do rather note it then affirme it. The fortune that Caesar had, and the credite which Pompey enioyed in forraine nations, were two enticing lures, that drew to their se­ueral campes a great multitude of forrainers. To the assistance of Pompey from the coast of The forrei­ners which were readie in armes for the assistāce of Pompey. Greece which lyeth about the rockes of Cyr­rha, and the clouen hill of Parnassus, came a great armie of the Phocenseans, from Thebes and the regions thereabout came the Baeoti­ans, the Pisaeans, and the Sicanians: from the townes that lye vnder Maenalus and OEte came the Dryopes, the Threspoti, and the Sellians: from Creet and Gortyna a number of good archers did present themselues to [Page 133] Pompey: from Dardania, from Colchis, and the shore of the Adriaticke sea, the Athamāts, Enchelians and diuerse others: besides these flocked vnto him thousands from Babylon, Damascus, and Phrygia, together with the I­dumaeans, Tyrians, Sidonians and Phaenici­ans: there came also from Tarsus, from Cili­cia, from India, Persia, Armenia, Arabia, and Aethiopia. For the aide of Caesar there came The straun­gers which were assistāt to Caesar. many Scythians, Hircanians, and from di­uerse regions beyond the hill Taurus: like­wise the Lacedaemonians, the Sarmatians, the Lydians, the Essedones, the Arimaspians, the Massagites, the Mores, the Gelonians, the Marmarians, the Memnonians and they that dwell beyond the pillers of Hercules were readie in armour and shewed themselues ser­uiceable to Caesars commaund. Cn. Pom­peius partly to welcome the straungers that came to Dirrachio, and partly to encourage the Romanes which did follow him, and to make the cause of the vndertaken warre ma­nifest to them all, the Nobles and Senators sitting round about him in harnesse, vsed this speech vnto them.

[Page 134]Let it not any whit dismay you friendly Pompey his oration to his souldiers forreiners, and faithfull harted Romanes, that ‘you are now farre from the wals of the taken citie, and if the Italian ingenuitie, and the heate of the Romane bloud be as yet warme within the Romanes, let them not marke v­pon what earth they stand, so they stand vpon the ground of a good and lawfull quarrell. It is I trust euident to you all that we are the Se­nate: for if we were in the vtmost climate of the world, aud directly vnder the freezing waine of the Northerne Beare, yet in our hands should be the administration and regi­ment of the affaires of Italie. VVhen Camil­lus was at Veios Rome was there also, and the Romanes forsaking their houses, did ne­uer chaunge their lawes. Now is Rome Cae­sars captiue, and a sort of sorrowfull hearts hath he there in hold, emptie houses, silent lawes, and close courts: we are here as the pu­nishers of Caesars faults▪ and the armor which we now beare, is but onely the wrath of re­uengefull Rome. Caesars warfare is as iust as Catilines, and when he should be like to the Scipioes, and the Marcelli, he falleth into the [Page 135] rebellious faction of C. Marius, Lepidus, Carbo, Sertorius: and yet in truth I honour him too much to consort him with these. He maketh accompt of me as of one withered, halfe dead and foredone with yeares: but it is better for you to haue an ancient captaine, then for Caesar to leade an armie of spent and outworne Veteranes. And though the age which hope doth follow be farre more plausi­ble and acceptable, then that which death doth pursue, yet wisedome and experience proceede from elder times, & the head whose haires resemble the feathers of the swan is a Senate house to a good armie. And if I may not be a souldier, yet I will be the example of a souldier vnto you. The aestimation that I haue alwaies had amongst you Romanes, by whose meanes I haue bene extolled to that honour, aboue which neuer any Romane ci­tizen did ascend, may warrant my warfare. VVith vs also are both the Cōsuls, with vs the armies of many forraine kings & potentates. Is Caesar trow you so venturous, because he warred so lōg against the vnruly French? why it was but a sporting practise, more fit to [Page 136] traine his souldiers, then to merite triumph: or hath his fortune against the Germaines raised his courage, he went not so speedily to the Germaines as he departed from them, and rather fearing them then feared of them, he called the Germaine sea the whirlepit of hell? or doth his bloud begin to boile within him, because the fame of his furie did suddēly driue the Senators out of their houses and harbours? VVhen I displayed my blazing en­signe vpon the Ponticke sea, the Ocean was no more traced with the pirate ships, but they did all crowd into a narrow corner of the earth. Mithridates that vntamed prince, who long expected when victorie should flie from Rome, I enforced to take his pauillion, in which he died like a fugitiue coward, & ther­in I was more fortunate then the most fortu­nate Sylla. There is no part of the world with­out my trophees, and what land soeuer lyeth vnder the sunne, hath either bene vanquished or terrified by Pompey: and I haue left no warre for Caesar, but this which now he main­taineth, in which though he ouercome, yet he shall neuer triumph. VVherefore the nea­rer [Page 137] Caesar doth approch vnto you, the more let your courage rise, or if words cannot pre­uaile, imagine that you are now vpon the banckes of Tiber, and that the Romane ma­trons standing vpon the wals of the citie, with streaming teares, and dispersed hairelockes, do exhort you and intreate you to fight: Ima­gine that out of the gates of the citie the old and grayheaded fathers, that are notable to weild weapons do prostrate vnto your feete their hoarie heades, requiring succour and defence of you: and thinke that Rome herself fearing a tyrant boweth vnto you: thinke that the infants which are alreadie borne, & which hereafter shall be borne, haue mingled their common teares, and that they which as yet neuer saw the light, desire to be borne free, and they which do now liue desire to dy free: and if all this will not serue, then Pompey (if he may so debase the maiestie of a Generall) with his wife and children will fal before your feet. But this is my last behest that I require of you, let not Pompey who in his youth hath alwaies honored you, be dishonored through your default in his dying yeares, for your [Page 138] selues, for your kindred, your freedome and good estate. I protest thus much, that I will neuer returne to Rome but I will carrie peace in my hand, and the Oliue braunch shall be my ensigne.’ The Romanes were greatly em­boldened hearing these words, seeing their Generall so youthfully minded, & as it were refined in the mould of Mars. VVherefore they expected Caesar with prepared minds. And Caesar hauing now praefected gouernors ouer Orichum and Apollonia, made great hast to Dirrachio, in which place at his first comming Pompey gaue him the onset, and Pompey put­teth Caesar to flight. made him to flie hauing lost a great part of his armie: and though M. Antonius came not M. Antonius helpeth Cae­sar. long after to Caesar with a fresh supply, ready to face and brest the enemie, yet Pompey did so plague thē with continuall warring against them, when he saw cōuenient time; that Cae­sars victuals being almost wasted, he was faine through penurie of corne to flye into Thessa­li, and Pompey speedily pursuing him in the champion plaine of Pharsalia, pitched his tents directly against Caesars. In Pompeis campe all things were glorious, magnificent, [Page 139] and glittering in shew: in Caesars all things powerfull, actiue, and strong. The Romanes being thus deuided both parties were greatly enflamed with desire of fight: Pompeis soul­diers were readie to depriue him of the en­signes, and to enter the field without a Gene­rall: so deliberatiue was that noble Captaine of their welfare, and so desperate were they and carelesse what befell vpon them. In Pom­pey there was this desire and thought to o­uercome with as little bloudshed as might be. But what fiends and damned spirits diddest thou inuocate Caius Caesar? what Stygian fu­ries, what infernall hagges, and what nightly terrors didest thou intreat? to what Eumeni­des diddest thou sacrifice, intending such a generall slaughter? Pompey being earnestly vrged by his souldiers thought good to mar­shall his men, and to set the armie as might be most conuenient for the soile whereon they were to combate. The left wing of the armie Pompey marshalleth his armie. was committed to L. Lentulus, the leading of the right wing had L. Domitius, the strength and middest of the battell did whol­ly relie vpon P. Scipio: vpon the bankes and [Page 140] sides of the riuers did march the Cappadoci­ans & Ponticke horsemen: in the brode field were Tetrarches, Kings, and Princes, and all the purpled Lords that were tributarie to Rome: Pompeis squadrons were furnished with many Romanes, Italians, and Spaniards. Caesar seeing his enemies to haue discended into the plaine, was heartily glad that so good occasion was offred him, and that the day was come which with a million of wishes he called for: wherefore departing out of his tents and marshalling his souldiers he made toward Pompey. In this battell, the fathers face was directly against the sonnes, the brother was preparing himselfe against his brother, the vncle was the first that leuelled at the nephew, and he that did slay most of his kindred was accompted most couragious. VVhen the trū ­pets denounced the warres, and gaue a signe of fight, the Caesarians did fiercely giue assault The Caesari­ans giue the first assault. to the Pompeians. The force and vigor of the warre did consist in the launces, speares, and swords, which Pompey had well prouided a­gainst, by ioyning the targets one with ano­ther, so that Caesar had much ado to breake [Page 141] the array: but fearing lest his foremen should faint, he caused the transuers legions to fol­low his ensigne, who as it were with a side­wind aduenturing vpon Pōpeis armie, stroke them downe on each side so fast as they went. The barded horse being incensed with the heate of the warre, his heart being boared with the point of the speare, exempted him­selfe from the reine. The Barbarians being not able to restraine them gaue way to Cae­sar, and the foming steede being now the re­gent of the field, the fight was confused and disordered: for vpon whom the dart did vn­certainly light, leauing their horses perforce they lay groning and groueling on the earth, till the hoofes of the arrearing coursers did crush the veile of their braines. Caesar was now come to the heart and center of Pom­peis armie, but the night drew on which made both sides pause: Caesar did thanke his souldiers, and gliding through euery troope and band of them, he did put nourishing oile into their burning wrath. He tooke view of their swords, curiously obseruing whose wea­pon was ouerflowed with bloud, and whose [Page 142] was dipped at the point, whose hand did trē ­ble and whose was stedfast, who changed the countenance through feare, & who through furie, and casting his eyes on the prostrate carcasses, frowning vpon them with curled forehead, as not yet satisfied he fed his irefull lookes with the desolate aspect of his slaine countriemen, but if he perceiued a gaspe in the flesh of his owne souldiers, he would en­deuour to close it vp with his hand, & giuing them words of comfort and encouragement did sooner heale them then indeede they were healed. At the dawning of the day next ensuing, and at the first entrance of that mor­nings bloudie houres, when the welkin had put aside the vizard of the night, the starres being couered and the earth discouered by the Sunne, Caesar giuing his souldiers new swords, new darts, speares and launces, and awaking their courage, giuing them also to vnderstand with the point of his launce, in what part of the aduerse armie the forreine kings, the Consuls, the Senators, and the no­bilitie were placed, directed them as it were by aime, to gage the bodies of many excellēt [Page 143] men, who entangling their weapons in the intrals of these noble enemies, did throw to the ground & to extreme ruine many prince­ly potentates: many reuerent persons were buried in go are: many of the Lepidi, of the Metelli, of the Coruini and Torquati: but a­mongst the rest the fortune of Domitius was dolorous and despitefull, he as before hath bene said, was once pardoned and dismissed of Caesar, but now was singled out by Caesar and grieuously wounded, but yet so great was his mind that he would not stoope to begge a second pardon, whome Caesar loo­king vpon like a tyrant, and seeing him rowle his fainting members in the moistned dust, did with this bitternesse insult, giuing him the Caesar his speech to Domitius. scornefull gaze: L. Domitius now I hope at length you wil forsake your maister Pompey, hereafter I trust you will practise no enmitie against Caesar. But as good fortune would, he had as yet breath enough to replie in these few words. Caesar I dy a free man, and I go to the region of Proserpina, not seeing thee as a conquerour, but as yet inferiour to Pompey, and euen at my death am I refreshed with this [Page 144] hope, that thou liuest to be subdued by the rigor of destinie, which wil take reuenge both for vs, and for thy sonne in law. Hauing spo­ken these words his life fled from him, and his sight was taken away with a dreadful dark­nesse, by whose wounds so much bloud was not lost, as there was glorie gained. For he gaue a cleare token of an honorable mind, accompting it a great deale better to haue dignitie without life, then life without digni­tie. But Caesar thinking nothing to be done if any thing were vndone, ragingly and ear­nestly did seeke for the person of Pompey, & rushing into the thicke of his souldiers, neuer stretched out his arme without deaths war­rant, and neuer looked backe but when he saw none to fight withall. Pompey standing a farre off on the top of an hill, seeing the fields to swimme with bloud, and the Romane Se­nate to be nothing now but an heape of car­casses, and that his owne decay was sought for by the bloud of a multitude, reseruing himselfe to some better fortune, forsooke the field and fled to Larissa. Caesar perceiuing it, Pompey flieth to La­rissa. thought it better to giue some rest to his ar­mie, [Page 145] then with a sudden pursuite to make af­ter him: wherefore he retired his souldiers, & came to Pompeys tents. VVhen the wande­ring night was chased frō the inferiour Islands by the recoursing day, and the Sunne had im­parted his brightnesse to our vnder-neigh­bors, and the dreames were readie to possesse the Theater of the fancie, the wearisome crea­tures of the world declining to their rest: the Caesarians hauing ransacked Pompeis tents, and refreshed their fainting bodies with the viand there left, betooke themselues to their ease, and reposed their wearied limmes in these plots which the Pompeians did before lodge in. But how shall I describe the defor­mitie of that night, in which hell did breath out the ghosts of them that were slaine, the aire was infected with contagious vapours, and the starres trembled at the beholding of the vncouth Stygians? Sleepe did bring no quietnesse vnto them, but flames, murmurs, horrors, and the hideous sounds of the skri­king The dreams and visions of the Caesa­rians. Harpies. The ghost of the slaughtered Romane did appeare vnto them, and euery mans fancie was a fiend vnto him: some did [Page 146] thinke that they beheld the image of a young man, some of an old man, others did dreame that their brethren were come to take reuēge on them, but in Caesars mind were all these terrors: the slaine Senate did seeme to encō ­passe him on all sides, brandishing their fierie swords, sweating, frying and dropping with rosen and sulpher, and the greatest torment of all was a guiltie conscience. He was now molested with the powers of hell, when his enemies that suruiued slept quietly in Laris­sa. Pompey after his mishap in Pharsalie made speedie voiage toward Egipt where Ptolome Pompey tra­uelleth to Egypt. did raigne: for Pompey hauing procured the restitutiō of his father to the throne of Egipt, and with many other singuler benefites ha­uing deserued his fauour, thought that the young Prince in a kind regard wold haue en­tertained him according to his honour and desert: but who doth busie his memorie in re­counting benefites? and who will thinke him­selfe beholden to one that is distressed? and when doth not fortune chaunge friendship? Ptolome, vnthankfull Ptolome, disleagued with the senslesse litargie of foule ingratitude, [Page 147] when by certaine report he heard that Pom­pey had approched to the shore, sent out his dire and dreadfull messengers to depriue the aged bodie of the vnuanquished mind. And when Achilles that bold butcherer did with his glaiue portend the last end of his daies, Pompey whose excellent qualities might en­cline a massagite to mercie, craued with con­stant countenance but a word or two of them, and as for life he was content to leaue it: the sauage helhound would scarcely condescend to this request, but at length his tygers heart yeelded, and Pompey in few words wishing to the Romanes libertie, to his wife comfort, to his sonnes safetie, was beheaded by these Pompey is beheaded by the Egyptiās mercilesse Egyptians, and his head was born as a present to Ptolome, which was farre too good a present for so lewde a prince. But how false was this world to Pompey, who had not now earth enough for his sepulture, to whom before the earth was too little for his cōquest: but rare is that bird whose feathers do not moult, and happie is that man whose glorie doth not eclipse. Caesar made hast after Pom­pey with an hote and earnest pursuite, not [Page 148] knowing that he was praeuented of the prize which he aimed at, and as the beasts which nature hath placed in the wildernesse, when poore pilgrimes walke by their solitarie and vncouth dens, runne all together with one rage, hunting their footsteps, euery one thin­king to purchase the pray, the Lion, the Leo­pard, the Beare, the Beuer, the Tiger, the Lu­zerne and the VVolfe, making the woods to ring with hollow outcries. So the Caesarians did enquire and make after Pompey, ama­zing the seas with sounding trumpets, drums, fifes, and shawmes, and neuer ceassed their pursuite till they were arriued in Egipt, where they were roially entertained of Cleopatra Caesar enter­tained of Cleopatra. the Egyptian princesse, who with complaint and mournfull melodie, did allure Caesar, ad­miring her singular beautie, to tame and sup­presse the pride of Ptolome, who had then deforced her from her soueraigne estate. Cae­sar did not deny this faire Oratresse, hauing alreadie perswaded him, if her toung had bin silent. Mars spent a long time with Venus, and before his departure from thence Cleopatra was another Calphurnia vnto him. But why [Page 149] do I name Calphurnia? For what proportion can there be betwixt a chast matron and a shamelesse curtizan. Caesar labouring to re­store Cleopatra to her former dignitie was suddenly assaulted by the king of Egypt with Caesar is as­saulted by the king of Egypt. an huge armie, and in that warre he was dri­uen to many extremities, the conduit pipes were cut a sunder, and he was besieged on e­uery side being as yet in Cleopatraes pallace, but in the end wrastling out of these misfor­tunes, he gaue battell to the Egyptians at Pharoes, and conueying himselfe into a gal­lie for the defence and safegard of his fleete which was grieuously tost, he was so vexed and shaken by his enemies, that he was faine to leaue his gally, and swimming a great way in the riuer of Nilus, returned with great dif­ficultie Caesar swim­meth in the riuer of Nilus to his armie, but at the last encoun­tring the Egyptians at Alexandria, he put the king and his whole armie to the sword: and in these warres was burnt the notable librarie of Ptolomeus Philadelphus, but much against Caesars mind, who as he was specially learned so he made speciall accompt of that monu­ment of learning. Caesar hauing raised Cleo­patra [Page 150] to her pristinate roialtie, departed from Egypt and hastened toward Vtica, but in the way being enformed that Pharnaces the son of Mithridates, whome Pompey when he had finished the warre against Mithridates, had made king of Bosphorus, had subtracted from the Romanes, and atchieued to himself Cap­padocia, Colchis, Armenia, and part of Pon­tus: Caesar sent against him Domitius Calui­nus, Caesar ad­dresseth a­gainst Phar­naces. whose armie was discomfited by Phar­naces. Caesar did then in person make expe­dition against him, and assaulting him at Ze­lia, caused him at the first ioyning of battell to flye, and hauing entred Bosphorus, he was Caesar put­teth Pharna­ces to flight. slaine of Asander the author of his inuasions. VVhilest Caesar was marching toward Vtica, M. Cato disdaining to receiue life at the hāds of Caesar, and greatly perplexed in mind that a man so rebelliously bent should haue so prosperous fortune, did with violent hands M. Cato kil­leth himselfe determine his daies. Caesar hauing taken V­tica as he was returning to Rome, did en­counter P. Scipio on the seas, who seeking by Caesar en­countreth P. Scipio. all warlike meanes to preserue the slender sparckle of his dying life, was at length slaine. [Page 151] and Caesar sayling from thence enshoared in Sardinia, and making no long tarriance in that place, came the fiue and twentieth day of that moneth, which beares his name at this day to the citie of Rome, where he was wel­comed with such applause, such gratulation, with such melodie, with so rare banquets, and with so gorgious shewes, that Pompeis death was not bewailed with halfe so many teares, as he was entertained with ioyes, and for the sealing of their good affection towards him, they did grant to him by a fourefold triumph to enlarge his fame. A triumph was a most ex­cellent What thing a triumph was amongst the Romans & how per­formed. honour, which the captaine who by battell had ouercome his enemies, returning with his armie into the citie did at the first en­ioy by the decree of the Senate, and after­ward by the consent of the people. It was cal­led a triumph because the souldiers did crye along the streete as they went to the Capi­tolle, Io triumph. Surely the Romanes did greatly aduantage themselues by the vsing of these triumphes, for by them men were ani­mated to warlike exploits. But many thinke a common-weale then onely to flourish, whē [Page 152] it hath peace and plentie, but being moued with the present face of things, and not fore­casting the sequele, they slip into errour, and foster in their minds fond opinions, for plen­tie breedeth securitie, securitie warre, warre desolation. The state of a countrey is then to be tearmed prosperous, when it is throughly furnished with men able and sufficient to re­pulse forreine forces, with the prouentions of the earth, and other treasures of husbandrie. But how canst thou assure thy selfe of free and peaceable inioying of the riches of thy coun­trey, the space of one moneth without milita­rie discipline? For all regions except those which are situate vnder the extremitie of the climates, are enuironed with the circumfe­rence of other nations, from which warre may arise as easily, as the winde bloweth from the foure quarters of the world, in which dange­rous accident the first and last refuge of hu­mane helpes is the soldiers arme. Doubtlesse the Romanes were exquisite in all heroicall desert, but in their bountie and beneficence to souldiers incomparably excellent: for they knew, that the prouinces and Ilands adiacent [Page 153] could not be wonne by home sitting, or by a treatie of words: but they must gird their ar­mour, confront their enemies, and exchange bloud for bloud, and when these countreyes were conquered, & they had tasted the sweet of the vintage, which the souldiers had gathe­red, they did not reward them with sower grapes, neither powred they vineger into their wounds, but assigned vnto them pensio­narie lands, for their maintenance, and ma­king thē franke allowance of ample rewards, encouraged them with crownes of glorie, tri­umphs, honors and dignities, so that victorie flourished there where armes were fauoured. Surely Princes & potentates ought with ten­der indulgence to respect the infatigable paines of the souldier, lest he murmur and say when he goeth to the fight, I shall either be o­uercome, or slaine: and so be wholly subiect to the will and disposall of mine enemie, or else be partaker of the victorie, and returne into my country, as into a pitched field, where I shall fight with penurie, contempt and vn­thankfulnesse, the last of which being either in the enemies chaines, or in the number of [Page 154] his dead men, I should neuer haue felt. But if the souldiers industrie be not quickened and stirred vp by bountie and reward, he hath no more will to performe any part of martial ser­uice, then a dead coarse hath power to arise out of the graue. For what can be more pre­cious to a man then his bloud, being the foū ­taine and nurse of his vitall spirits, and the ground of his bodily substance, which no free and ingenuous nature will loose or hazard for nothing. And in truth there is great ods in the euent, for the souldier may either be slaine and so die without receiuing of his salarie, or else be wounded and die vnder the cure, and so receiue his stipend to the halfe part. This account being thus cast, it falleth out that the souldier looseth all or some part, & the Prince who is his pay-maister, saueth either all or some part. And whosoeuer shall argument or discourse vpon found reason, and infallible experience, may easily proue and conuince, that these commō-weales haue most prospe­red, which haue liberally maintained and had in singular regard militarie artes. The men­tioning of Caesars triumph hath occasioned [Page 155] me to vse this digression. This word Trium­phus is deriued of the Greeke name of Bac­chus [...], who hauing subdued India, was the first inuenter of this honor. Of triumphs there were two sorts obserued of the Romans, one the graund triumph, which by praehemi­nence was called Triumphus, the other was the pettie triumph, and was commonly called Ouatio, of these triumphs some were done on land, some on sea, some in the citie, some on mount Albane. It was therefore called O­uatio, because the victoriate souldiers retur­ning from the fight did showte, and double the letter O. An Ouation did much differ frō a triumph, because he which came into the ci­tie by way of Ouation, was neither caried in chariot, nor cladde with robe triumphall, nor with any ornament of estate, neither did his armie march before him when he was entred the citie, neither was he crowned with laurel, nor brought in with sound of trumpets, but walked through the citie on foot, his head being adorned with a mirtle crowne, his soul­diers following him, and the shawmes onely sounding. How the great triumph was cele­brated, [Page 156] may be perceiued by this of Caesars which was thus performed.

Caius Caesar sitting in a rich and sumptu­ous Caesar his triumphs described. chariot, bordred round about with the crownes of Princes, his vpper garment being of purpled tissue, and bespanged with lines of gold, his victorious armie marching before him garnished with the spoiles of Europa and Affrick, his captiues being boūd with chaines, which were tied to his chariots taile, did re­present a wonderfull maiestie to the gazing people: the trumpets and the clarions did sound on each side. His first triumph displaied Caesars first triumph. with a most radiant standerd, the spoiles and conquests which he had in Fraunce: the ima­ges of Rhodanus and Rhene were wrought in siluer, the streames were curiously deciphe­red, and the waues did seeme to rise with a naturall and reall flowing. In the second tri­umph Caesars se­cond triūph. stood the citie of Alexandria, and after it the armes of vanquished Ptolome were bla­zed, the riuer of Nilus was painted with a faire caelestiall blew: the azured waues being compacted of costly glasse. In the third tri­umph Caesars third triumph. was a maske of Ponticke mourners, & [Page 157] the coarse of Pharnaces was then caried in tri­umph: vpō the top of the coffin stood a triple plume, on the one part of which was written VENI, on the other VIDI, on the third VICI. In the fourth triumph Affrike went as captiue, Caesars fourth tri­umph. and the person of Iuba king of Mauritania, his armes pictured as hauing mannacles of them was then also resembled. For his victorie at Pharsalia there was no triumph, because Pō ­pey was a Romane. VVhen Rome with smi­ling countenance had beheld these shewes, Caesar accompanied with the Romane nobi­litie entred the Capitolle, and there with spi­ced fires and fragrant odours did sacrifice to Iupiter. After his thankes, vowes, and prayers perfourmed, he returned with the great ap­plause and admiration of men, and amiddest other solemnities, Crispus Salustius did greet him with this Oration.

I know that it is a difficult and hard matter Salustes oration to Caesar. to giue counsell to a king, or Emperour, or to ‘any man that is highly aduaunced, because they haue store of counsellers, & there is none so wise and warie, who can giue certaine ad­uise of that which is to come. Againe, bad [Page 158] counselles are manie times better liked then good, because fortune dallieth in things, and fancy in men according to their pleasure. But I had a great minde in my youth, to handle matters of state, and in knowing of them I be­stowed great labour and trauell, not to this end onely, that I might obtaine some place of dignitie in the common-weale, which manie by euill artes and vnlawfull meanes haue cō ­passed, but that I might also fully know the estate of the common-weale, as well in peace as in warre, and how much by munition, by men, and by monie it could do. Therefore tossing many things in my mind this was my resolution, to praeferre thy dignitie Caesar be­fore mine owne fame, and modestie, and to put anything in practise so I might procure glorie to thee. And this I did not rashly or to flatter thee, but because in thee amongst the rest, I find one skill very maruellous, that thy mind hath bene greater in aduersitie, then in prosperitie. But with others it is a matter of more accompt and reckening, that men be sooner wearie with praising thy valor, then thy selfart wearied with doing things worthie [Page 159] of praise. Surely I hold it for a rule, that no­thing can be fet from the depth of inuention, which is not readie to thy thought. And if this purpose should onely raigne in thy brest to deliuer thy selfe from the furie of enimies, and how thou maiest retaine the fauour and good liking of the people, thou should do a thing vnworthie of thy vertue. But if that mind be as yet resident in thee, which from the beginning disturbed the faction of sediti­ous men, which brought the Romanes from the heauie yoake of seruitude vnto libertie, which without weapons did confound the ar­mies of thine enemies, whereof haue ensued so many and so glorious actes both at home and abrode, that thy foes cannot complaine of any thing but of thine excellencie, then re­ceiue from me such things, as of the summe or state of the common-weale I shall deliuer: which doubtlesse thou shalt either find to be true, or else certainly not farre from the truth. There is no man brought vp in a free estate, who doth willingly yeeld superioritie to ano­ther, and though the mightier man be by na­ture of a good and mild disposition, yet be­cause [Page 160] when he will he may be wicked and in­iurious, he is therefore feared: which hapneth because many great men are peruersly min­ded, and thinke themselues so much the safer, by how much more they do permit other mē ouer whom they rule, to be wicked & vniust. But surely a contrarie course should be taken, when the Prince is good himselfe, to labour and indeuour likewise to make the people good. For euery bad fellow doth most vnwil­lingly beare a gouernour, but this to thee Caesar is of greater difficultie, then to others who haue ruled before thee: thy warre hath bene more mild then the peace of other mē: besides they which did ouercome, do de­maund the spoile, they which are ouercome are their fellow citizens. Through these diffi­culties must thou passe. And strengthen the common-weale for succeeding posteritie, not by weapons, nor as against enemies, but which is farre greater and more difficult, by peaceable meanes. Therefore to this point the state of things doth call euery man either of great or of meane wisedome, to vtter as much good as he can concerning this matter. [Page 161] For mine owne part this I thinke, that as by thee the victorie shall be qualified and orde­red, so shall all things follow. Thou diddest wage battell noble Caesar with an excellent man, of great power, and desirous of glorie, a man of greater fortune then wisedome, fol­lowed by some few, enemies both to thee & to themselues, such as either affinitie did draw vnto him, or some other bond of dutie:’ for none of them was partaker of his dominatiō, Pompey could not brooke an equall. which he could not tollerate. For if he could haue brooked an equall, the world had not ‘bene set on fire with warre: but because thou art desirous to establish peace, and vpon this anuill thou and thy friends do continually beate, consider I pray thee of what nature the thing is whereof you consult. Certainly I haue this conceit, that because all things which haue beginning must haue end, when the fate and determined lot of destruction shall fall vpon this citie, that our citizens will contend and make warre against their fellow citizens, and so being wearied and consumed will be­come a pray to some forraigne king or nati­on: otherwise, not the whole world, nor all [Page 162] the people vnder the arch of the heauens be­ing mustred or assembled together, shall be able to shake or crush this flourishing com­mon-weale. Therefore the good effects of concord are to be maintained, and the euils of discord to be banished and driuen away: that may easily come to passe, if thou abridge the licence of riotous spending, and iniurious extorting, because young gentlemen in these times are inured to such a fashion, that they thinke it a glorious matter vainly to mispend their owne goods and the goods of other mē, denying nothing to their owne lust, nor to the shamelesse request of their leud compa­nions: and their restlesse mind hauing entred into a crooked way, and dissolute course, whē their maintenance faileth them, and wonted supplies are wanting, do conceiue a burning indignation against their fellow citizens, and turne all things out of course. In that commō ­weale all things are well ordered, where offi­ces and dignities are not sold, and where am­bition enioyeth not the rewards of vertue: this and all other euils shall cease when mony shall cease to be honoured, where riches are [Page 163] precious, there all good things are vile: faith, honestie, modestie, chastitie, because there is but one way to vertue, and that is hard and rough, but to mony there be many smooth waies: it is gained as well by euill as by good meanes. Couetousnesse is a sauage and de­uouring beast, immane, & intollerable: which way so euer it wendeth, it wasteth, & destroy­eth townes, fields, temples and houses: it min­gleth holy and humane things together: nei­ther armes nor wals can stop the course of it. It spoileth and bereaueth men of fame, chil­dren, countrie and parents: but if thou debase the high accompt of monie, the force of co­uetousnesse by good manners will be abated. I haue by reading found, that all kingdomes, cities, and nations haue so long enioyed a prosperous estate, whilst true aduise did pre­uaile in them: but whensoeuer fauour, feare, or pleasure was the sterne or motiue of their counsels, then their wealth was first diminish­ed, next their dominion abridged, and lastly, their libertie impeached. VVherefore I be­seech and exhort thee renowned Caesar, that thou wouldest not suffer such a goodly domi­nion [Page 164] as this to be tainted with rust, or by dis­cord rented in peeces. If that thing happen, neither night nor day will appease the storms of thy mind, but by dreames being rowzed from thy bed, thou shalt be chased and pur­sued with continuall cares. I haue dispatched in few such things as I accompted honorable for thee Caesar, and necessarie for this com­mon-weale. The most part of men to iudge of others, haue sufficient conceit, at least in their owne conceit, and to reprooue an other mans deeds or words, euery mans mind doth burne with desire. They thinke their throat is not wide enough, nor their toung glib e­nough to poure out of their breasts their ma­licious exceptions, to whose censure that I am subiect, doth so little shame me, that it would haue grieued me to haue bene silent: for, whether it shall please thee to follow this course or some better, I shall not be mooued: sith I haue spoken as much as my barrennesse could bring foorth. It remaineth for me and for vs all to wish, that such things as thou shalt in wisedome effect, the gods would prosper.’ Caesar afterward to match his foure triumphs, [Page 165] was made the fourth time Consul: his statue The great honors be­stowed vpon Caesar. also was placed amongst the statues of the auncient kings: in the Senat-house there was a throne of iuorie made for him: in the thea­ter his roome was such, as it contained plea­sure, pompe, and cost: his image was exqui­sitly painted in the Orchester, a place where­in the Romaine gentlemen did vse to daunce and vaut: the moneth of Iuly was then also cōsecrated to Iulius, as the moneth of March is to Mars. Caesar did not rest in these honors, but thought still to propagate his fame by warlike exploits. VVherefore hearing that Pōpeis sons did raise great tumults & vprores in Spaine, he made great hast thitherward, & at the towne of Siuill opposed himselfe to Cn. Caesar figh­teth with Cn. Pōpeius the younger at the citie of Siuill. Pompeius one of the sonnes of Pompey the Great, who was constrained to flye, but La­bienus met him at vnawares, and hauing slaine him, brought his head to Caesar. Sex. Pompeius his brother esca­ped by flight.

⸪

THe warre in Spaine being quickly dispatched, Caesar returned to Rome: and the Romanes did redouble his The Romans bestow many honors vpon Caesar. honours, for he was present­ly made Dictator perpetuall, Censor perpe­tuall, Consull for ten yeares, and Emperour of Rome: he was called also the father of his countrie. But Caesars fortunes did soone af­ter begin to decline, and these diuerse colou­red titles were but as reinebowes, which do glitter gallantly for a time, but are suddenly extinct: his fatall houre was now approching, and enuie stayed in the cloudes expecting his end. But as a mightie and huge oake, being clad with the exuuials and trophes of ene­mies, fenced with an armie of boughs, garni­shed with a coate of barke as hard as steele, despiseth the force and power of the windes, [Page 167] as being onely able to dallie with the leaues, and not to weaken the roote; but the Nor­therne wind that strong champion of the airie region, secretly lurking in the vault of some hollow cloud, doth first murmur at this aspi­ring oake, and then doth strike his crest with some greater strength, and lastly with the deepest breath of his lungs doth blow vp the roote. So vndoubtedly was it with Caesar, who disdained feare, and thought it a great deale better to die then to thinke on misfortune: but destinie is no mans drudge, and death is euery mans conqueror, matching the scepter with the spade, and the crowned king with the praislesse peasant. As none was more noble then Caesar, so nothing was more notable, then the death of Caesar: for his dearest friēds became his greatest enemies, and their hands plucked him downe, whose shoulders did lift him vp. Many causes were pretended of the The causes of the con­spiracie bent against Cae­sar. conspiracie bent against him, the honours which were bestowed vpon him, being both manie and great, did cause him to be enuied of the Nobles: and likewise it was a matter of cauill, because sitting before temple of Venus [Page 168] genitrix the Senate comming to him to con­sult with him of great affaires, he did sit and welcome them, and did not rise vnto them: another occasion of quarell was, because M. Antonius would haue set a Diademe vpon his head: the fourth cause was, because he depri­ued Epidius, Metellus, and Cesetius Flauius of the Tribuneship: fiftly it was greatly mur­mured, because it was constantly reported, that L. Cotta Quindecemuir that is a cōtem­platiue reader of Sybillaes prophecies, would pronounce sentence, that because it was con­tained in the prophecies of Sybilla, that the Parthians could not be ouercome but by a king, therefore Caesar should be highted the king of Rome. For these causes a conspiracie being raised against him, in which the chiefe agents of the Pompeians, were M. Brutus and C. Cassius, and of the Caesarians D. Brutus and C. Trebonius, in the Ides of March, and in the Caesar is slaine in the Senat-house Senate-house, which was called Pompeyes court, he was pierced with three and twentie wounds, which because they were many, and most of them were in the belly, and about the midrife, Caesar as ashamed of such wounds, [Page 169] did let downe his robe from his shoulders to couer them, and fell as a sacrifice vnder the statue of Cn. Pompeius Magnus. M. Antonius M▪ Antonius is spared at the time whē Caesar is slaine. and other friends of Caesar, were spared by the aduise of M. Brutus, lest they might seeme ra­ther to be authors of a faction, then of Caesars death. After this bloudie exploit, they by whō he was slaine, held the Capitolle. I cannot giue Brutus praise for this, but I rather thinke that he deserueth dispraise: for had the cause of quailing him bene iust, yet the course & ma­ner of killing him, doth apparantly seeme vn­lawfull: for by that act the law Portia was bro­ken, The law Por­tia broken by the killing of Caesar. by which it was prouided, that it should not be lawfull for anie to put to death anie ci­tizen of Rome indicta causa. The law Corne­lia The law Cor­nelia broken by the killing of Caesar. de maiestate was also violated, by which it was made high treason, for any man to take a­nie aduise, or make anie conspiracie, whereby a Romane Magistrate, or he which had a soue­raigne power, without iudiciall proces might suffer death. And that ancient law was also de­spised, by which it was forbidden, that no Se­nator should enter into the Senate-house ar­med with any warlike weapō, or hauing about [Page 170] him anie edged toole. Surely they that will end tumult with tumult, can neuer be seized of good successe or fortunate euēt: for discord may breed, continue & augment contention, but it can neuer end it: and to expect that all differences should be calmely compounded by generall accord, is a thing not much to be hoped for, because it seldome happeneth. M. Brutus, the chiefe actor in Caesars tragedie, was in counsel deepe, in wit profound, in plot politicke, and one that hated the principality whereof he deuested Caesar. But did Brutus looke for peace by bloudshed? did he thinke to auoyd tyrannie by tumult? was there no way to wound Caesar, but by stabbing his own conscience? & no way to make Caesar odious, but by incurring the same obloquie? VVill a­nie man speake vnto me of the wisedome of Brutus, when he thinketh vpō the field of Phi­lippi, wherein Brutus was like to the Comet, who feeding vpon vapours & vaine opinions, at length consumed and confounded himself: and thus were the two Bruti, I meane the first and the last, famous men of that honourable name, both fatall to the estate of the Romane [Page 171] Common-weale: for the former of them did expell the last king of the Romanes, and the later did murder their first Emperour. But if Caesars death had bene attended, till naturall dissolution, or iust proceeding had caused it, his nephews entrie into the monarchie might well haue bene barred and intercepted: be­cause these honors were annexed and appro­priated to Caesars person. And if patience might haue managed their wisdomes, though there had bene a Caesar, yet should there ne­uer haue bene an Augustus. But by bloudshed to seeke for peace, is by oyle to quench fire. VVhen any innouation or alteration is to be hatched, the state of things must be quiet and secure, that the wheele may be easily turned about, without hearing any noise. For to com­mit the murder of a soueraigne Magistrate, & to defend thy selfe by armes, is as if a man should couer himselfe by water from a showre of raine, or should descend into some hollow of the earth for auoiding of infectious aire: & if the most barbarous and immaine tyrant, should trecherously, that is without warrant of iustice be slaughtered, though at his death he [Page 172] were vtterly destitute of friends, yet his ene­mies should be sure to finde enemies: for no cōmon-weale can be without men of aspiring humours, and when such a murder is wrought they find present occasiō to tumultuate, know­ing that Anarchie breedeth confusion, & that it is best fishing in a troubled streame: making a glorious praetence to reuenge the death of a Prince, though in heart & in truth, they beare greater affectiō to the monarchie remaining, then to the Monarke who is taken away: nei­ther in regard of supreme power and praehe­minence, will I put diuersitie betweene the person of a king and a tyrant; for he which at­taineth to an imperiall or regall soueraigntie, by warlike industrie and victorious exploit, is no lesse a Monarke, then he which cometh to it by election, succession or descent: & he that is made subiect by sword, is as much subiect as he that by birth is a denison. But was Iulius Caesar a tyrant? Surely there was more tyran­nie in the slaughter then in the man slaine: Cae­sar I graunt was a traitour to the State before the victorie, but after he exchanged that base name, with the best title of dignitie, and of a [Page 173] traitour became an Emperour: yet did he not aggrauate to himselfe that type of honor, the people offred it vnto him, he accepted it with thankes: manie had offended him, he pardo­ned them, yea rewarded them with great boū ­tie. He was content to haue a fellow Consull, he suspected none of them which were the workmen of his death, he did neither depresse the Noble man by slaūder, nor aduance them of obscure condition by flatterie and bribes: & which is incōpatible to tyrannie, he shewed self-will in nothing, when he was inuested with supremacie; but questionlesse the Romanes should not haue nourished this lyon in their Citie, or being nourished, they should not haue disgraced him. The goared body of Cae­sar Caesar his bo­die is trans­ported to Cāpus Mar­tius. was honourably transported to Campus Martius. Afterward M. Cicero because he was desirous to restore peace, and to reconcile the states, procured a decree to be made after the example of the Athenians, which they called their Amnestia, that the killing of Caesar shold be forgotten & forgiuen, and this was ratified by Senate. But the conspirors would not in a­nie wise lay aside their armour, vnlesse they [Page 174] might haue certaine assurance and securitie that their persons, lands, and goods should be safe and vntouched. VVherefore for pledges they had the sonnes of M. Antonius, & M. Le­pidus, and then they descended out of the Capitolle. C. Octauius hearing of the great change that had happened in Rome, came as some say from Epirus, as others from Apollo­nia, to whom I rather agree: but he was wel­come to all sides and sectes. And by the testa­ment of his vncle, who had adopted him to be his heire, he tooke the name of Iulius Caesar. M. Lepidus was at that time made Pontifex­maximus in Caesars place. The Senate did as­signe the prouince of Syria to Dolabella, and Macedonia to Antonius: but afterward when M. Antonius did shew himself too imperious, and would haue resigned his charge in Mace­donia, and haue bene Praesident of France, he suffered a repulse of the Senate, wherupon he The Senate incensed a­gainst M. An­tonius. appealed to the people, which did greatly in­cense the Senate against him, and Octauius was also grieuously displeased with him, be­cause Octauius be­commeth an enemie to Antonius. crauing his assistāce against the enemies of his vncle, he was in grosse & odious termes [Page 175] abused of Antonius: Octauius therefore by the assent of the Senate, being accompanied with his vncles veteranes, prepared warre a­gainst him. D. Brutus to whom the prouince of France was committed by Caesar, and after his death confirmed to him by the Senate, that he might resist Antonius, who was then ma­king toward Fraunce, came with an armie to Mutina, and there suffered himselfe to be be­sieged. D. Brutus suf­fereth him­self to be be­sieged by An­tonius. The Senat did afterward send messen­gers to Antonius, to treate with him of peace, which were L. Piso, L. Philippus, and Seruius Sulpitius. But when they returned without cō ­cluding any thing, warre was proclaimed, and Hirtius being Consul went against him, Octa­uius as Propraetor, Pansa the other Consul fo­lowed them within a few dayes after. Caesar and Hirtius hauing brought Bononia into their power, did pitch their tents neare to An­tonius, who leauing a sufficient armie to beate them from the wals of the towne wherein his forces were, did priuily and closely go from thence to meete with Pansa, as he was coming to Bononia, with whom he entred battell, and M. Antonius sighteth with Pansa. had a prosperous victorie, but as he was retur| [...] [Page 178] will not do it. The Pompeians were in truth wedded to too much partialitie, for why had Brutus the glorie of triumph, vnlesse it were because his life was saued by other mens va­lour? And why were the bodies of Pansa and Hirtius solemnely and honorably enterred, and Caesar who was liuing, & partaker of the victorie nothing regarded? Nay they did ap­parantly despise him. For, sending messen­gers they enioined them to parle with his sol­diers and leaue Octauius vnspoken to: but they did with great choler answer, that they would not heare anie thing vnlesse their Ge­nerall were present. This peruerse and prepo­sterous dealing made Octauius to enter the City in warlike maner, and as an enemy vnto them, and there he made himselfe Consul, & Q. Pedius his colleague. M. Cicero did then M. Cicero doth greatly commend Octauius. in publike assemblies greatly commend and extoll Octauius, but he spake one thing and meant another: for if dangers had bene once past, Ciceroes tongue would haue turned an­other way. VVise and circumspect he was to preuent a mischiefe, but timerous & fearefull to withstand it when it was befallen. After­ward [Page 179] affinitie was contracted betwixt Anto­nius and Caesar, for Caesar tooke to wife Clo­dia Caesar taketh Clodia to wife. the step-daughter of Antonius. He was Consul before he was of the age of twentie yeares, and in that Consulship held nothing in so curious charge, as to take reuenge vpon the enemies of his adoptiue father: wherfore he requested Q. Pedius his colleague to en­quire of them by whose conspiracie he was slaine, and thereupon M. Brutus, C. Cassius & D. Brutus being absent were condemned. D. Brutus to whom the Senate had committed the dealing with Antonius, being forsaken of D Brutus is slaine. his armie fled to Aquileia & was there slaine. But the estate of the Common-weale at that time shall appeare by an Epistle of M. Brutus written to C. Cassius, which I haue here set downe: whereby a man may learne how to moderate and demeane him self in common calamities, whē iustice is turned out of course and the lawes are silent. It was to this effect. ‘M. Brutus to C. Cassius sendeth commenda­tions; according to couenant & promise my Cassius, I write vnto thee such news as I haue receiued from Rome. Octauius as I heare, [Page 180] hath maried himselfe to the daughter of Ful­uia the wife of Antonius, for which mariage, I am neither verie glad, nor greatly sorie: ma­nie vse such mariages as pledges of reconci­liation, and thinke them of sufficient force to change hatred into loue, but are greatly de­ceiued. For it is one thing to make alliance, and another to make amity, sith they proceed from seuerall causes, and hauing a different course, must needes produce diuerse effects, for alliāce groweth, by bringing one kindred to the marches of another; but friendship ei­ther by long conuersing together, or by a grounded opinion of good desert, or by like­nesse of qualities where there is no inequality of estate: and he that seeketh friendship out of these praecincts, will neuer find it. Therfore by such mariage emnitie will not fully cease, nor friendship firmely be setteled: for it is rather a meane betwixt these two extremes, then either a mother to the one, or a step­dame to the other. I receiued letters lately Antonius writeth cō tumelious letters to Brutus & Cassius. from M. Antonius, directed to vs (whereof I haue sent you here inclosed a copie) verie contumelious, minatorie, and not worthie to [Page 181] be sent from him, to vs: but his threatnings I do not much regard. For amongst free men the authoritie of him that threatneth, is no more, then the law wil permit: for mine owne part I could wish that he were great in the Common-weale, so he were honest. I will not prouoke him to emnitie, but will alway prae­ferre the libertie of my countrey, before his friendship: he obiecteth to vs often the death of Caesar, but he should consider how small a time Caesar raigned, not how litle while he liued. And Octauius forsooth digesting at length, the hollow conditions of his father in law, seemeth greatly to stomake that we bost so much of the Ides of March, when notwith­standing only one man was slaine: yet not so much as he vanteth of the Nones of Decem­ber, at which time he slaughtered more then one. Cicero once thought that the Commō ­weale as a naked orphane should be prote­cted by armes, but now he praeferreth an vn­iust peace before a iust warre: wherein he sheweth how vniust he is: he is fortunes page, and fauoureth them most who haue most fa­uourors. A wise man, though by oportunitie [Page 182] he do alter his pace, yet still keepeth his way, serueth time for aduantage not for feare, and as the sunne setteth to rise againe, so he chan­geth his course to continue his purpose: but to an vnconstant man euerie accident is a cō ­stellation, by which he is diuersified and dri­uen from the center of his thoughts. Though Octauius call Cicero father, vse him kindly, praise him, thanke him, yet it wil appeare that his words are contrarie to his meaning: for what is more auerse from common sense, thē to call him father whom he will not fuffer to be free? By these lineamēts I haue shadowed vnto thee my Cassius the ficklenesse and lu­bricitie of Ciceroes variable mind, which as it is not certaine to himselfe, so it is not safe to vs: let him liue as he doth adulatoriously and abiectly: to me which am opposed to the thing it selfe, that is, to a kingly regiment, ex­traordinarie rule, domination and superiori­tie which would extol it self aboue the lawes, no subiection can be such as that I may brook it. There can be no valiāt nor free mind with­out constancie, neither can any thing be glo­rious without the iudgement of reason. In the [Page 183] businesse of the common-weale I would haue nothing done, without the constitution and decree of the Senate and people, neither will I arrogantly praeiudicate, or boldly retractate that which they shall hereafter do, or hereto­fore haue done, but I accompt it more conso­nant to the good estate of the cōmon-weale, rather with pitie to mollifie the miserable e­state of distressed persons, then by graunting euerie thing to the desire of the mightie, to inflame their lust and insolencie. Surely the Senatours are many times deceiued in their hope, and if a man haue done one thing wel, they presently yeeld and permit all things vnto him, as though a minde corrupted by their largesse, and liberall offers, might not be traduced and caried away to euill purpo­ses and attempts: but they may not bestow any thing which to men euill disposed may be either a praesident or a protection, and I am afraid that Octauius by his late Consul­ship, do thinke him selfe to haue ascended higher, then that he will descend: for if An­tonius by the death of Iulius Caesar tooke prae­sent occasion of tyrannising, how much more [Page 184] will Octauius vsurpe, when both Senate and people do applaud to his affection. Neither will I commend the facilitie and prouidence of the Senate in this behalfe, before I haueful experience, that Octauius will content him­selfe, with the ordinarie honors that he hath receiued: but if it otherwise happen, I must needes pronounce the Senate guiltie of the fault, which they might well haue praeuented. Yet if this yong man do lay aside sinister and affectious humours, and imbarke himselfe in­to the cōmon cause with impartiall thoughts, I shall then thinke that the Common-weale will be able to support it selfe, by her owne strength and sinewes, that is iustice and inte­gritie; and that thenceforth, no offence, shall either be cruelly reuenged, or dissolutely re­mitted. Of our future affaires this is my de­terminate resolution, so it may obtaine thy approbation; if things happen to be in better plight we will returne to Rome, if the estate be as now it is, we will liue as now we do, in voluntarie exile: if it decline frō bad to worse, we must flie to armes as our last and worst re­fuge, wherefore Cassius do not faint, nor [Page 185] dispaire, let the hope of good things encou­rage thee, vertue onely is confident. From Smyrna 17. Kalend. April.’

Caesar when by no meane he could be re­uenged of Brutus, who was Praesident of Ma­cedonia, and Cassius who had the regiment of Syria; he sent for M. Antonius and M. Lepi­dus who were then in France, and they three meeting at Bononia, had conference of orde­ring and disposing the common affaires, and there they agreed to be Treuiri, for the con­stitution of the common-weale for fiue years space. To the charge of Lepidus Spaine and Gallia Narbonensis were alotted, to M. An­tonius the other parts of Fraunce, to Caesar Libia, Sicilia, and Sardinia. After these con­sultations they came to Rome, and assigned offices to whom it pleased them, asking no leaue either of people or Senate. At that time many excellent Lords and Gentlemen were proscribed, together with an hundred and thirtie Senators, among whom was L. Paulus the brother of M. Lepidus, L. Caesar the vncle of Antonius, and he who did so much praise Cicero is put to death. Octauius M. Cicero. But that was done by [Page 186] the venimous rancor of Antonius, by whose meanes he was beheaded, and the head was Fuluiaes de­spiteful dealing with Ci­ceroes tong. serued in mease vnto him, which when Fuluia the impudent wife of Antonius had espied, plucking and renting from the chaps his gol­den tongue, she distained it with the spittle & fome of her mouth, she pricked it with nee­dles, launced it with her nailes, brayed it with her fist, racked it with her armes, and stamped it with her feete. Foolish and senslesse anger, to inflict reuenge vpon a thing that was sens­lesse, and for the misliking of the man, to hate the dead part of his body. But thou didst no­thing Antonius (for the indignation of poste­ritie will rise against thee) thou didst nothing by taking away the publike voice of the City and that all-pleasing tongue. Thou hast dis­poiled Cicero of a poore remnant of dayes, thou hast pared away his old age, thou hast caused him to be slaine, when he wished for death, but his fame and the glorie of his ver­tues and excellent learning, thou art so farre from abridging, that thou hast augmented it: he liueth and shall liue by the memorie of all ages, and whilst the frame of this world shall [Page 187] stand, and this bodie of nature shal continue, which that onely Romane did in minde con­template, by wit vnderstand, & by eloquence describe, the commendation of Cicero shall alway accompanie it, the succeding wits shall wonder at his writings, & euery mans doome shall condemne thy cruelty. But the miserie of these times none can sufficiently deplore, so vnpossible it is to expresse it by words. But this is to be noted, that the care of wiues to­ward their husbands, that were proscribed, was maruellous, & in the highest degree: the fidelitie of their free-men but indifferent, the loyaltie of their bond-men very slender, the loue of their children none at all, so grisly and loathsome is aduersity to a mans owne bow­els. Cassius hearing of the great tumults of Rome, went from Syria to Smyrna in Asia, where M. Brutus was, to take aduise of the ordering of the battel against M. Antonius, & C. Octauius, who they heard did make expe­dition against them. VVherefore Cassius ha­uing ouercome the Rhodians, and Ariobar­zanes, and Brutus hauing subdued the Pata­reans, the Lycians, and other nations of Asia, [Page 188] which did before molest them, they hasted to Macedonia that they might there wage bat­tell. And thither not long after came Caesar, and M. Antonius with a huge host, and before the citie of Philippi they faced their enemies with the tents. That fight was verie fierce and very doubtful, for Brutus put Caesar to flight, and Antonius Cassius, and each of their tents was ransacked of the victor. C. Cassius when Brutus, who he feared was slaine, returned a farre off, with his horsemen, thinking that they were the enemies that pursued him, did worke his owne death by the hand of one of his retinue. VVithin a few dayes after M. Bru­tus being ouercome in another battell, and ouerborne with despaire, enforced Strabo that fled with him to slay him with his sword: which act, many noble Romanes to the num­ber of fortie did imitate. There were neuer a­nie to whom fortune did sooner approch, thē to Brutus and Cassius: and neuer anie from whom she did more suddenly flie: Cassius was the better Captaine, Brutus the better Counseller, Brutus was more to be loued, Cassius to be feared, because the one excel­led [Page 189] in vertue, the other in valor. VVho if they had conquered in this fight, it would haue bene more expedient for the Romanes to haue bene ruled by Brutus then Cassius, by how much it was more safe to them in the end to be gouerned by Octauius then Antonius. The yeare following there grew discord be­tweene Caesar and L. Antonius Consul, and Fuluia wife to M. Antonius. They were offen­ded with Caesar, because he shared that part of Macedonia to his souldiers which M. An­tonius should haue had. Fuluia was the more earnest against Octauius, because he had cō ­ceiued a deep displeasure against her daugh­ter, and had thereupon diuorced her. Caesar was likewise incensed against Antonius, be­cause he would not send to him that supply of souldiers, which he ought to haue. Antonius therefore in his brothers quarell, maintained warre, Fuluia leagued vnto him held Praene­ste, and there she behaued her selfe as the o­ther Consul, cōtemning P. Seruilius who was indeed Consul, being like to a woman in no­thing but onely in sexe: L. Antonius with an hostile inuasion entred the citie of Rome, the [Page 190] armie of M. Lepidus, who was left there as warden of the Citie being discomfited, and afterward departing thence toward Fraunce, was intercepted by Caesar, who besieged him a long time at Perusia, in the countrey of He­truria, Caesar besie­geth Perusia and oftentimes making an eruption & suffering a repulse, he was constrained to sub­mit him selfe, whom Caesar pardoned, but many of the Senators and Romane Knights were sacrificed vpon the altar of Iulius Caesar. He destroyed Perusia, and hauing brought in­to his power all the armie of the contrarie side ended that warre, Cn. Domitius Calui­nus, and C. Asinius Pollio being Consuls, Pol­lio The praise of Asinius Pollio. was a man of notable gifts, who howsoe­uer matters befell, was loued of all sortes of men. Iulius Caesar did make great reckening and accompt of him, after his death the ene­mies of Caesar did greatly fauour him, M. An­tonius had him in singular aestimation, Octa­uius held him neare vnto his heart, an excel­lent scholer, and a worthie souldier the onely obiect of the learned, whom both in prose & poemes, they haue condignely commended, so that I need not to proceede in his praises, [Page 191] this is my only doubt, whether he were more to be extolled for his laudable qualities, then admired for his rare and wonderfull fortune; he was not long before with Antonius in Ae­gypt, but seeing him so vainely besotted with the loue of Cleopatra, seeing him knight of the Cannapee, who was earst Lord of the field, being ashamed of him as he was a Ro­mane, ashamed of him as a General, ashamed of him as now an vnworthie companion for Pollio, he left him in Aegypt with his concu­bine, and came to Rome. Afterward Caesar and Lepidus fell at variance, so that Lepidus was compelled to surrender all his authority, and to stand to Caesars mercie for his life. Cae­sar Octauius Caesar figh­teth with Sex. Pōpeius did then fight with Sex. Pompeius on the sea. Pompey being there ouercome fled to Sicilie, and afterward into Asia, and as he was preparing warre against Antoni, he was takē of M. Titius, Antonius his Lieutenant, by whō he was slaine. The last ciuill warre which was betwixt the Romaines was that which was fought by Caesar against Antoni at Actium. The occasion of emnitie betwixt them was thus, Antonius did reproue Caesar because [Page 192] he had taken to himself the armie of Lepidus & that which followed Sex. Pompeius, which ought to haue bene common to them three. Caesar did obiect to Antonius, that he did keepe Aegypt without lawfull commission, that he caused Sex. Pompeius to be slaine without his consent, that he cast Artauasdes a Prince, leagued with the Romans, and taken by trecherie, into prison, & dishonored him, with gyues and fetters, to the great infamie of the Romanes, that he was more familiar with Cleopatra then became an honest man, that he had bestowed too great giftes vpon her, that he had called Caesars surmised ba­stard begotten of Cleopatra, Caesarion, to the great disgrace of that house. These things priuately by letters and publikely by messen­gers, were mentioned by mutuall obiection. Octauius readeth the te­stament of M. Antonius. Caesar afterward did reade Antonius his te­stament in the open Senate, which came to his hands by this meane. Certaine souldiers which did flie frō Antonius to him, told him that the authentike will or testament of M. Antonius, did remaine in the custodie of the Virgins vestall, of whom Caesar did obtaine [Page 193] it, the tenor and forme whereof was thus.

I M. Antonius one of the three states of The testamēt of M. Anto­nius. Rome, and the sonne of M. Antonius, do by this my last will and testament make and or­daine Philadelphus & Alexander my sonnes by Cleopatra, the heires of all my wealth and substance, which I had by descent from M. Antonius my father; but with this clause, and vpon this condition, that if I die in Rome or elsewhere, they shall solemnely conuey my bodie to Alexandria in Aegypt, and bestow it there in a marble sepulcher, which by this my will shall be made for my selfe and Cleopatra the Queene of Aegypt. But if they faile of this or do otherwise, without lawfull or vrgent cause, then I will that all these things which I leaue vnto my aforesaid sons, be conuerted to the vse & behoofe of the Nuns of Vesta, & my ghost shal implore the assistāce of the Pō ­tifex-Maximus, & the priests of Iupiter which are in the Capitol, to solicit the spirits of ven­geance to punish the vnthankfulnesse of my sons, & then I ordaine & wil, that the Pontifex Maximus shall cause my bodie to be reposed in a conuenient sepulcher, within the walles [Page 194] of this citie, and I will also that as many bond­slaues as be now in my power, shall presently after my death be manumitted & made free by the Praetor; and to euerie of my other ser­uants I bequeath a Sestertian, & a mourning garment. Lastly, I do pronounce by this my last will and testament, that Caesarion the son of Cleopatra, is the true, certaine, and vn­doubted sonne of C. Iulius Caesar. And to the aforesaid Cleopatra, I giue all my wealth and treasure, that I haue gained, purchased and atchieued either in warre or in peace. Done by me M. Antonius vj. kal. Iul. Ap. Claudius, C. Norbanus Coss.

VVhen the people of Rome had heard the purport of this testament, they thought that Antonius his drift, was to giue Rome to Cleopatra, for a speciall fauour, for which cause they were maruellously moued against Antonius. Caesar did behaue him selfe in this matter very wisely and warily, for in wordes he praetended warre against Cleopatra only, and caused it to be proclaimed by the heralt, that the Aegyptian Queene did intend the suppressing of the Romanes. That was done [Page 195] by Caesar, to the end that he might auoyd the hatred of manie noble men, who did rather affect Antonius then him. But whē Antonius for the loue of Cleopatra wold neither come into the citie to render account of his doings, nor depose his Triumuiracie, but was wholly busied in praeparing warre against Italie, Cae­sar did furnish himselfe as well for sea as for land: he therefore gathered manie souldiers out of Spaine, Fraunce, Lybia, Sardinia and Sicilia. Antonius likewise did make an armie of Asians, Thracians, Macedonians, Graeciās, Aegyptians and Cyrenians. And in the yeare following C. Caesar and M. Messalla being Consuls, Antonius and Cleopatra at Actium a promontorie of Epirus, encountred Caesar, who hauing prosperous successe in many bat­tels against them, as well on sea as on land, they being at length ouercome fled to Alex­andria in Aegypt. Caesar did sacrifice all the Octauius Caesar sacrifiseth all the Pinna­ses to Apollo. pinasses which he had taken in warre, to A­pollo, who was worshipped at Actium, as a monument of thankfulnesse for his victorie, and did also institute a fiue yeres solemnitie, which was called the solemnitie of Actium, [Page 196] besides this he built a faire temple to Apollo, and in the place where his tents were pitched Octauius buildeth Ni­copolis. he founded a great city called Nicopolis, the citie of victorie. Asinius Pollio did still prae­serue the auncient amitie that was betwixt him and M. Antonius, for when Caesar at his departing from Rome, requested him that he would ioyne with him, in his warres against Antonius, he made this answer: The benefites of Antonius towards me, will not permit me to be an enemie vnto him, and my merites at the hands of Antonius be farre otherwise, thē that Antonius should be an enemie vnto me, wherefore leauing both and leaning to nei­ther, I wil stay here in Italie, and be the spoile of the conqueror. Caesar did afterward be­siege Antonius & Cleopatra at Alexandria, where Antonius being in a most desperate plight, being in no possibilitie to recouer Cae­sars fauour, and hearing by a false rumor, that Cleopatra was slaine, did suddenly stab him­selfe. Caesar tooke Alexandria, and with it Cleopatra, but because she would not grace Octauius so much as to be led in triumph by Cleopatra killed by Asp­wormes. him, she put Aspes to her breasts, and was by [Page 197] them done to death, though her keeper had praecise charge to looke carefully vnto her. Aegypt was then brought by Caesar into the forme of a prouince, and hauing made Cor­nelius Gallus Praesident there, he came to Rome, where he had a triple triumph, the one of Dalmatia, which he brought to conformi­tie after his warre finished against Sex. Pom­peius, the other of Actium, the third of Alex­andria. VVhen Caesar with the great applause and gratulation of the Romanes had pacified the whole praecinct of the world, and for that cause had shut the temple of Ianus the third time, and an augurie of safetie was celebra­ted, which two things were neuer done but when the whole Empire was in quietnesse, he purposed to depose the Empirie, & to bring the common-weale to a good & perfect con­stitution. To depose the Empirie, M. Agrippa did perswade him, but Maecaenas did disswade him, whose opinion he yeelded vnto. VVher­fore endeuoring by law to confirme the Em­pirie, and to win the fauour and good aestima­tion, as well of the Nobles and Senators, as of the people, he burnt all the letters which [Page 198] the citizens that were then in Rome or out of Rome had writtē to Antonius, lest any Se­nator who did follow Antonius his faction, should thinke himselfe to be hated of Caesar for that cause, & so should attempt some mis­chiefe against him: he releeued the common stocke, which was greatly wasted by ciuill warres, with his owne priuate wealth, & them that were indebted to the common treasurie, the billes of debt being burnt with his owne handes, he did free from the daunger of the rolle. And whereas many things were done, in the tumults and seditions of the citizens, against law and custome by Lepidus and An­tonius, he did repeale them by an Edict, and made his sixth Consulship, which he then en­ioyed to be the death-day of these lawes; by which meanes when he had worthily drawne vnto him the hearts of the people, yet in one thing he pleased them aboue the rest, which was done rather of pollicie thē of plaine mea­ning: for hauing singled out a great number of Senators, whose loue toward him was spe­cially approued, in a very frequent Senate, he did offer to surrender the Empire into the [Page 199] hands of the Senators and people. But some of the Senators, because they suspected that his wordes differed from his meaning, some because they did feare greater daunger by a popular estate, others because they feared his displeasure, if they should agree vnto it, they did with one voice refuse the offer, and ioy­ned in earnest sute and humble petition vnto him, that he would be the sole gouernour and absolute Emperour of Rome, and for that cause they did decree that the stipēd of those who did guard his person should be doubled, that he might be in more safetie by that meane, both to his friends and to the cōmon­weale. VVhen by the franke assent of the Se­nate and people, he had thus, not confirmed the auncient Empirie, but in deed created a new Monarchie, that he might seeme popu­lar, he was content to charge him selfe with the weightie affaires of the Empire: but the authoritie and dignitie thereof he did cōmu­nicate with the people: and therefore vnto the Senate and people he did allot Numidia, Asia, Graecia, Epirus, Dalmatia, Macedonia, Sicilia, Creta, Cyrene, Bythinia, Pontus, Sar­dinia [Page 200] and Hispania Betica: which were the more peaceable and quiet countries. To himselfe he tooke the other parts of Spaine, and all Fraunce, Narbonensis, Lugdunensis, A­quitanica Celtica, likewise Germania, Coe­losyria, Phoenicia, Cyprus and Aegypt. And that he might void out of their minds all sus­pition of Monarchie, the supreme authoritie that was assigned to him he did only restraine to ten yeres continuance. The Romanes did bestow diuerse honors vpon Caesar, planting before the doore of his Court a Bay tree, on The Romans plant a bay tree before Octauius his doore▪ the top whereof they set a wreath of oaken boughs, signifying that he was the man that had both ouercome their enemies, and set their citie in safetie. They decreed also that his Court should be called a Pallace, so that in what region soeuer the Romane Emperor did soiourne, his Court was called a Pallace, and that he should be called Augustus. For when many would haue adorned him with some title of excellencie, Caesar had a great desire to be called Romulus secundus, but because that did resemble too much the title of a king, he was content to be called Augu­stus, [Page 201] that is, maiesticall or diuine. Thus had Caesar the power of a king the stile only fore­prised. In him all the dignities and magistra­cies did meete, he was sole Consul, in deter­mining iudicially of publike affaires, sole Pō ­tifex, for he had that speciall title, sole Censor in taxing the Romanes by poales, and fining them for faults, sole Tribune, in abrogating these lawes & voiding these acts which were made and done by other magistrates: which though in shew they were manie, yet in deed there was now but one Magistrate in Rome, one Emperour, one Augustus; but these ho­nors did not warrant Caesars quietnesse, for he was endangered by many trecheries, and being thereby too seuere in punishing both the worthie and vnworthie, vpon suspition & surmise without anie formall proceeding a­gainst them, he did indeed minister oile vnto the flame of their malice. Amongst the rest Cn. Cornelius, whose grandfather was Cn. Pompeius Magnus, did with his complices imagine and conspire the death of Augustus, whom Caesar would not put to death, because he thought by that meane, he should gaine [Page 202] no great securitie, neither would he deliuer them from imprisonment, lest others might take courage & counsell to attempt the like. VVith this doubt & perplexitie he was grie­uously troubled, and cares did torment his mind both in the night and in the day time; wherefore walking alone in his garden, and musing what to do, Liuia the Empresse came vnto him, and prayed him of all loues to re­ueale vnto her, what griefe had encroched vpon his heart, and what was the cause of his vnusuall dumpes, to whom Caesar made this answer. ‘Can any man, Liuia, be of a calme and contented mind; against whom on euery side are layd the snares of treason? Seest thou not how manie doe besiege my quietnesse, whom the punishment of condemned per­sons doth not only not deterre, but, as if there were some hope of reward, others rush des­peratly forward to vnlawfull attempts. Liuia when she heard this, did thus reply. It is no maruel, my Lord, if you be beset with dāgers, partly because you are a man, and therefore borne to casualtie, partly an Emperour, by whose authoritie, because manie are put to [Page 203] death, many that liue do conceiue hatred a­gainst you; for a Prince cānot only not please all, but though he gouerne in most orderly and peaceable maner, it cannot be otherwise, but he should haue many foes. For there be not so many iust as iniurious, whose humours can neuer be satisfied, & they which be of the better sort do aime at great matters, which because they can not obtaine, and because they are inferiour to others, are full of male­contentment, and for that cause they are of­fended with their Prince. But the danger vnto which you are subiect by them which do not cōspire against your person, but against your estate, cannot anie way be auoided. For if you were a priuate man, none would offer you iniurie, vnlesse he receiued wrong be­fore at your hands, but an Empire, and the reuenues thereof, they which haue power do rather affect, then they which are poore do loath. This though it be a point of vnconscio­nable men, yet as other faults, so this is the seed of nature, which out of some men nei­ther by rewards nor by threats you shall be a­ble to extirpate: for neither feare nor lawe [Page 204] can do more then nature. VVhich being tho­roughly cōsidered, it will seeme a great deale more conuenient to strengthen and stablish your Empire with faithfulnesse and loyaltie, then with sharpnesse and rigor. Augustus did thus reioyne: I know, Liuia, that the highest things be most subiect to hatred, & the grea­test Emperours haue the greatest enemies: for if our cares, griefes and perils were not greater then the griefes and perturbations of priuate mē, we should be aequal to the Gods; but this doth chiefly molest me, that I cannot deuise anie remedie, which may cure & con­quer this mischiefe. All men haue enemies, & many haue bene slaine by enemies, but the e­state of Princes lieth so open to casualtie, that we are cōstrained to feare our familiar frinds and our daily acquaintance, with whom be­cause we must continually conuerse, we do continually feare, and this maladie is more hardly redressed then emnitie: for against our enemies we may oppose our friends, but if our friends do faile vs, where is thē our helpe? therfore both solitude and multitude is grie­uous vnto vs, & it is dangerous to be without [Page 205] a gard, but to haue an vnfaithful gard is much more dangerous. Apparant enemies may be auoided, but false hearted friends we cannot anie way shunne: for we must call thē friends, of whose constant faithfulnesse we can not possibly be assured; for my selfe I do plainely protest, that my heart abhorreth from the ex­tremitie of punishment, and the necessitie of torture goeth greatly against my mind. Then said Liuia, You haue spoken well my Lord, but if you will be aduised by me, & you ought not to refuse my counsell because it procee­deth from a woman; I will aduise you of that which none of your friends will impart vnto you, not because they are ignorant of it, but for that they dread your displeasure. VVhich Augustus taking hold of, Tell it me Liuia said he whatsoeuer it is. I will, said Liuia, and that as willingly as you would heare it, for I am made partaker of your destinie. Caesar being safe I am Empresse, and he being dis­honored, which misfortune the Gods auert, I am also disgraced, and bereaued of glorie. That I may not vse an ambush of words, nor a labyrinth of circumstances: my theame shal [Page 206] be one word, and that is, Clemencie. Change thy course Augustus, and forgiue some of thy foes, manie things may be healed by lenitie, which crueltie can neuer cut off. Neither do I speake this, as if disloyall and irregular per­sons should generally and without difference receiue mercie, nay they that be notoriously stained, and branded with conspiracie, they that trouble the quietnesse of the Common­weale, they that are ouerflowed with vices, whose life is nothing else but leudnes, so that they are past hope or helpe, cut them off my Augustus, as the putrified parts of a distem­pered bodie: but they which either through the infirmitie of youth, or the imprudency of mind, or through ignorance or mischaunce haue offended, or which against their willes haue bene drawne into daunger, admonish them, but with minatorie speeches: and let them finde grace but with condition. Some thou mayest punish with exile, some with in­famie, and some with money: and that none may be vniustly condemned, nor by a fained accusation suffer death, let the truth be tried by such proofes, as may worthilie be appro­ued. [Page 207] For it behooueth thee Augustus, not onely to be free from doing wrong, but euen from shew and semblance of iniurie. Priuate men haue done enough if they haue not of­fended, but a Prince must endeuor not to be suspected of faults. Thou rulest ouer men, not ouer beasts, ouer Romanes, and not ouer Barbarians, and the onely meane to lincke their hearts vnto thee, is to benefite all and to oppresse none. For though a man may be constrained to feare, yet he cannot be enfor­ced to loue; for when the subiect clearely di­scerneth that his Prince is bountifull, he is soone perswaded: but when he is once resol­ued vpon manifest praesumption, that some be vniustly put to death, lest the same thing happen vnto him, he may iustly feare: and whō he so feareth, he hateth with the strength of his heart. But a Prince is the priuiledge of his subiects security, that they take no harme, neither of forreiners, nor of their fellow sub­iects, much lesse of their Prince & protector. And it is a great deale more magnificent and glorious to saue then to kill: wherfore lawes, benefites, admonitions must be vsed, that [Page 208] men may become circumspect, & warie, and further they must be so diligently watched and obserued, that though they would be, yet they may not be traiterous; and they which are greene in conceit, and as it were flexible waxe to the stronger powers, must haue per­petuall conseruatiues lest they be corrupted: and to tollerate the offences of some, is both great wisedome and great manhood: for if e­uerie mans fault should be his fall, the earth would soone lacke inhabitants. Thinke my good Augustus, that the sword cannot do all things for thee: it cannot make men wise, it cannot make them faithful: it may constraine them, but it cannot perswade them: it doth pierce the heart of him that is slaine, but it doth alienate the mind of him that doth liue. VVherefore alter thy opinion noble Empe­rour, and by vsing clemencie they will thinke that all that thou hast heretofore done was done by necessitie and against thy will, but if thou perseuerest still in the same minde and purpose, they will impute all that hath bene done to the austeritie and sourenesse of thy nature.’ VVith these speeches of Liuia Augu­stus [Page 20] being moued, pardoned many, and vsed as much lenitie as his owne safetie would beare: whereby he purchased the entire loue of the Romanes, and all his life time after there was neuer anie treason attempted a­gainst him. Thus after ciuill emnities extin­guished, forreine warres fully ended, iustice recalled, destiny satisfied, strength was re­stored to lawes, authoritie to Magistrates, dignitie to the Nobles, maiestie to the Se­nate, safetie to the people: the fieldes were without hinderance trimmed and tilled, the sacrifices celebrated and solemnized, quiet­nesse returned to men, and euerie possession to his lawfull owner: good lawes were made, imperfect lawes were amended, bad lawes cancelled: the Senators were seuere without currishnesse, the people honest without con­straint: and with this harmonie peace pleased the Romanes.