THE REFORMED POLITICKE. That is, AN APOLOGIE FOR THE GEnerall cause of Reformation, written against the sclaunders of the Pope and the League. VVith most profitable aduises for the appeasing of schisme, by abolishing superstition, and preseruing the state of the Clergie. Whereto is adioyned a discourse vpon the death of the Duke of Guise, prosecuting the argument of the booke. Dedicated to the King by Iohn Fregeuille of Gaut.
Imprinted at London by Richard Field, dwelling in the Blacke Friers. 1589.
TO THE KING.
DIuers men finding them selues in like daunger, may better iudge each of others case, then any one that hath not experimented the like, as for example, no mā can better iudge of the charges and expences that a man hath bene at in the pursute of some processe, then he that hath bene at the like.
This doe I say, Syr, sith there is nothing more daungerous then sclaunder, and that no man can better iudge of the peruersnesse thereof, then such as haue both tasted and tryed it. So it is that the Reformed Princes haue bene sclandered by the Pope, vvho hath noted them of heresie: and in my opiniō your Maiestie cā best iudge of the iniurie done vnto them, as hauing in your selfe tried the sharpnesse of the dartes of sclander, for your Maiestie haue vvith the like dartes bene atteinted, no lesse pernitiously and maliciously then the Reformed Princes, cōsidering that the sclander raised vpon your Maiestie, vvas both vndirect and secret, but the same vvherevvith the Reformed Princes are charged, is open. Novv is it a plaine case, that a secret enemy is more daungerous then an open, and so consequently they that haue touched your Maiestie vvith such a sclander, bearing you invvard malice, are most daūgerous enemies. The sclander vvherevvith the Pope hath charged the Reformed Princes [Page] is vvell enough knovven, and the aunsvvere thereto, tog [...]ther vvith their iust defence, shall in my opinion, be peremptorily enough intreated of in this present Treatise. But the sclaunder vvherevvith the Pope doth charge your Maiestie deserueth the laying open, because that being both secret and indirect, it hath neuerthelesse a more venimous tayle then the tayle of a Scorpion, and of the same nature: for the vvound can hardly be cured, but by the death of the byter. If the Pope could haue burdened your Maiestie vvith heresie, it is euident that he vvould not haue spared you: but your Maiestie, haue alvvayes bene so good a Catholick, that he could not accuse you of heresie, but he must first haue condemned him selfe, and therefore seeing that vvay vvould not serue, he hath sought out an other: for vnder hand he hath spread abroad sundry brutes & nevves, importing that your Maiestie do fauour hereticks, and haue about you those that take part vvith heretickes, and these rumors hath he dispersed, not onely in France, but through all Italie, Germanie, and other places. Novv therfore let your Maiestie iudge vvhat an impressiō this may leaue in the harts of the people, and vvhat a consequence this action dravveth after it, your Maiestie may thereby read in the hartes of the Pope & the League, & turning the leafe neuer so little, may knovv their driftes, togither vvith the consequence of the matter: That is, that the Pope seeketh first to vveaken the part of the Reformation, that it may stand as an 0 in algorisme, and next to bring in the Councill of Trent and the Inquisition, so to authorise the League euen aboue your Maiestie, so as no man may speake amisse of the Pope or the League, but he shall sodenly be cast into prison: and that once brought to passe, the next must be to lay hands vpon your selfe, and bury you in some Monasterie: I say burie, because so you shall dye [Page] double in this vvorld: and by and by raise speaches according to the impressions afore mentioned, that your Maiestie hauing fauored the heretickes, are by his holinesse deposed from the crovvne, and the Cardinall of Bourbon declared next, but vnmeet for succession, and therefore that he vvill set vp such a one of the League as shall be at his deuotion: this I say vvill he doe, if your Maiestie take not the better heede, and prouide not in time for it. Neither shall he doe any thing that hath not already bene done to your predecessours, vvhose estates the Popes haue troubled, vvhen there vvas no speach of Reformation, but onely vpon mallice that they bare to the priuiledges of the Frēch Church. And also albeit your Maiestie should shake of the Popes yoke, yet should you doe nothing but vvhat your predecessours haue sought to do, vvitnesse the Pragmaticall Sanction, neither shall it be any noueltie in Fraunce. The hatred also that the Pope beareth to your Maiestie, is the same that he hath continued against your predecessours, euen for their priuiledges, therefore he vvould vvillingly haue in France such a king as might be his creature, so that his driftes are as preiudiciall to the Clergie, as pernitious to your person, and vvhether they be hurtfull to the people, let the present troubles declare. For the people had bene at rest, had not the League troubled all Fraunce, and therefore it is a matter that concerneth all, neither is there any other meanes to remedie it, but by shaking of the Popes yoke, your predecessours haue done it for a smaller matter, not in respect of Reformation, neither did king Henry the viij. in England shake it for Reformation, but for his state: And this I vvill aduovv that the libertie and puritie of the Councell of Nice, vvhich vve doe craue, is better for France and the state thereof, then the yoke of the Tridentine Councell that the League requireth. I call it libertie, [Page] because in the time of the Nicene Councell there vvas no Popish yoke and puritie, for that thē there vvas no superstitiōs. But albeit your Maiestie vvill not come neare to that point, yet can you not escape the Popes superstitious practises, but by renouncing the Papacie, after the example of your predecessours desires, and as king Henry the eight of England put in effect, not for Reformation, but for the state. For it is most certaine that the Pope hath no povver to hurt any, but his ovvne faction, or such as haue any dealing vvith him: but to those that haue forsaken him, his poyson is spit, his povver to hurt is ended, and his endeuors are quayled and made of no effect. Had king Henry of England still follovved him, he vvould either by guile, excommunications, or croisades, haue thundered against him, but hauing cast him of, the Pope might like a Cerberus vvith his three heades crovvned vvith three crovvnes, haue barked at him, but byte he could not. The like vvill it be vvith all that forsake him, vvell he may barke, but not byte, your Maiestie may knovv vvhat difference there is betvveene the fidelitie of the Reformed, and the conspiracies of the League: The Reformed vvill dye in your seruice: but the Pope by the League, seeketh to make your Maiestie odious to your subiectes, and to other Princes and people about you, by ministring vnto them such vvicked impressions by their secret sclaunders. It is a goodly matter to knovv vvhom to trust, and vvhom to take heede of, neither vvonder I but at one thing, vvhich is, that the Sorbonistes hauing afore time denounced a Pope an hereticke, that the Clergie haue not as yet declared this a schismaticke, for raising so great a schisme in Europe, but especially for stirring vp the subiectes against their king in Fraunce. I vvill not any further dilate vpon these matters, [Page] vvhich are sufficiently knovven to your Maiestie, and Kinges loue breuitie. I haue no more to say, but to pray vnto the Lord to blesse and prosper your Crovvne, and to make your scepter to sprout, florishe and bring forth fruict as he did those of Ezechias and Iosias. From London this 12. of December. 1588.
AN APOLOGIE FOR THE GENERAL CAVSE OF REFORMATION, AGAINST THE SCLANDERS OF THE POPE AND THE LEAGVE.
THE I. TREATISE.
POore is that garden wherin there groweth but one hearbe, 1 and wretched is that orchard that yeldeth but one kinde of fruict. But the excellencie of that orchard which God him selfe planted in the beginning of the world, hath he declared in causing it to bring forth all kinde of fruicts, Gen. 2 9. euen the tree of knowledge of good and euill, and the tree of life: albeit our selues now haue, God be praysed, a more excellent orchard then that, which yeldeth such fruict as is more pretious, rich▪ pleasant, and in excellencie without comparison. This our orchard is planted in the garden plot of new Ierusalem, Apoc. 21. 2. and yet we neede not to clime the heauens to dresse it, or to eate the fruicts thereof. For this Ierusalem is discended out of heauen, so that we may vpon earth be conuersant therein, but with a spirituall and heauenly conuersation. This our orchard is the orchard of Gods word, wherein among all other fruicts which with infinite diuersitie do grow therein, we may also finde the tree of good and euill, which is the law, and the tree of life: For the law is a tree of knowledge of good & euill, because thereby we may discerne the good from the bad, as S. Paule sheweth, Rom. 7. 7. where he saith, that by the law we haue the [Page 2] knowledge of sinne: And as for the the Gospell, who can denie it to be the tree of life euen of life euerlasting? and our selues do know that in sundry parts of this new Citie is planted that tree of life, Apoc. 22. 2. which beareth twelue fruicts, according to the twelue seasons of the yeare, whose leaues do serue for the health of the Gentiles. Now when a gardener or any other that enioyeth the fruicts of a garden, purposeth to feast his frendes, he presenteth them not with one onely sorte of fruict, albeit he iudge it to be the best, but offereth them sundry kindes, so to pleasure them with the choise, knowing that there is as great diuersitie in the tastes, as in the kindes, and that it is recreation to iudge of varietie of tastes, because varietie delighteth. But they which purpose to entertaine the guestes at the mariage of the lambe, Apoc. 19. 7. must likewise out of the Lordes gardens chose sundry fruicts, wherewith to content the bridegromes friendes, and to satisfie the diuersitie of their tastes or iudgements, according to which rule haue we out of this heauenly orchard gathered fruicts admonitorie, instructiue, Deuine and Politicke, which are sundry reasons of diuers sortes, whereof some be admonitorie, others instructiue some Deuine, and others Politick as hauing respect to the diuers iudgementes of men, of whom some may be led and kept in awe with simple admonition, where others require somewhat of greater force for their better instructions, and vnto such must be exhibited reasons instructiue: Others there are likewise of Mary Magdalenes disposition, Luc. 10. 42. such as chose the better part, to whom we must propound reasons Theologicall: others againe do resemble Martha, whose hartes are set vpon the affaires of this world, & to those must we deliuer reasons of Pollicie, Heb. 5. and after the example of S. Paule, giue milk to such as can not brook any other foode, and stronger meat to those that haue stronger stomacke Neither are Politick reasons vtterly to be disdained sith God him selfe vouchsafed to establish a Politicke gouernement in Israell, as well as to instruct the consciences. And if any person be vncapable of higher matters, and neuerthelesse may be brought by Politicke reasons to doe his duetie, why shall we forbeare to instruct him by such reasons as he is most capable of? And therefore haue we forborne [Page 3] nothing that we haue thought might seeme to induce men to the knowledge of the truth, and the performance of their dueties▪ yea we are perswaded that we haue brought a fruict of no small consequence to all Europe, in that we shew by reasons aswell Deuine as Politick, that the truth whereof we here entreat, is both fit for the conscience, and commodious to the state: which neuerthesse is a matter contrary to the opinions of many, who haue accoumpted the truth to be in deede conuenient to the conscience, but hurtfull to the state and the reason that led them so to iudge, was because they iudged but slenderly of matters depending vpon the truth, which notwithstanding do no lesse mainteine Pollicie in the generall estate of a people, then conscience in the person of euery Christian: and therefore we will deuide this present Treatise into two partes, whereof the one shall be discussed by reasons Theologicall, the other by reasons Politicall, which Treatise we do name The Reformed Politick, because that in the same we doe mainteine Reformation for the most part by Politick reasons, albeit we hope shortly to second it with Deuine, concerning Church gouernement, to the end to strengthen that part which seemeth the weaker, albeit of it selfe it be strong enough.
Nothing in the olde serpent is more ancient then lying, 2 whereof he is the father, Apoc. 12 9. neither is there any thing more familiar to Satan then sclander, Iohn. 8. 44. whereupon he is called the Deuill, that is, a sclanderer. The obiect also of his sclander is no other thē God and his Church, Mat. 12. 26 for vpō what reason should he sclander his owne? so should he oppose him selfe against him selfe, and worke his owne destruction, so as his kingdome could not stand. But he is not ashamed to sclander God, and to gainesay his worde: Gen. 2▪ 27. for when God said to Adam, Thou shalt dye the death, Gen. 3. he feared not to contrary him, saying, No▪ you shall not dye the death, so that albeit this speach of Satan was not in euery respect contradictorie to Gods, yet was it his intent to gainsay God. For the meaning of Gods words stretched to the eternall death, whereof man made him selfe guiltie the selfe same day that he transgressed Gods commandement: but Satan aymed onely at the bodily death: neither imagined he that God [Page 4] had spoken of any other death, and therfore meant by contrarying that point to make God a lyer, and not that onely, but also to bring of God into suspition of enuie, as vnder hand taxing him to enuie mans felicitie, as if God had forbidden man the eating of the tree of good and euill, for feare least he should become like vnto God, by the knowledge of good and euill. As for our Lord Iesus Christ, it is not to be doubted but the deuill hath sclandered him. For what greater sclander would any man haue thē sclanderously to put him to death? So that if Satan entered into Iudas togither with the soppe, Iohn. 13. 27 to the end to cause him to bring his treason to effect, who doubteth but he had likewise quoifed the Scribes and Phariseis, to make them enterprise the death of the sonne of God? which being so, who can doubt but those goodly titles that the Phariseis gaue to our Lord Iesus Christ, were forged in the same shop and by the same workmā? Mat. 12. who charged our Lord that by Beelzebub the Prince of deuils he cast out deuils? If thē he durst so shamelesly set him selfe against God & his only sonne, is it any maruell that he dare set vpon men the seruants of God, bruting abroad in all places, that the faithfull which serue God vnder the puritie of Reformation are heretickes? We are therefore to know that as to Satan there is nothing more familier then to sclander God, Christ Iesus, and his faithfull members: so is there nothing more familiar to the faithfull, then to see them selues sclandered by the old serpent and his angels, which are his members and supposts. And this is so familiar and ordinarie to thē that there neede no example. For we know what sclanders and persecutions Gods people haue endured by strangers, and the Prophetes by their brethren, in so much that it is written, that no Prophet hath bene put to death but in Hierusalem. And this teacheth vs that euen such as in outward profession seeme to be Gods people, do for the most part persecute Gods elect, and those whō he will sanctifie, and separate from the broad way that leadeth to destruction. For as they that among the Israelites sacrificed vnto Baal, did persecute them which bowed not vnto him, euē so in the Church which is termed Christiā, they that folow like superstitions, do persecute those that will not cleaue to the same. [Page 5] For this cause in the Apocalypse the Church which is compared to a woman enuironed with the sunne, Apoc. 18. crowned with 12. starres, standing vpon the moone, is notably said to be sent into the wildernesse by the two winges of the great eagle. Which great eagle hath relation to the Romaine Empire and the dependances thereof, as is the Papacie, which hath brought this woman into the wildernesse, where being, she is compared to a mightie harlot holding a cup full of the abhomination of her whoredomes, which are the superstitions that separate vs from the desolate woman, and replenished with the bloud of the Martyrs, which hath bene shed because they would not cleaue to these superstitions. Euen as the Idolatrous Church of Israell persecuted the true faithfull which serued God in purenesse, so also the desolate and superstitious Church amōg the Christians, doth persecute the faithfull, that seeke to serue God purely and without superstition. But withall the examples of the pacience of the faithfull in old tyme should be vnto vs a miror of pacience: and the promises of our deliuerance which God hath made vs, ought to be as it were oyle to refresh the lampe of our hope, as also these fatherly corrections should be a testimonie vnto vs, that God accompteth vs his children, to the end that we walke worthely, as children of such a father, separating our selues from the vanitie and frowardnesse of the world, to follow the truth in abandoning vanitie: and seeking to ouercome the world by that faith, which is the victorie, arming our faith with charitie, zeale, sinceritie, truth and the feare of God. Now the cause why we see that the faithfull are ordinarily persecuted, not onely by strangers, but also by those that aduow them selues to be the people of God, and of his Church, is, because that in the Church there be both of the children of Agar and of the children of Sara, and the children of Agar do vsually despise and persecute the children of Sara: albeit to their own harmes. And Iacob also was an exile 20. yeares in a forem land, for feare of his brother Esau: so doe we ordinarily see in the Church of God, that they that are borne after the flesh doe persecute those that are borne after the promise, appertaining to Gods election. The aduersaries of the Reformation do say that [Page 6] the Reformed are heretickes, whereto I aunswere, that reason maketh the man, & truth the Christiā. To speake without reason is not the part of a man, but to bable: and to speake against the truth, by charging any one in that which concerneth the conscience, is to sclander, and it is the deuils rhetorick. Christian Religion is not built vpon auctoritie but vpon truth, not vpon the auctoritie of men but vpon the truth that is of God: If the aduersaries of Reformation should be driuen to proue their accusation by reason and truth, they would be shreudly troubled, and we may plainly say that they could not do it: because that either they are ignorant wherein Reformation doth consist, or if they know they can not taxe it of heresie without speaking against their owne consciences, and therefore we will entreat vpō this point, to the end that in few wordes it may manifestly appeare, that there is no heresie in Reformation, and also that all that the Reformed are charged withall is but sclander.
It is the part of a good archer to finde the white at the first view, and to hit it with the first shaft, and he shall be deemed a good and expert master, so that it come not by chance. S. Paule hath shewed the excellēcie of his arte, in that with one only arrow he reached the end of the law, and with an other the mark that was set vp as the end of the Gospell. The arrow wherewith he hath hit the end of the law, was but one onely worde, vnder the which he hath comprehended the whole doctrine of the law, Rom. 13. 11 and that is, Charitie, and the shaft wherewith he pierced the mark of the Gospell, Gal 5. 14. is also this onely word, Faith, where vnder he hath also comprehended the whole doctrine of the Gospell. Gal. 5. 5. Now then if any man would know wherein consisteth the difference betweene Reformation and the doctrine termed Catholick: it is in the superstition. For take the superstition out of that Religion, which in name is termed Catholick, and there will remaine no difference betweene the Catholick, and the Reformed, and therefore I appeale to the iudgement of any discret person in this case, videl▪ whether it be heresie not to cleaue to superstition: for if it be heresie, Reformation may be taxed of heresie: but if it be no heresie, they which terme them selues Catholickes, can not taxe Reformation with [Page 7] heresie, vnlesse it be with sclander. For Reformation differreth not from the Catholicke Religion but in one point, which is superstition.
Many there be that haue formed them The name of a monster that casteth fire out of his mouth, hauing the head of a lion, the belly of a goat, and the taile of a dragon. Chimeres cōcerning Reformation as imagining it to consist in those things wherein it doth not consist, 3. and whereof some haue spoken lightly, and others haue iudged rashly, each condemning it for want of vnderstanding, some haue perswaded them selues that they vnderstood it very well, and yet neuer tooke paines to seeke into the depth of it. There are that haue thought Reformation to consist in ouerthrowing the estat of the Clergie, and this foreiudgement hath bene a greater hinderance to Reformation then the weapons of the Leaguers. For it is certaine that had the Clergie supposed, that they might vnder Reformation haue enioyed their estate, they would haue craued it, to the ende to haue shaken of the yoke of superstition, which is burdensome to the greatest part of them, and therefore they neuer retained superstition, but for their estates sake: and if the Clergie had admitted Reformation, the people would also haue embrased it, and so had the Popes partakers bene vnarmed, and haue had no meanes to enterprise the League: and we fortified with those that doe now strengthen our aduersaries faction. Luke. 14. 17. True it is that whē the bridegrome calleth the guestes to the mariage, there is no excuse of buying of land or vines that may serue, Luke. 14. 33. or withhold vs. Yea we must euen renoūce all goods and come to Christ when he calleth, and yet it doth not follow that we must binde men to buy Reformation with the losse of their goods. Amōg the aduersaries to Reformatiō, this presuppose hath through the Popes subtiltie had course: But what? Iesus Christ protested that he came not to abolish the law, but to fulfill it, & reprouing the faultes of the Pharisies, exepted their estate, saying, These thinges ought to haue bene done, and yet the other not left vndone, which notwithstanding they haue still imagined that it should ouerthrow their estate, and thereupon haue obstinately set them selues there against, which hath bred the destruction that they stood in feare of. This presuppose hath also wasted the demaynes of the Clergie, which vnder [Page 8] the Reformation might haue bene preserued, but the fault was in that it was neuer propoūded, procured or so much as demanded: nothing will be obteined without request: but that that is done is done, & therfore let vs prouide for that that is to come. And the documentes of the Lord are giuen vs to instruct our selues therewith, but not to enter to farre into iudgement of others matters. Many also haue bene planted in Reformatiō, and therein hauing taken roote, haue made no difficultie to dye for the same, who if they should haue bene forced at the first blush to purchace it with the price of all their goodes, it is vnknowen what they would haue done. Many also there be that haue abandoned their goodes, yet not the vse of them, but the care and disquiet, as the Apostles did their nets, and yet they still vsed them, euen after the Lordes resurrection: yet must we not take the Lordes instruction to the ende thereby to cast a stumbling block in our brethrens way, neither to enter to farre into iudgement of others, but euery one to iudge him selfe, according to those instructions, and to referre the rest to God: as also I say not this to the end to mitigate things past, but to wish men to be more circumspect in time to come. For when we haue throughly wayed all thinges, we shall finde Reformation to import nothing contrarie to the state of the Clergie. To the end therefore that none may hereafter call this article into question, I will set down the reasons wherupon I build my speach.
First England hath vnder the state of Reformation preserued the state of the Clergie, as also in some partes of Germanie it is kept sound, and yet may be better preserued in Fraunce.
Secondly the state of the Clergie dependeth vpon the Mosaicall Policie. The Gentiles then being grafted into Israell as the wild oliue is into the naturall, Rom. 11. 17 the Episcopall branche is grafted into the Leuiticall, & therfore succeeding in their functiōs, they ought also to succeede in their priuileges and rights.
Thirdly the end of Reformation tendeth not to corrupt the order and pollicie that Moses hath established, but to reforme that which the Popes haue corrupted with their superstitions.
Fourthly Reformation tendeth not to set the new Testament against the old, or to arme Iesus Christ against Moses, neither [Page 9] to shewe that Iesus Christ with one hand destroyed that which he built with the other: for he is the auctor as well of the law as of the Gospell: but rather to seeke out that harmonie and agreement, which is betweene the law and the Gospell, which is taught by the harmonie of the Canticle of Moses and of the lambe, set downe in the Apocalypse. 15. 3. whereby we be taught, that throughout all the holy Scripture there is not any repugnance, abrogation, or contradiction. And in deede we should do God great iniurie, if we should imagine that he vsed any repugnancie in his lawes, abrogation in his decrees, or contradiction in his rightes: well there may be some derogations, but a derogation doth but expound an edict, by taking away some weake part and of no value or importance, to the end to corroborate the more important part, as we see that the Gospell derogateth from the law, Ierem. 9. by taking away the letter, as the manuall Circumcision, Rom. 2. 29. thereby to shewe the excellencie and importance of the Circumcision of the hart, Colloss. 2. 11 wrought without handes, and taught by the Prophetes vnder the law and by the Apostles in the Gospell.
Fifthly, as in the law we may consider the pollicie and ceremonie, the law hath waxen old as concerning the literall ceremonie, not concerning the spirite: but the pollicie remaineth, as appeareth, first, in that S. Paule teacheth vs, that the Gentiles (as in the dayes of Dauid) were aforetime estranged from the pollicie of Israell, [...]. for so doth the Greeke text import: neither doe I alter the termes, as coueting rather to draw at the well head then out of the chanels: and I finde no reason to translate common wealth in stead of policie. I know we are all made fellow burgeses of heauen, but besides, we are all made partakers of the policie, that is to say, of the priuileges: howbeit by the same we are bound and made subiect to the same rightes, which we ought not to giue ouer to obey traditiōs. I know there may be great obiections made, but I haue likewise greater solutions, which I reserue for the Treatise of the policie of the Church, and it suffiseth me here to set downe the fondamentall reasons. Some may say vnto me, that S. Paule speaketh of the spirituall policie, not of the externall: whereto I aunswere, that the [Page 10] Mosaicall gouernement is spirituall, first because the spirite of God penned it, secondly because S. Paule saith that the law is spirituall: but the part is of one kinde in his course, and there is as great difference betweene this gouernement, and a gouernement simply externall, as there is betweene Gods law and mans traditions. For the law is spirituall, and mans traditiōs are carnall, and purge no more but the outside of the cup, whereas Gods word is penetratiue, euē to the partition of the soule and the spirite, of the sinewes and marow, and this gouernement is Gods word, which clenseth the whole cuppe as well within as without, and therefore can not be called simply externall, but internall, whose principall end tēdeth to rule the inward man.
Againe S. Paule saith that the law is good, if it be lawfully vsed. Then must we without question seeke out the lawfull vse therof, that is, we must take it after the spirite & newnesse therof, and not after the old letter. Now the spirite of the law is the equitie thereof, but the letter is the rigour of the wordes. And therefore we must not after the rigour of the wordes, take eye for eye, Exod. 21. 24. or tooth for tooth, neither do I thinke, that the iudges that liued vnder the law, did in such points folow the letter. Thus we may see wherefore S. Paule in his Epistle to the Ephesians inuiteth vs to the gouernement of Israell, Rom. when he laid open the vanitie of the righteousnesse of the law against the merites of workes, Gal. and the abolishment of the law, Heb. against such as constituted righteousnesse in outward ceremonies, whom he teacheth that the new Testament abolisheth the old, howbeit that is to be vnderstood concerning the old letter, whereto is opposed the newnesse of spirite.
A third reason will I also adde, for that S. Paule saith, that the law was giuen for the transgressions: for by that we know that we are to vse it to correct transgressions, and that selfe place serueth for a farther explication of the lawfull vse of the law, whereof we spake in the former article. For the law consisteth in Commandements, commanding naturall equitie: and thereof doth S. Paule call it the law of Commandementes: but the Gospell requireth a supernaturall perfection, wherof the creature man who is naturall is vncapable, which perfection is expounded [Page 11] by instructions, admonitions, counsels and examples. Now he that fulfilleth not the law, is by the law punishable, as hauing sinned, for sinne is the transgression of the law, as S. Iohn teacheth, saying [...]. But there be things concerning the profession of the Gospell, which who soeuer fulfilleth not is reproueable, and yet not punishable, and therefore the law remaineth to bridle and punish transgressions. The thinges belonging to perfectiō, are, not to looke vpō a woman, to couet her: Mat. 5. after a blow on the one cheeke, to turne the other: to him that requireth but thy coate, to giue both coate & cloake: to do good to our enemies: & to be perfect, as our father that is in heauen is perfect: who so doth not these thinges, is neuerthelesse not subiect to punishment: but he that contrarie to the law defloureth a maiden, must according to the punishmēt of the law, giue her a dowrie or mary her: he that hath stolen foure sheepe, must according to the punishmēt of the law, be taught by his pastor to restore fiue. I omit that which concerneth the Ciuill Magistrate, and speake onely of that that toucheth the gouernment of the Church, and this satisfaction which the pastor is to impose, taketh place, when the man cōmeth of him selfe to cō fesse his sinne. Here may some man obiect vnto me, that the law was a schoolemaister to bring vs to Christ: to whō I answere, in this place S. Paule speaketh of the ceremoniall law, which setteth a distinction betweene cleane and vncleane things, grounded vpō the elements of this world, and were neither tasted of, nor eaten, but were shadowes of things to come vnder Christ.
In the law was to be considered, gouernement and ceremonie, also that there was two kindes of gouernement, the Ciuill & the Ecclesiasticall, where Moses had the Ciuill & Aaron the Ecclesiasticall: likewise in the Priesthood of Aaron there were two things, the Ecclesiasticall gouernemēt and the ceremonie: some Priests there were that medled rather with the ceremonie then with the gouernement: but there were likewise Leuites that were not Priestes, but dealt onely in Ecclesiasticall iudgementes, being Doctours of the law, of whom some remained in the sanctuarie townes, there to iudge of murthers by chaunce medley: howbeit they could not iudge by tradition, but by law. [Page 12] Deut. 17. Vpon the estate of the Clergie depended these fiue thinges: 1. ceremonie, and the right of the sacrifices. 2. The reuenues. 3. possessions. 4. dignities, and fifthly the lawes whereby they should iudge the people. For the ceremonie, they had sacrifices: For their reuenues, they had the tenthes: for their possessions, they had 48. townes, their cattell and the houses that they purchased, also the vowes: and in stead of this the French Clergie haue their demaines & tenthes: for their dignities they had the order of Iethro. Num. 35. 11. Exod. 18. Deut. 17. And the lawes that they were to obserue were the lawes conteined in the law. Leuit. 25. 32. Deut. 17. Act. 23.
Now it is to be noted, Leuit. 27. that the law gaue the Priestes authoritie to iudge, & that in such sorte, that who soeuer did not obey them, was denounced worthy of death: howbeit hereto were added two bonds. The one that the Priest could not cōdemne, but in specifying the law of God, whereby he did cōdemne: the other, that the person condemned dyed not but by the Ciuill Magistrates handes, who had authoritie to looke, whether the man were iustly condemned, according to the law cited in his condemnation. Deut. 17.
I say therefore that the Christian Clergie, liuing holily may possesse their reuenues: neither will I be a more seuere censurer of their estate, thē Iesus Christ was of the state of the Pharisies. But alas, if Iesus Christ bewailed the wretchednesse of the Pharisies, because they tithed the mint, and had left iustice or mercy, how much more lamētable is the wretchednesse of that Clergy, which termeth it self Catholick: which possesseth these holy reuenues to the end to mainteine Gods lawes, and yet haue not onely forsaken them, and cleaued to traditions, but also do mainteyne superstition contrarie to Gods lawes, yea and persecute such as will not cleaue to the like? How much better were it for them to possesse them holily in liuing according to God? whereby they might liue honestly with lawfull wiues; where as now they wast them vnworthely vpon harlots. Hetherto haue men thought, that the part of the God of this world was fauorable to the Clergie, and that Gods part was contrarie to them: but in deede Gods part is more fauorable to the Clergy [Page 13] then the contrary part: and not to the Clergie onely, but to all the people, in respect of the warres which the superstitiōs haue brought in, which cānot be ended but with agreeing with God: for Gods wrath which hath stirred vp these scourges, must be appeased, and then God will appease these troubles which breed our miseries. There is then no hinderance but that the the Clergie may enioye their rightes and priuileges. True it is that in S. Paule there be some admonitions and examples: but they neither make law, neither abrogate any law: had S. Paule bene in the dayes of Eleazar the sonne of Aaron, he would haue taken the tenthes: but being in such a time as the Churches were poore, he laboured with his owne hands to spare them: For he was a principall mā, who knew how to abound and how to want, and so spared them, but not vpon duetie, as him self testifieth. 1. Cor. 9. Likewise had Aaron or Eleazar bene in the dayes of S. Paule, when the Churches were poore, they would haue laboured with their owne hands, or bene content with food and raiment: but had they bene in the time of great Constantin, whē it was lawfull to possesse the tenthes, they would haue vsed them. Out of all which we do gather, that he which hath little must be content with a little: and he that hath much must endeuour to vse it lawfully. And herein consisteth the knowledge how to abound, Phil. 4. or to want, when a man can be content with his want, and not forget him selfe in his plenty. As for Ecclesiasticall dignities, we graunt them euen to the highest, according to the order of Iethro, which order was neuer constituted in the new Testament, but was practised, and in deede the new is not to ordeine matters already ordeined in the old, but to put them in practise. Now after the order of Iethro, the chief Bishops do succeede in the high Priests roome, and the Apostles are to be considered as soueraine Bishops, because that next to Iesus Christ there were none in greater authoritie thē they, but there were in lesse. And for their partes they were in equall authoritie each with other: for sith our Lord would not appoint any one to be the greatest amōg his Apostles, he hath left them all in equall power, neither could any man giue them any greater: besides, he appointed them in like degree, to the end they [Page 14] should be chief in those prouinces whither Gods spirite sent them, and so should not neede one to depend vpon the other. Now that they were chief it appeareth, first in that Sainct Paule likeneth him selfe vnto a master builder, not a simple masson, and others to massons that build aboue, when he saith, that him selfe laid the foundation, and that the rest builded thereupon. Secōdly, in that both from Corinthe and other places they did write vnto S. Paule, to decide the most difficult matters among them: for it is the office of the chiefest to decide the most difficult causes Exod. 18. Deut. 17. S. Paule likewise charged Titus as a Bishop to ordeine Priests throughout the cōgregations Tit. 1. And Titus receaued that charge frō S. Paule, as from a greater then himselfe: For S. Paule vseth commandement. S. Paule also. 1. Cor. 11. 34. saith, when I come I will determine of the rest, thereby reseruing to him the ordering of such thinges, as could not be performed but in the presence of the chiefest: He also saith, that he that giueth the blessing, is greater then he that receaueth it: Heb. 7. Euen so may we also say, that he that commaundeth is greater then he that obeyeth: and he that sendeth, then he that is sent. 1. Tim. 6. Now S. Paule commandeth Timothie, saying, I commande thee in the name of God. &c. He required also obediēce in Philemon, saying, trusting in thine obedience. True it is that he also vsed entreatie, whereof groweth the Prouerbe, a great Lordes request is as good as a commaundement. S. Paule likewise willeth Timothie not to admit any accusation against the Priest or Elder, without two or three witnesses: so that Timothie might admit or reiect accusations against Priestes, wherefore it followeth that he had iurisdiction euen ouer the Priests.
Sainct Paule also sent Timothie to the Corinthians: 1. Cor. 4. He commaunded Titus to come vnto him, Tit. 3. also to send Zene a Doctour of the law, 2. Tim. 4. and Apollo: and he commaunded Timothie to come before winter, and to bring Mark with him. True it is that Paule sent Timothy to the Corinthians, 2. Cor. 8. but Titus wēt not as one sent, but offered himselfe, and Sainct Paule sent a famous brother to the congregations, and therefore in the 12. chap. of the same Epistle, he saith that he desired Titus, and sent a brother. He also saith that he requested Apollo who would [Page 15] not goe, adding withall, that he shall go so soone as his leasure serueth him, and so sheweth, that he did not refuse, but delay. In all which it appeareth, that euery thing was done in good order: yet will I say, that the Apostles vsurped no dominion ouer, Gods elect, or Lordship ouer their faith, or ouer the Lordes inheritance: but in deede there is differēce betweene dominion & iurisdictiō: They exercised no dominiō, but exercised their offices, as hauing iurisdictiō. True it is that they exercised this iurisdictiō with charitie rather thē authoritie, as also it is the duetie of euery Bishop. Here might one obiect that sith the Apostles were equall in authoritie, the Bishops also ought to be of equall authoritie: But I deny the consequence, & will proue it to be no consequēce by the saying of S. Paule, where he cōpareth him selfe to a wise master builder laying the foundatiō, and the rest to the workemen that build thereupon: For admit all architectes and master massons were equall, yet followeth it not that all simple massons or workmen shall be so▪ In deede it followeth that all chief Bishops in euery kingdome or soueraigne principalitie should haue like authoritie. Moreouer the Apostles were equall among them selues, but other Bishops were not equall with them, as we haue already shewed. I know that Paules building may be referred to the preaching, but the interpretation hindereth not the applicatiō. Likewise we might bring an other example, and that is, that albeit the Counsellers in a Parliament be equall in authoritie, yet doth it not follow that the Counsellers of Presidiall seas, be of equall authoritie with them. Here may they also obiect, that S. Paule calleth Titus his companion, 2. Cor. 8. and saith to Philemon, if thou accomptest me thy fellow: whereto I aunswere, that Eneas called his souldiers his fellowes, and yet it followeth not that they were equall with their Captaine. And a Captaine may say to his souldier, I am thy fellow, and it becommeth him, but the souldier to say the same, it were vnseemely. It may also be obiected, that S. Paule calleth the other Bishops his helpers and fellow labourers: whereto I answere, that all workemen are fellow labourers and helpers of the master masson, yet not equall with him. And God sometime maketh men his fellow laborers, yet not equall [Page 16] with him selfe.
I say then that the Ecclesiasticall dignities haue place euen to the highest, but not vniuersall, which vsurpeth dominion euen ouer kinges, yea so farre forth as to dispose of their scepters and crownes: and I will proue my saying thus. The high Priesthood of Aaron was subiect to the iudgemēt seat of Moses and the kingdome of Iuda. Also in the law which God set downe, there was no Priesthood aboue the kinges, and that by reason of the law, sith that vnder the principalitie of Moses, there was a high Priesthood: therfore it followeth that vnder euery Christian soueraigne principalitie, there should be a chief Bishop, yet not so as to acknowledge any vniuersall Bishop. Sith also that Iesus Christ would not ordeine any to be greatest among the Apostles, it followeth that there ought not to be the greatest among the chief. And Iesus Christ forbiddeth his Apostles to vsurpe dominion: the vniuersall Bishopricke is therfore no lawfull order, but a cōfusion engēdred by Babell. If any mā will alledge the pretended donation of Constantine the great, I aunswere, that many impugne it as false, besides that a couenant cā not be of any force to abuse or to vse it cōtrary to good maners, as the Pope striueth to vphold superstition, repugnant to all good maners and true godlinesse, yea the ingratitude of the receauer of the donation, maketh the donation voyde: but the Popes haue practised all ingratitude against the Emperors, procuring their subiectes many times to rebell, prescribing their Empires, working their deathes, betraying of them, as Fredericke Barbarossa was betrayed to the Turke, and treading vpon their throates, with such other ingratefull insolencies. Againe the Emperour hath no authoritie in Fraunce, he can not then giue the Pope any there. In Fraunce Constantines authoritie is vnknowen, neither doth any man giue that which he hath not, nor can transferre any further right then his own. But if he beare him selfe vpon the authoritie of Doctors, I will alledge one Doctour, euen S. Gregory, who saith that the first that shall take vpon him to be vniuersall Bishop, shall be the forerunner of Antichrist. If they alledge the Coūcels, I answere, that some of them haue improued the Popes authoritie, albeit [Page 17] some others assembled by the Popes driftes and practises haue approued it. And admit the Councels had without contradiction approued it, yet let vs looke whether their Decrees be grounded vpō Gods word: for in that case we must obey them, as also if they be not contrary to Gods word: But Iesus Christ expressely forbiddeth such dominion, then may no Councell authorise it. For S. Paule saith, that he may doe nothing contrary to the truth, how then shall the Councels be of force against Christes expresse prohibition? Againe, in Fraunce the king hath the Ciuill dominion, and the Parliamentes haue no dominion, but the iurisdictiō: likewise in England the Queene hath the dominion, and the Bishops the Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction: But the authoritie which the Pope vsurpeth, is a dominion, which exalteth it selfe aboue kinges, and therefore by Gods word expresly forbidden. Thus hath the Pope no right, neither any colour in Gods word, neither is there any king or prince by Gods word subiect vnto him, no not so much as any chief Bishop that is bound to acknowledge him. But all kinges and soueraigne princes, may in their kingdomes and principalities establish chief Bishops, after the maner and example of England.
I haue before shewed that the state of the Clergie is no cause of our separation from those whom in Fraunce we call Catholickes, 4 and therefore the abuse may be thought to be the cause, but it is not: for there is no gouernement wherein there may not be abuse, but the abuse simply it not sufficient cause of schisme. We know that there was neuer any more excellent gouernement then the same which God established, yet did the childrē of Hely the high Priest cōmit great abuses, 1. Sam. 2. 12. defiling the women appointed to watch the tabernacle, & against the peoples willes, 1. Sam. 13. and contrary to the custome established in the law, chusing such meates as they liked in the Priestes kettles. The people cōplained hereof, yet made they no schisme, as in deede they ought not: and now if we were to complaine of the Catholickes but for their simple abuses, we should haue no cause to make any schisme: well might we haue occasion to cōplaine, yet not therefore to separate our selues.
[Page 18] It may be thought also that ceremonies are the cause of our separation from the Catholickes, 5 yet are they not so, howbeit I make great difference betweene ceremonies and superstitions: for superstition is forbidden by Gods word, so are not ceremonies, for there be three kindes of simple ceremonies, one Legall, an other Euangelicall, and the third indifferent, yet not contrary to the word of God. The Legall are abolished as concerning the letter, but doe remaine, as concerning the spirite, cōsidering that their truth is eternall, & abideth for euer as the word of God. The Euangelicall, as the Sacraments, are necessarie. And others there are which be indifferent, as not forbiddē by the word of God, for the which one should not condemne an other. The same are such as are vsed in sundry Reformed places, as in Englād, Switzerland and els where. In which ceremonies the Reformed faithfull ought to haue respect to modestie: one to beare with an other, according to the rule of S. Paul, who saith: Let not him that eateth not, despise him that eateth, and he that eateth, let him not reproue him that eateth not, that is to say, let not one condemne an other. True it is that there be foolish and trifling ceremonies, as in Baptisme to put the spatle of the Priest into the childes mouth, when as sometimes the Priest shall be halfe a lazare, halfe rotten, and haue rotten teeth, or a stincking or corrupt breath, which can not but be daungerous for the child, and therefore vpon so villanous a custome, the father may sometimes take occasion not to cleaue thereto: as also there be garments, which being worne vpon any signification, and for distinction in callinges, are ceremonies, but if we attribute any vertue vnto them, they be superstition.
The cause thē of our separation cōsisteth not in the state of the Clergie, 6 neither in the abuses, nor in the ceremonies, but in the superstition. Superstition do I call all worshipping of false Gods: false worshipping of the true God, or euery worship contrary to the word of God.
As for the word superstition, it is a Latin word, and may be taken diuerslly. It may be takē for that which in Latin is called Superstitum parentatio, that is to say, the suruiuours funerals, there hence transferring it to any other false worship, or rather [Page 19] super statutū cultum, extranea & prophana adiectio, taking super in stead of praeter or contra, which signifieth all worship that is added, besides the same which God hath established. The Greekes do call it [...], which signifieth the worshipping of the deuils: but vary it how they will, I force not, so the definition remaine.
Superstition then being the cause of our separation, it is also to be thought that we can not allow any superstitious doctrine: But discretiō is needefull to be had, in clearing the cause of superstition from that that concerneth the state, and not to condemne any thing rashly.
The superstitions that cause vs to abandon the Popes partie, are the worshipping of Images and Reliques, the inuocation of Sainctes, Purgatory, Transubstantiation, Artolatrie, Traditions, the Popes orders established by superstitious traditions, false and faleable Pardons, false merites derogatorie to Christes merites, and such like.
As for Images, it is a matter sufficiētly beaten by other, and therefore I shall not neede to enter into particularities, for it is manifest inough, that the worshipping of them is idolatrie. I know that euery Image is not an Idoll, also that an Image simply maketh not an Idoll, but the worship thereof, which is superstition: For it is written, Thou shalt not honor it. But we doe honor it, when we celebrate it with any worship. I also graunt, that an Image set vp for a historie is no Idoll, as we see in the temples of those that are called Lutherans in Germanie, but if we attribute any vertue thereto, it is superstition: for the vertue that we attribute, is the cause of the worship and honor thereto, yet is it good vtterly to purge Gods Church frō these Images, which haue bene causes of the peoples Idolatrie, howbeit it were to be wished that it might be done by the kinges authoritie. And it is to be meruailed, that in the Churches there are the Images of God the father, Deut. 4. sith God him selfe hath so expresly forbidden it. For if they might take place, the heathen ought not to be reproued for their Image of Iupiter. For it is certaine that by Iupiter they vnderstood Ioue pater, and it is an auncient character of Noahs Religion, who called God Iehoua [Page 20] And the Poete saying, Iouis omnia plena, speaketh of the great God creator of all thinges. I will omit all Poeticall fictions, neither doth my Argument leade me to speake of them.
As for the Images of Iesus Christ and his Sainctes, if that of Iesus ought not to be worshipped, much lesse ought those of the Sainctes: but that of Iesus Christ must not be worshipped, it is then in vayne to worship those of Saincts. Some man may say that they worship them not, hereto I aunswere, that when we exhibite so great reuerence to any thing, as we can not exhibite more to God him selfe, we worship that thing. But such is the worship that is done to Images, before the which we vncouer our heades, bend our knees, hold vp our handes, make our prayer, present our offring and such like: Tell me then I pray you, what more can we doe to God him selfe? But the subtiler sorte do say: ween you that when I kneele before a Crucifixe of wood or stone, I pray to the wood or stone? No I doe it to the thing represented by that wooddē Crucifixe, and looking thereupon, do direct my prayer to Christ. Thinke you, say they, that I am so sencelesse as to stay vpon this visible Image? mine eye is in deede vpō the visible Image, but my hart is with Iesus Christ that is in heauen. 2. Kin. 18. But let me aske thee, Thinkest thou that they which sacrificed to the brasen serpēt had not the like starting hole? They had more reason to sacrifice thereto, then thou to a Crucifixe. For it figured Iesus Christ hanging on the wood: and whereas thy Crucifixes be erected by superstitious men, without any cōmaundement from God, that was erected by Gods expresse commandement: and whereas some of thy Crucifixes are authorised by false miracles, that was famous by the miracles wrought in the desert, by healing such as the serpents had bitten. All which notwithstanding, when the people began to sacrifice thereto, Ezechias brake it, saying, that it was but brasse. Wherefore if these starting holes should take place, who doubteth but the Israelites would haue had the like? Thou worshipest, sayest thou, Iesus Christ, and art not so sencelesse as to worship the Crucifixe: weenest thou the Israelites were so sencelesse as to worship the brasen serpent, and not rather him that was thereupon figured, hanging vpon the wood? [Page 21] or thinkest thou that they were so ignoraunt, that they knew it not to be the figure of the Messias, sith they liued in a time so illuminated with Prophetes, as was the time of Ezechias? Had such shiftes taken place, Ezechias would neuer haue destroyed the brasen serpent, which notwithstanding these shiftes, being broken, thy excuses also take no place. Thou wilt say, that they sacrificed to the brasen serpent, but that thou doest not sacrifice to the Crucifixe. I answere, that there were two sortes of sacrifices, the one burnt offerings the other meate offrings. The burnt offrings were made of beastes: The meate offrings of fruicts, as of corne, wine, bread, oyle & such like, wherfore whē thou offerest the like thinges to the Crucifixe, thou sacrificest againe to the brasen serpēt: And whē thou makest those offerings before the Images of Sainctes, thou doest yet worse. To be brief, all these excuses are but starting holes, and it is no heresie to abandon such superstition: yea this superstitious worship is the cause that iustly we may well call them Idols. 1. Cor. 10. And S. Paule teacheth vs, what soeuer is sacrificed to Idols, is offered to Idols, wherein we doe learne that the Idols which in old time aunswered by oracles, were deuils. Yea there be some deuines, which note the worship of the Images of Sainctes, and there be Images vnder the Catholicke Religion that abuse the world, which thinketh, that the Sainctes doe worke miracles: albeit they be such miracles as the old oracles wrought long agoe. Wherein it is euidēt, that they are the same deuils, which abuse the people, hauing onely chaunged their names. In old time they would be called God, and now they wilbe termed Saincts. The Gods of old time had their Priestes and Sibilles▪ and now the Saincts haue their Southsayers: they frame thē selues to the time, but in the meane time the people is abused thinking because the name is altered, the matter is changed. As for the distinctiō of Honor, Latrie, Doulie & Hiperdoulie, it is an other kinde of shift, which hath neither reason nor grounde in the word of God. Now therfore do I appeale to euery mans iudgement in this matter: viz. that sith they worship Images, whether this worship may not be taken for superstition and Idolatry, also whether this worship maketh not their Images Idols. [Page 22] And S. Paule testifieth, that Idols be deuils: Therefore these Images whereto they erect worship are deuils, that is to say, deuils are worshipped in them: and so being deuils, we are not to haue any acquaintance with them. For Sainct Paule telleth vs that we can not participate, both in the cup of the Lord and in the cup of deuils, and so he sheweth vs that to be partakers of both togither, be two incompatible extremities. To the end therefore to participate in the Lordes cup, we are forced to separate our selues from the Pope, who mainteineth the cup of deuils, that is, Idolatrie. This then is the cause of our separation, which who soeuer will iudge without passion, I am assured will finde to be lawfull. This is in deede the matter of our separation, and not the simple abuses, neither the ceremonies simply, and much lesse the state of the Clergie: for the which thinges there ought not to be any breach made in the Church: well may we in modestie require the correction of the abuses, when there be any, yet not therefore make a schisme.
Concerning inuocation of Saincts, 7 that is yet an other kinde of superstition, for this we know, that all worship of God and deuine seruice, is contained vnder these two kinds, inuocation and thankesgiuing. And this adoration or worship is so proper to God, that it can not be transferred to any other, as he sayth, Thou shalt worship one God onely, and him onely shalt thou serue: which is that kind of adoration and worship that ought to be reserued to God onely, and not transferred to others. But in the religion tearmed Catholicke, they do no lesse transferre thankesgiuing to the Saincts then inuocation: for they make their vowes to Saincts, and to pay vowes and oblations, is to celebrate thankesgiuing, and therefore it may be sayd, that they transferre the whole worship vnto them, and so do no longer worship one God onely, neither serue him alone: but as concerning worship and adoration, do giue him as many companions as there be Sainctes, whom they inuocate. Besides that, sometimes such a one is vpon earth inuoceted for a Sainct, as in deede is broyled in hell fire, & so may they finde in hell some one, whom they make a companion of God, in respect of worship and adoration: neither will I say that idoles, being by S. [Page 23] Paules testimonie, 1. Cor. 10. deuils: the deuils do cause them selues to be worshipped as Sainctes in their steades. Againe, albeit it were not forbidden, yet sith there is no commandement for it in the worde, that worship can not be according to the faith which commeth of the hearing of the word: and whatsoeuer is not of faith is sinne, Coloss. 2. 18. as S. Paule witnesseth. And there can be no hearing, where there is neither cōmandement, instruction, exāple, nor admonition. 4▪ Esd 1. 40 But besides the commandement to worship and serue one God onely, S. Paule reproueth the worshipping of Angels, which is as much as to reproue the worshipping of Sainctes: for they being the messengers of the will of God, are comprised vnder the name of Angels, Mala. 3. 1. as we see in Malachy, Mat. 11. 10 who is called the Angell of the Lord. Apoc. 1. It is also written of Iohn Baptist, Isay. 33. 7. I will send my Angell before thy face, who shall prepare thy wayes. Mala. 2. 7. And the seuen Bishops of the seuen Churches of Asia, are called the seuen Angels of the seuen congregations, with many such other examples, infinitely to be found in the holy Scripture. So that the Saincts being named Angels: vnder the prohibition of the worship of Angels, is contained the prohibition of the worship of Saincts. 2. Pet. 2. 11. The Angels also as S. Peter teacheth, are greater then the Saincts, and therefore if the worship of Angels, who are greater then the Saincts, be by S. Paule reproued, how can the worshipping of images stand? All such therefore is but vanitie and superstition, and the forsaking of such matters is good, so farre is the abandoning of them from being heresie. True it is that some do bring in distinctions, as thus: That they call not vpon the Saincts for remission, but for intercession: whereto I answere, that howsoeuer they call vpon them, or with whatsoeuer title it be, yet is inuocation still inuocation, adoration and worship, and so still forbidden by the commandement, Thou shalt worship one God, and him onely shalt thou serue, neither can these distinctions take place, vnlesse the holy Scripture did expresly propound them, no more then the distinctiōs of honour, latrie, doulie, or hyperdeulie. And they be sufficiently confuted by denying onely, because there is no such matter contained throughout the holy Scripture authenticall. To be briefe, we must call vpon God onely, & not vpon Saincts, [Page 24] and to God only must we addresse our vowes, & not to Saincts. Some may obiect, that the Saincts in heauen do know what is done vpon earth, yea and that they pray to God for vs. Wherto I answer, that the Prophets being in the world, knew the generall estate of the Church, and do better know it in heauen: but they are no searchers of the hearts, for that is proper to God only. And S. Paule saith, that no man knoweth what is in man, but the spirit of man, which is in man himselfe: wherefore the spirits of men which are in heauen, do not know what is in the spirit or heart of man that is vpon earth. But he that is a Mediator, must know his heart & intent for whom he intreateth. I will not denie but charitie may moue them to pray for vs, yet do hit not follow thereof, that we should call vpon them, sith we haue no such commandement.
As for prayer for the dead, 8 and the doctrine of Purgatorie, it hath foundation but vpon the second booke of Machabees, the sixt booke of Virgils Aeneides, and Homer. Which be very weake props to hold vp so heauie a building. They giue vs other pretences, Eccl. 12. 7. but in vayne, sith that as Salomon testifieth, whē the dust returneth to the dust, the spirite returneth to God that gaue it, which sheweth that when man dyeth, his spirite returneth to God, of him to receaue his iudgemēt, which being pronounced there is no appeale: neither are there but two wayes, the broad and the narrow, two gates, the wide and the streight, and two issues, life and death. So as there is no voyde place betweene to build Purgatorie vpon.
One point there is, which is, that the rentes that are giuen to pray for the dead, might be conuerted to the instruction of the people, and to pray for the saluation of the suruiuors their successours: for so might that which hath bene giuen to a superstitious vse be conuerted to a lawfull and godly vse, following the example of censers of Chore his partakers, Num. 16. which hauing bene offered for a conspiracie, were afterward conuerted into golden plates vpon the altar of the Lord.
Neither can the doctrine of transubstantiation be admitted, 9 because it standeth not with any deuine reason, that an earthly thing should be transubstantiated into a heauēly, that is, earthly [Page 25] bread into heauenly bread. For if the bread be transubstantiated into Christes body, then should Christes body be likewise transubstantiated into a dead and earthly bread dispoiled of his qualities and powers. Now there is nothing that letteth vs, but that we may eate Christes body clothed with all his qualities and powers, without subiecting it to earthly bread: for we must eate it as liuing bread, Iohn. 6. 51. sith Iesus Christ saith, that he is the liuing bread, and the bread of life. But there is great difference betweene eating it as liuing bread, and eating it as a dead, sencelesse, earthly and immoueable bread. And transubstantiation gain saith the eating of it as liuing bread, when it representeth it vnder the earthly kindes of a dead and immoueable bread: which is a speach most vnworthy the body of Iesus Christ: besides that we doe subiect the heauenly thing signified vnto the earthly signe, which is yet more vnworthy the doctrine of the Eucharist, and therefore the abandoning of such doctrine is no heresie.
Thereby also it appeareth that it is superstition to worship the Sacramentall bread, because the thing signified ought not to be subiected to the thing signifying: and his body which cō teineth all thinges can not be comprised in a dead and earthly thing. This is still to worship the brasen serpent, which was but brasse, & yet was no lesse a Sacrament of Iesus Christ hanging vpon tree, then is the Sacramentall bread. And therefore these matters are but superstitions, whereto we are not bounde to cleaue. And such as persecute vs because we will not bend our neckes to the yoke of superstitions, doe lend to a good marchant, who is able to pay them well again. They haue a marueilous accompt to make: but we, thankes be to God, may giue a good accompt of our conuersation, not before men onely, but euen before God, who will not be deceaued: and therefore let these men looke what accompt they be able to giue before God: for men may sometimes be deceaued: but God will not be dalyed with all: The corrosiue of conscience may for a while suffer them to sleepe, but the fire once kindled therein will neuer be quenched, Heb. 10. 31 & S. Paule saith, It is an horrible thing to fall into the handes of the liuing God.
[Page 26] As touching the Masse, 10 Reformation is not an enemy simply to it, but also to the superstitions wherewith it is stuffed. Some Catholickes there be, that say that we doe euill in that we cleaue not to the Masse, because there be some good thinges therein, as the Epistle and the Gospell. True it is, there be good things, but there be also bad: namely all that is superstitious: & therefore take away the bad, and so shall we soone compound for the rest, and grow to agreement.
Traditions haue also in part bene the cause of our separation from the Pope, 11 but who will for that accuse vs of heresie? haue not both Esay and Iesus Christ taught the same? yea there be such traditions as S. Paule termeth doctrine of deuils, as is that of vowed chastitie, for S. Paule testifieth that Gods spirite expressely doth say, that in the latter dayes some shall reuolt from the faith, 1. Tim. 4. cleauing to spirites of errour & the doctrine of deuils, speaking lyes in hypocrisie, hauing their consciences seared with a hoate iron, forbidding mariage, and commanding abstinence from meates, created by God for vs to vse with thankesgiuing. These be S. Paules owne wordes. Now let vs see who they are of whom he speaketh? They are those that prohibite mariage: he speaketh then of the Pope, for he forbiddeth mariage in commanding chastitie. For what is chastitie but a prohition from mariage?
But what doth he say of them? First he saith that they be reuolted frō the faith: they be then gone frō the groundes thereof. Tell me then, be not they that erre from the grounds of faith heretickes? Then is the Pope an hereticke, euen by the euident testimonie of Gods spirite, and yet doth he accuse vs of heresie. He saith well: but who is he that condemneth vs of heresie? It is the Pope: Then is it a man, and we may well appeale vnto God. But he that pronounceth that the Pope is reuolted from the faith, and so consequētly an hereticke, is the spirite of God: I pray you thē, to whom shall he appeale? what, will he thinke that Gods spirite hath spoken vnwisely, & therefore is ready to recant his sentēce, which he hath so solemnely pronounced?
Secondly he saith, that they depend vpon the spirites of errour. Then are not we to hang vpon them.
[Page 27] Thirdly he saith, that they cleaue to the doctrine of deuils: Is not that I pray you, to communicate in the cup of deuils? then can they not communicate in the cup of the Lord: for S. Paule witnesseth, that we can can not be partakers of the cup of the Lord, 1. Cor. 10. and of the cup of deuils: we can not then communicate with them, but we must also communicate in the cup of deuils, which we can not doe, but by renouncing the cup of Christ. Are we to be blamed then for departing from them?
Fourthly he saith, that they speake lyes in hypocrisie: which appeareth manifestly in the sclaunder that they charge vs with, when they taxe vs with heresie. For would you haue a greater lye then that? what greater hypocrisie doe you require then the same, which contrary to his owne conscience sclaundereth his neighbour?
Fifthly he saith, their consciences are seared, whereby we see that it is not without cause that they resist the truth. For a man would greatly marueile, to see these resist so euident a light, for the vpholding of those superstitions, wherein the darknesse is as palpable as was that of Egypt in times past: But now that we know their consciences to be seared, we thinke it no more straunge that they resist the truth, considering that the searing of their consciences doth take from them all feeling thereof.
Here might some obiect, that S. Paule speaketh of other heretickes that may come after vs, & not of the Pope. I graunt he may also speake of others, neuerthelesse it followeth not thereby, that he speaketh not of the Pope, and for proofe thereof I will for example bring Gods saying to Noah. He that sheddeth a mans bloud, let his bloud be shed by man: How if a murtherer should say, that this were not spoken by him, but by his neighbour, who might peraduenture haue killed a man: would not the Iudge aunswere, that it had relation to both, yea and to all other shedders of mans bloud, who thereby doe make them selues guiltie of the same offence? In like maner if there were a hundred sectes, which prohibited mariage and the vse of meates, the spirit of God in the place before alledged, doth note all the whole hundred: & all other consequēces would be as forcible against euery of the hundred, as they be against the Pope,
[Page 28] My meaning is, that all such Doctors which propound the traditiōs of vowed chastitie for a doctrine, that is, to make a cō science therof, are reproued by S. Paule. Neuerthelesse I say, that the reason is not a like, when we keepe Lent vpō policie, without binding the consciēce: because that in that case, it is no snare to the conscience. Here might some man say, that S. Paule there speaketh of the latter dayes, and therfore meaneth not that Lent and abstinence from mariage which were instituted long ago. Hereto I aunswere, 1. Iohn. 2. 18. that S. Iohn euen in his time, said that there were many Antichristes, and that thereby he knew the latter dayes then to be come, so as if the time of the Apostles were by the holy Scriptures termed the latter dayes, much better may the spirite of God in this place call those the latter dayes, wherein both Lent and abstinence from mariage were brought in.
Infinite particularities which might be alledged, 12 will I omit, as being content to haue touched some part of the grossest abuses, and now will proceede to speake generally of our Doctors doctrine, which I say can not be taxed of heresie. Some thinges doe they hold common with the Catholickes, and in some others doe they differ. As well the one as the other haue some good thinges, wherein they doe agree, and in either of them may there be found some thinges disputable: for all men are men. Herein doe they differ, that the Doctors which call them selues Catholickes, I speake of those of our dayes, haue their faces turned to superstition, where as the Reformed Doctors, haue as concerning that point, satisfied them selues by departing from Popish superstitions. Superstitious doctrine vpholdeth the worship of Images, which is Idolatrie: and it vpholdeth the prohibition from mariage, and from the vse of meates, which Gods spirite termeth the doctrine of deuils: It is therfore found to be erronious, sith the spirite of God doth say, that such men cleaue to the spirites of error, yea that they be euen reuolted from the faith, shewing that they haue estranged them selues from the true groundes therof, wherein it conuicted them of heresie. In this then doe they differ, videl that in the superstitious Doctors there is heresie, but in the Reformed there is none. Some matters there may be disputable in [Page 29] the authors of Reformation, but no heresie, that is, no doctrine vtterly repugnant to the principles of faith. I know there be Catholicke Doctors, that some times doe skirmish against the Reformed, & to perswade men that there is errour in their writings doe often times propound such thinges as the others neuer spake of, or if they haue spoken of any such, do wrest their wordes into an other sence. But admit that in some point there be some fault, as all men are men, & we will not make our Doctors Apostles, there is difference betweene a simple ouersight and an heresie, but for that cause we may not taxe the Reformation of heresie, seing that we accompt not our Doctors opinions as oracles, or goundes of doctrine.
Moreouer we confesse that we drawe neare to the Lordes day, and the day is so formed, that the breake of the day goeth before the sunne rising, and the sunne rising before noone. The breake of day is neuer so cleare as the sunne rising, neither is the sunne rising so light as high noone, whereof we conclude, that in the Reformation, there is nothing so cleare, but may be better lightened. Againe, a tree beareth fruicts, that come not all vnto ripenesse, but some part become vntimely fruictes, which the tree letteth fall, & those are ordinarily soure, bitter, wormeaten, &c. and yet the rest of the fruict which groweth vntill it be ripe proueth very good. Euen so this age hath brought forth many writers, and infinite vayne writings, neither haue we as yet seene for the most part, other then vntimely fruicts of Reformation, but when the ripe fruict appeareth, then shall we know the excellencie thereof. Hereupon is it said in the Reuelation, let him that is holy, sanctifie him selfe better, which teacheth vs to labour for perfection, by correcting the imperfections that be within vs. Moreouer I say that often times the Catholicke Doctors doe in their Pulpites striue against our Doctors and obteine all the victorie, where as if they had to deale with a partie, they might be forced to deuide it: for he that maketh his own hands to play each against other, is still sure to winne all, but if he should set them to wrastle with an other, is in daunger to lose. But no man can say we haue done amisse, in giuing ouer the Catholicke Doctours, mainteiners [Page 30] of superstitious doctrines, to the end to cleaue to others which mainteine no superstitions.
Superstitions then haue separated vs from the Pope, not the state of the Clergie. For we doe allow of the state of the Clergie, as being ordeined by God, so long as it cleaueth to Gods lawes, which doe allow the estate thereof, vpon condition, that they renounce all superstitions repugnant to Gods word, and exercise equitie, charitie and mercy.
The Pope and his suppostes doe say, 13 that Reformation is a new matter, and must therefore be authorised by miracles, holding as a principle, that euery new doctrine must be authorised by miracle. Which if it be so, I say their superstitions ought rather to be authorised by miracles, as being more new then the religion of the Reformed. For the Popes most auncient superstition is the same of the Crosse & of Reliques, which holy Crosse Helene the mother of Cōstantine the great found after the Councell of Nice: & the rest haue crept in since in processe of time, as Images, abstinence frō mariage, Purgatorie, & such like: & those which were brought in by Helene the mother of great Cōstantin, & grand mother of superstition, haue already cōtinued 1260. yeares, which is the terme to thē prefixed in the Reuelation, so as thereby we may know, that they are come to their full periode. I say therefore, that the pure doctrine continued from the Apostles vnto the Councell of Nice: & that superstitions crept in since. This doctrine then which was before the superstitions which were brought in by Helene, and by the Popes augmented, was pure, and yet more auncient then superstition: and is the doctrine which the Reformed doe shoot at. The Religion therefore of the Reformed, is more auncient then the Popes superstitions, and therefore neede not to be authorised by miracles: hauing already bene authorised, by the same miracles, which our Lord and the Apostles did worke: and Popish superstition being the newer, standeth in greater neede of authorising by miracles: yea and thus much will I mainteine, that albeit it had miracles, yet might they not suffise to make it of authoritie: For no miracles can authorise that doctrine, which the holy Scripture declareth to be the doctrine [Page 31] of deuils. 1. Cor. 10. Yea and Moses saith, that albeit a Prophet, or a dreamer, 1. Tim. 4. should prophesie or dreame any such dreame, Deut. 13. as should peraduenture came to passe (which were miracles sufficient to authorise any good doctrine) yet if the same should preach false Gods, he were not to be beleued, but presently to be stoned to death. Howbeit I say, that in Popery they preach no false Gods, but they doe thinges equiualent thereto. For euery thing whereto man doth erect any worship, is by that worship made a God, so that as many Sainctes as they call vpon and serue, by erecting any worship vnto them, so many doe they make Gods, and therfore albeit they could worke miracles to authorise the doctrine, yet ought such miracles to be accompted among the miracles wrought by the Heathen oracles aforetime. But in as much as the Popes fauorers doe say, that Reformation is a new doctrine, and must be authorised by signes and miracles, I will giue them one, howbeit I will giue it after the same maner as the Lord gaue it to the Scribes & Pharisies, Mat. 12. 39 euen the signe of the Prophet Ionas, taking it out of the holy Scripture, and referring it to a matter which was yet to do. Likewise may I say that the peruerse and adulterous nation requireth signes, but shall haue no other signes giuen it, then the same that God gaue in the Reuelation, that is, that if we see and that shortly, the same to be fulfilled vpon the Papacie, which is foreshewed of the beast, & vpon Rome that which is foretold of Babylon: also that we see the faithfull that liue vnder the Reformation, triumph ouer the beast, ouer his Image & character, & the number of his name, & restore to Babylon double according to her workes, and to fill double vnto her in the cup that she hath filled to vs: Then shall the same be to them a certaine signe, that the Reformation is of God, and that it is the seale of our approbation.
But what greater miracle doe you craue, thē to see in France a handfull of the Reformed, committing many ouersightes in the state, and many times suffering them selues to be snared through ouermuch simplicitie, still hold out, notwithstanding all the subtelties and endeuours of so many mightie and wise men of this world? I wonder that neuer a Catholicke Doctor [Page 30] [...] [Page 31] [...] [Page 32] will reason according to the discourse of Gamaliell and say, Act. 5. If this Reformation be of men, 1 Tim. 4. the Clergie neede not to sell their demaines, and consume their reuenues for the authorising of it, for it will come to naught of it selfe, but if it be of God, the Clergy haue lesse reason to wast their goods to make warre against God.
S. Paul testifieth, 1. Tim. 4. 3. that abstinence from mariage is a doctrine of deuils: I know there may be sundry cauilles alledged to blemish this matter, howbeit it can not be so well scoured but there will remaine some filth. It may be demanded why he calleth it a doctrine of deuils. I answere, because it is a doctrine repugnāt to God. For God said, It is not good that mā be alone, speaking generally of all, as well of the Clergie as of the laitie, and the Pope thinketh it good that mā should be alone, Gen. 2. 18. namely a Clergie man, wherein he contrarieth God, & so did Satan contrarie God when he said, You shall dye the death. Againe, mariage was ordeined for three causes, whereof two were expressed in mans creation, Gen. 2. 18. videl. that woman might be a helper to man, Gen. 1. 28. and for the generation of children. The third cause doth S. Paule expresse saying, 1. Cor. 7. 9. that it is better to mary then to burne, so shewing it to be a remedy against temptations. I may therefore demande, sith God gaue this law generally to all men, why should the Clergie be depriued of a cōmon law? For sith temptations are common, they doe as much assault the Clergie as others, and they being thus depriued of the common remedie, must of necessitie fall, and so is this a snare which the deuill hath set vp to cause them to stumble, and a yoke that he hath layd vpon them vnder the pretence of holynesse. Now if any will obiect the saying of S. Paule. That he which marieth his daughter doth well, but he that marieth her not, doth better, I aunswere, that S. Paule in the same place saith, 1. Cor. 7. 36. Faciat quod vult, non peccat si nubat, which is, let her do as she shall thinke good, she sinneth not, though she mary. And proceeding in his purpose he saith, That the father may keepe her a virgine, it is to be meant, If she will, according to the former saying, That she doe as she will. This my version I authorise by S. Paule who saith, that he speaketh not this to set a snare: for to force the maydens will, were [Page 33] as much as to set a share in her way: and therefore I conclude thereupon, that they which of voluntarie abstinence from mariage haue made a law, binding the people to one of these extremities videl. either to forbeare mariage, or Ecclesiasticall functions, haue set a snare and vndertaken more then S. Paule. In summe, we may see that the deuils erected this snare to cause the Clergie to fall thereat: and thereof it commeth that S. Paule termeth abstinence from mariage, a doctrine of deuils, I speake of the Priestes vowed chastitie, which is subiect to a law. Euen at the Councell of Nice did the deuils endeuour to bring this their doctrine into the Church, but Paphnutius withstood it, and the Councell would not admit it: whereof we gather, that the Church vntill the Nicene Councell, was free from those superstitions, for the which we haue forsaken the Papacie: And so I now say, that if they meane to allow the Catholicke Religion, they must procure it to be receaued in like forme as it was at the Councell of Nice. The League laboureth to bring the yoke of the Tridentine Councell into France, but we craue the libertie of the Nicene Coūcell, that is, the state of the Church may be such as it was from the time of the Apostles vntill the time of the Councell of Nice, while there was neither Pope nor superstition.
S. 14 Paule teacheth vs to pray in an intelligible language, to the end the people may be edified: whereof it followeth, that Gods word and matters depending thereupon, ought to edifie the people in that language which they vnderstand I doe omit many other particular points, easie to be decided by such as can frame them selues to a desire of well doing.
AN APOLOGY FOR THE GENENERAL CAVSE OF REFORMATION, against the sclanders of the Pope and the League.
THE II. TREATISE.
WE haue promised to feast our readers with diuers fruictes, 1 and in part of performance thereof, haue hitherto set before them, onely Instructiue and Theologicall fruictes, It resteth now that we present them with fruicts Politicke & admonitorie: therein addressing our discours to the King and the Clergie: & after speaking of the Pope: & turning againe to the Catholicke people, we will also entreat of the Reformed Princes, against whom especially the Pope hath addressed his sclaunders: and then of the Ministers and Reformed people.
The king hath promised, yea sworne to driue all heretickes out of Fraunce. It is a good vowe that his Maiestie hath made, onely the question is to see who those be. Now is it so that they be heretickes, which erre in the principles of faith, and so consequently they which haue reuolted from the faith are the heretickes: The Pope mainteineth a doctrine contrarie to the Gospell, which in expresse words by the mouth of S. Peter, yea and of Iesus Christ him selfe doth forbid the vsurping of dominion ouer the Lordes inheritaunce, and the making of marchaundise of men, or mens soules, as the Reuelation calleth it: and therefore he is an hereticke, and in performance of the kinges vowe, ought to be driuen out of Fraunce: I say, driuen out of France, that is to say, his dominion driuen out of France.
It is alledged, that no hereticke ought to succeede to the crowne: To this article may the king of Nauarre well subscribe, for in him is not to be founde any one spot of heresie, but it is a sclaunder of the Pope, who lendeth him this charitie, to the ende to weaken the partie of the Reformation and so to strengthen the League so strongly, that it may [Page 35] ouerrule both king and commons, and shut vp the king in some Couent of Charterhouse Monkes, for to make one of the League, a creature of the Popes, and one of the king of Spaines Pēsioners, king: and through him to trouble the whole state of Fraunce, and abolish, the priuiledges of the French Church: For long hath the Pope longed to set in foot, and many a day hath he begun to molest the French kinges: now he shieldeth him selfe vnder pretence of Reformation: but where was Reformation at the warres of Millan, when the Popes did nothing but lay snares for the kinges of France, in the behalfe of the Emperour and king of Spaine? who so will peruse the remembraunces of Bellay, shall therein finde examples enough: yea now albeit the cause of the Reformatiō were not, yet would he finde occasions to trouble the kinges of France, and therefore it is an easie matter for him to finde that pretence, thereby the more cunningly to compasse his driftes. And had he euen set his foote vpon the kinges throate, yet were it no newes, for he hath done as much to the Emperour: or had he thrust our king into some Monasterie, yet should he not be the first, either Emperour or King of Fraunce that the Popes haue couled.
Many times did I marueile why the Popes should accuse the Reformed Princes of heresie, yea and all Reformation, but hauing read the 12. Chapter of the Reuelation, where it is said that the Dragon and old Serpent, which is the deuill, doe accuse our brethrē before God both day and night, I was resolued: for it is not vnnaturall for the child to imitate his fathers actions.
The king hath bene counsailed to permit but one Religiō in France: the counsell is good, if it may be compassed by reason. There be two wayes to atchieue it, or at the least to try it, for man purposeth, but God disposeth. The first is the same, which the Turke vseth in mainteining of Mahometes law, and that is the sword: but this meanes is bloudy, cruell and doubtfull, for the blowes are to be deuided, and he is assured of winning nothing but stripes: yea and it is tyrannous, whereof we conclude that the king will neuer take that course, vnlesse he be forced by the League, & worke tyrannie against him selfe. For this we know, that by nature he is no tyrāt: & so that if it come [Page 36] to that passe, all Frenchmen in reason are to take armes to free the king from the tyrannie of the League. Also to take away a schisme is to put out a fire with fire or with oyle: But fire is neuer quenched with fire, but with water: that is, the fire of schisme must be quenched with the water of reason, which is stronger, and standeth with more equitie then warre it selfe. The other meanes is sure & may be performed without bloudshed, yea it is a Christian meane, grounded vpon reason, truth and godlynesse. It consisteth in reiecting the yoke of the Spanish Inquisition and Councell of Trent, propounded by the League, & restoring the Catholicke Religion to the libertie of the Nicene Councell, free from the Pope and burthen of his superstitiōs. This course if the king would vndertake, we should neuer neede to feare the League: for albeit the League and Clergie would cut of all the faction of Reformation, yet should not Reformation quayle, for God vpholdeth it, and for proofe hereof, the experience of 30. yeares might suffise: But if the king and Clergy would fauour the cause of Reformation, the League would make no greater hast then to hide it selfe. The Clergie may imagine, that this can not be done without their hurt and losse, in respect of diuers donations, made vpon some abuse, or superstitions and vnlawfull vse: hereto I aunswere, that it is not necessarie, that, that which hath bene giuen to an vnlawfull entent, should therefore be taken away, but rather conuerted to a better vse, as were the 250. golden censers offered for a conspiracie by Cores confederates, Num. 16. which were conuerted to a good vse, vid [...]l. to be turned into golden plates, to be layd vpon the Lordes altar. Euen so that hath bene giuen to pray for predecessours soules departed, may be conuerted to instructions for successours suruiuers, or to pray to God for them: & so should the Clergie encurre no losse. But if the Clergie will not be content with so manifest reason, but obstinately bending against the truth, seeke our subuertion, we will leaue them to trye in vayne, how to root out Reformation and wast their reuenues: for we know that in the end they shall be forced to come to it: God can well enough reclaime them, either of their owne accordes or by great punishments, and therfore let vs suffer them [Page 37] to runne their race: for when they haue runne well, they must stay, and yeeld thereto.
When a man hath a sute, it helpeth much to doe his whole endeuour, and to offer his aduersarie all iust and reasonable offers: for by that meanes he may bring his aduersarie to reason and agreement, he also cutteth of all sutes, or els conuinceth his enemy of frowardnesse, and so iustifying his cause, enclineth the Iudge to fauour him. Euen so we knowing that we are to deale with the great Iudge which is God, also that we owe a duetic to our king doe seeke to finde out all meanes how to satisfie him with reason, and to turne away his wrath, which the Leaguers doe wrongfully kindle against vs, and therefore we offer to the Catholikes so much as in right, reason, and equitie we may, so as it is not our fault, and we doe wash our handes of it before God: and thus they are to see that in contemning the iust motions that we make and propound, they disdaine not vs, but the truth which is of God. For if they haue any harme, it is their owne fault, and God will not punish them but vpon euident & iust reason, for their contumacie, in that they would not obey his truth.
If a man inuiteth his friend to his table, & at dinner offereth him an apple to eate, and it chaunceth a worme to be therein, as sometimes it happeneth, he will not vrge his friend to eate the worme with the apple, but will giue him leaue to take away the worme before he eate the apple, euen so now the Catholickes doe inuite vs to eate of the fruict of their Catholicke Religion, wherein lyeth a worme, which is the Popish superstitiō, yea euen the Papacie it selfe, let them then take out the worme, or suffer vs to take it out, and then we will not refuse to eate of that fruict that is offered.
Moreouer the Reformed Religion is no other but the auncient Catholicke, such as it was from the time of the Apostles vnto the Nicene Councell, and differeth not frō the Catholicke at this day, but in thinges contrary to Gods word, brought in since the said Councell, as is the Popes domination, repugnant to the doctrine of the Gospell, taught by the mouth of Iesus Christ and S. Peter, which forbid the vsurping of dominatiō ouer [Page 38] the Lordes inheritaunce, and of other the consequences of the Papacie, as are the superstitions, which haue borne sway since the said Councell, and were brought in immediatly after the same, and since haue bene augmented and vpholden vnder the Papacie. I say, that if his Maiestie would so greatly benefite his Realme, equitie would require that it might be done by the consent of the Reformed plaintifs, being called and freely heard.
This one question will I propound: why our Lord among his Apostles would not haue one greater then an other? also wherefore he hath expressely forbidden them to vsurpe dominion, Luk. 22. 25. whereto I aunswere, Mat. 20. 25 that his intent was, they should be subiect to Ciuill dominiō, as the Priesthood of Aaron was subiect to the Iudiciall seate of Moses. And wherefore? We know that somtime there fall out superstitiōs, which are to be Reformed in the Church, 4. King. 18. 4. as was that of the brasen serpent in the time of Ezechias, and Idolatries in the dayes of Iosias, and such if the kinges doe suffer, 4. King. 23. the Lord will call them to accompt for them, and making them accomptable, it is also reason he should giue them power to correct, and that this power should not be in subiection to the Bishops. So did Ezechias and Iosias bring into the Church of Israell, such a Reformation as we craue in Fraunce, neither therein depended they vpon the high Priests, but as hauing dominion, commaundeth the high Priestes to breake the Idols, and to purge the Temple, neither needed they to call any Councell for the determining of those matters, but did with all speede set hand to that businesse, to the end to take away the euill, so soone as they knew of it. But at this day the Kings and Princes of Europe, in stead of mainteining their authoritie which God hath giuen them, doe referre them selues to the Pope, and the Pope to the Councell of Trent, which hath rather empaired then amēded their affaires. Thus do they as it were seeke Phisicke after a man is dead. And the contempt of the Priuiledges which God hath giuen them, hath brought their Realmes and dominions into trouble, namely Fraunce, where as had the king mainteined the authoritie which Iesus Christ attributeth to kings, and following the example of Ezechias, [Page 39] had Reformed the superstitions of the Church, his kingdome had bene in peace: yea had he employed the forces, which the League hath employed against him selfe, in the recouerie of those countries, which his predecessours haue lost, he might haue recouered them, or obteined a new crowne. Thus much more will I also say, that in case his Maiestie would vndertake the cōpassing of that which we propound, he should not neede to feare the threates of the League, which how loude so euer it speake, should soone be glad to say litle, yea and those that now dare face his Maiestie, should scarse find dēnes enough wherein to hide thē selues. There is nothing to hinder the king, following the course of this aduise, from atchieuing by reason, that, which if he labour to cōquere by the sword, he will with great difficultie bring to passe: And surely he hath but bad counsell, that will put him selfe into bondage whē he may go free. Iesus Christ freeth our kings from the Popes yoke, & submitteth thē to him selfe onely: they will not be tributaries to the Emperour, & yet stoope to his creature. Such as are in bondage seeke to purchase libertie, but our kings buy bōdage, yea and that very dearely: some with great treasures, that are transported to Rome: other with much bloudshed of their subiectes, destruction of their countreis, & trouble of their estates: for the Popes haue troubled many Kinges and Emperours, against whom they haue bent themselues, euen to the treading vpon their throates, and vttering contumelious speaches, comparing them to Dragons, Aspics and Basillickes: others they molest by stirring vp their neighbours against them: and others haue bought their bondage with the price of their scepters and crownes, whom the Popes haue shut vp into Cloisters and deposed from their thrones: neither haue the kinges onely, but also all France bought this bondage very deare, and with much bloudshed. O France thou art named France of thy freedome: but thou shalt neuer befree vntill thou freest thy selfe from the yoke of the sclaue of sclaues, who keepeth thee bound in the bondage of conscience and perpetuall trouble of thine estate.
Pope Gregorie sought to make his Papacie famous by the correction of the Kalēder, wherein he forgat that which should [Page 40] be the principall in a Kalender, which is to make it begin with an Equinoctiall or a Solstice: but admit he did very well, yet was this correction a matter of small importance in respect of the correction of such superstitions, as trouble the whole state of Christendome at this day: whereupon I say, that the king might make a farre more famous and necessarie correction, videl. by correcting the superstitiōs that are repugnant both to the conscience & estate & so celebrate the memory of his kingdome, with a farre more excellēt Character then Pope Gregory hath done yea and that after the imitation of those, that haue bene better qualified in Gods word, then euer was Pope Gregorie, namely Ezechias and Iosias, who were the Reformers of the Church, Manasses also though first a deformer, yet after also Reformer likewise. S. Paule in the beginning a persecuter and destroyer of the Church yet after a builder of the same and still it lyeth in Gods power to raise vp such. The League weeneth to haue brought the king to that stay, as to set foote vpon his throat, by laying of snares for him at Paris, and driuing his faithfullest seruaunts from about him. They thinke to make their accompt to doe all that they may, say all that they dare, and imagine all that they lust: but all are not out of hart, that doe dissemble. The League purposed to muffle vp the French, with the Spanish Inquisition: but the Frenchmens neckes are not fit for such a yoke. The French naturally and for the most part hath his harte at his tongues and, that is to say, is open, free and without colour, not being a double harted person, neither hipocrite nor dissembler, as be they that suffer the Inquisition to bridle them. Wherefore it is a fit meanes to leade the League to a downfall, and to conuert the Papacie into a Popedome abolished.
The Popes purpose in deuising the League, was no other but to make a metamorphose of our king, euē a more reall metamorphose then the transubstantiation, in cōuerting him frō a Hieronimite King, into a Charterhouse Mōke sometime king. I know the king is a great Catholicke, yet thinke I not that he so loueth the Pope & his superstitions, that therefore he would change his Crowne for a Charterhouse Monkes coule.
[Page 41] As for the Clergy, 2 it is no marueile though they would mainteine their estate, for it is a thing naturall, neither would the Nobilitie vpon necessitie doe lesse for theirs: I will not be a sharper censurer of their estate, thē Christ was of the Pharisies: But alas how lamentable is the wretchednesse of those that vphold superstition, and persecute such as will not obey the same? Let them thinke vpon their businesse, it is no small matter to become Gods enemie: for who soeuer oppresseth the consciences, submitting them to a yoke repugnant to Gods word, maketh him selfe an enemie to God. And truly they might mainteine their estate, albeit they abandoned superstition, yea and obteine the priuiledge of mariage, which at this day is no small matter in France, in respect of the numbers of men slaine in the warres, and the quantitie of rich enheritrixes left: as well widowes as maydens. I marueile also what reason they haue to withstand Reformation, which conteineth nothing repugnant to their estate, neither any thing that is not commodious for them, and chose rather to cleaue to the Popes, the auncient secret enemies to the kinges of Fraunce and the French Clergie, who vpon hatred to the French Clergie, haue made a Decree at Rome, that there shall neuer be created Pope of the French Nation, and that hatred haue they alwayes shewed against the French kinges so oft as oportunitie would serue, not in wordes onely but also in deeds. But most of all I maruell why the Clergy haue entred the League, to make warre at their owne charge against Reformatiō: herein hath the Pope played the Clergie as braue a tricke of a Pharisie as euer man did: for he hath loaden them with agreat burthen, whereto him selfe would not set his finger: & so farre is he from entering into any charges thereof, that he hath euen washed his handes of all. In like maner hath he also brought the king of Spaine into great charges, about the building vp of this sea monster his nauall armie: promising him a million of gold, so soone as his power should set foote in England, and this million of gold could he well enough wrest from the poore by his Bulles and Pardons: but when the king of Spaines Ambassadour came to demaunde this summe, his aunswere was, that he would not deliuer it before the army had [Page 42] set foot on land, so that notwithstanding what soeuer the Ambassadors earnestnes, he could obteine nothing, for he told him, that this money which had bene giuē for the poore, ought not so lightly to be parted withal: albeit since he could employ part of the same, namely 150000. crownes vpon the purchase of a Marquisate for his nephew. This is a cunning player at the Bohemiās game, yet looketh he not whether he be within or without, al is one to him so that he may get, but in getting he forgetteth nothing. Now in your opinion, if he thus mocketh the king of Spaine his eldest sonne, and the chief piller of his house, what will he doe to these, whom he hateth of old? will he spare them, or hurt him selfe to doe them good? And the League is it any better for the Clergie, then for him, sith the Clergie must rather beare the charges then he? No, it is more for the Pope: for it worketh for the state of the Pope, not for the state of the Clergy, considering that Reformation cōtrarieth the Popes estate & not the Clergies, but the Pope is not content with making the Clergie spend their reuenues, but withall he forceth them to sell their demaines, a matter neuer accustomed before. The auncient kings of Iuda in time past, did rather sell the vessell of the Lordes house, 2. King. 16. 8. and 18. 16. then medle with the Clergie, but the Pope had rather make them not onely to consume their reuenues, but also to sell temporalties, then to employ the Images and superstitious Reliques erected contrary to the word of God: so deare vnto him is that that God hateth, and so much doth he cōtemne that which God hath ordeined. Besides the Clergie may see, how being once burthened with these charges, the king hauing begun to leauie the tenthes, hath since continued the exacting of them: In the beginning they thought they should be leuied but for one yeare, and so to cease, but since they haue bene brought into a custome, and thereof it is come, that the Clergie conceaued an imagination that this exaction would neuer cease, without the rooting out of all seekers of Reformation: and thereupon they consented to the League, so to get out at once: and in the meane time haue sold their demaines, and yet must neuerthelesse pay their tenthes: all which notwithstanding Reformation is neuer the more rooted out: besides that, [Page 43] albeit it were rooted out, this subsidie would neuerthesse be leuied, vnder colour of preseruing the Church from like inconueniences. Neither is there any remedy whereby to eschue this consequence; but by taking part against the League, which doth exact these reuenues: that is, by declaring them selues seruauntes to the king, and enemies to the League, and taking to the support of their estate, such persons as regard not the Pope, who hath layd this burthen vpon them. Moreouer I doubt not but the Clergie are faithfull to the King, but neuerthelesse the League is a cōspiracie of the Pope against the crowne of Fraunce: but all that are of the League, are not of the cōspiracie, neither do they vnderstand the purpose thereof: and the Pope made it not to Reforme the time of Philip the Faire, when he caused the kinges owne children to conspire against their father: but it is an old practise of the Popes, to shuffle the French kinges cardes, and to seeke reuenge of the Pragmaticall Sanction, as well against the king as against the Clergie, but he is glad to take the cause of Reformation for a cloake, to the end vnder pretence thereof, to doe that which otherwise would be very hard for him to doe.
But I pray yon, what cause haue they to obey a forrein Franciscan Frier, rather then some one of the French Clergie? For the Pope hath bene a poore Mōkish deuill, that hath cast his coate to catch the Papacie, and would now gladly vncrowne the king to make him a Monke. There be amōg the French Clergy many Princes, Lordes and men of accompt, whom we might better obey then a Franciscane at Rome: howbeit if we must needs obey a Franciscan, are there not enough in Fraunce, that do better deserue it then he, who was neuer created Pope but vpon fauour, rather then the worthinesse in him? But in case a Romish Franciscan were fitter to gouerne the French Clergie, yet were it requisite he were brought into France, so to spare both labour and cost, and to be nearer his flocke, for it is neuer the propertie of a good shepheard, to lye farre from his fold: but now a dayes we make such shepheardes, as doe neuer visite their flockes, yea that neuer see the flockes, that they entitle them selues shepheardes of.
[Page 44] To the end to ship the Clergy in the League, they were perswaded, that within six moneths the Reformatiō should be vtterly extinguished, & now there haue passed aboue foure times 12. and they yet neuer the nearer, sauing in multiplying of expenses, they haue but set forward their owne destruction, and, yet are they to take new deliberations. I wonder they know not that it is in vayne to striue against God. There is no coūsell against God that can preuaile, well may they make many meetinges, either of Synodes or Estates: but if they enter any counsell against God, he will scatter them, yea albeit they hide them selues, yet are they not hidden from him. Let the Clergie accōpt all the charges they haue bene at, and the purchases by the League returned to the profite of the Clergie: & then let them come to substraction, so I am assured they shall finde that the Clergie hath scattered, rather then multiplied, so as the remainders being put to interest, will neuer bring them any profite, neither yet augment their reuenues: let them recken what goodes they haue sold, and what rentes they haue consumed, and they shall finde that they doe amount to more then that that hath bene sold from the Reformed, yet shall the Reformed in the end recouer theirs againe, but so shall not the Clergie.
As for the Cardinall of Bourbon, it were better for him to shoot at the soueraigne Bishopricke in Frāce, thē at the crown, & to practise the succession of the Crowne for his nephew the king of Nauarre, yet not by a League or conspiracie against the king. So might he erect two good pillers to beare vp his house: & this might he doe without stirring vp such Tragedies, as are now seene in Fraunce: as also the estate of a soueraigne Bishoprick might more easily be giuē him, in respect that already he is one of the chief Princes of the bloud, and both Primate and Peere of France, besides that he should aspire to that, which stā deth with the vocation of his Priesthood, which also he might enioy during the kings life: for it may be the king shall outliue him, neither will it become him to renounce his Priesthood, wherein he hath kept him selfe vnto his old age: as also he may thinke, that such as promise him the crowne, vsing his pretence to the ouerthrow of his familie, do well know that charitie beginneth [Page 45] of it selfe, also that there is no man, hauing meanes to dispose of the crowne, but will set it vpon his owne head rather then on a Priestes. Besides in as much as there are some whose promises, giftes and succours may be suspected, he can not but speede well in following the Apostles counsaile, which is, that euery man walke in his vocation whereto he is called: 1. Cor. 7. 20 he is called to the Priesthood, let him then so continue, and let him that can not be Moses be content to be Aaron.
I haue before noted for a fault in the Reformed, that they haue not made sufficiēt offer to the Clergie, of the enioying of their rightes vnder the Reformation, which is true: but it hath bene a greater fault in the Clergie, to imagine that Reformation would take from them all that it offereth not. It is most certaine that this foreiudgement hath more hindered the cause of Reformation, thē the armes of the Leaguers. For the League began to worke her effectes but in these last troubles, where this foreiudgemēt hath bene an auncient stombling blocke of old in the way of Reformation, neither had the Clergie euer bent them selues so sore against it as they haue done, had not that bene: howbeit it is not foreiudgement giuen, but taken, yea and by the Clergie taken out of season, without sufficient cause giuē by the Reformatiō, on whose side there was no other fault, but a trespasse cōmitted for want of aduisement, by vncircumspectiō & mistaking, neither was there any offence at all, but by taking the matter ouer sharpely & indirectly, considering that the Reformation neuer attempted any thing against the Clergie, but the Clergie against the Reformation in all the warres, namely in the last: wherein contrarywise the king of Nauarre hath euidently shewed, that he had no quarell to the Clergie, in that he hath hitherto forborne the Clergie, albeit they entered into the League against him. In deede I say, that they of the Reformation might haue offered the Clergie those things that I set downe, yea and haue procured and craued them, when they laboured to haue the chambers deuided for the decision of processe. But this is no sufficient cause to kindle such a schisme as the Pope hath raised. For I accōpt him the cause of this mischief & foreiudgement, because he alwayes mingled the Clergies [Page 46] cause with his owne, perswading the Clergie men that it generally concerned all their estates, and herein haue the Clergie bene to blame, that they neuer sought out the ground of this controuersie: for had they sought neuer so litle, they had found that their estate was not in question, but the superstitiōs, which had they taken away, they had ended all schisme. Whereupon we perceauing the Popes subteltie, who seeketh to make the Reformation odious to the Clergie, by perswading them that Reformation will ouerthrow their estate, doe raise vp a shield against that shaft, that is, by deuiding the Clergies cause from the Popes, and prouing that Reformation doth not contrarie the estate of the Clergie: besides, taking the same shaft, we returne it into the flanckes of the beast, by prouing that the Reformatiō shooteth at the Papacie, as being enemy to the Popes estate, because he is the beast mentioned in the Reuelatiō, which hath made warre against the Saincts, and being wounded to the death, shall also be healed againe, as he hath bene already wounded to the death by the doctrine of the Martirs, and healed againe for a time: but being now broken out againe, he can neuer be cured, and it can not be but deadly and past cure.
For I say of the Pope, 3 that his estate is pernitious as well to the conscience as to the state: It was brought in by guile, it is encreased by bribery, and it is vpholden by tyrannie and turmoiles, as tyrannising the consciences, and troubling the whole state of Europe. He hath mainteined the superstitions, of Reliques, Images, Inuocation of Sainctes, Purgatorie, vowed chastitie and such like, and the same will breed his destruction. I confesse that Gods word admitteth Ecclesiasticall dignities, euē to the soueraignetie after the order of Iethro, but it admitteth not any domination of an vniuersall Bishop: neuerthelesse if there were no controuersie but the degree, yea and albeit there were some abuses, yet might it be borne: but seing it mainteineth such superstitiōs, as are directly repugnant to Gods word, & for the same tyrāniseth the faithfull, it can not be borne: neither can we doe better, then to abandon it as the enemy to Christ and his truth, yet doe I say, that albeit he will renounce all superstitions, yet ought not the faithfull to be bound to obey him: for [Page 47] no man can lay vpō the faithfull the yoke which the Lord hath not layd vpon them: but I say that this degree were more tolerable, then the superstitions which are the doctrines of deuils.
But to omit all matter of Religion and conscience, and to come to the state: wherefore serueth the Papacie but to trouble the state of Kings & Princes? It hath put the King of Spaine to great charges, and made him buy a reproch very deare: It hath made him to arme him selfe to take a fall, and to stoope vnder a womans arme. It maketh him to mainteine an Inquisition, which is but a Popish tyranny, and can not but breed his destruction. But what good hath he done in Fraunce, in causing the subiectes to enter League against their king, yea and arming the king against him selfe? for by destroying his Reformed subiectes, what doth he destroy but him selfe? And had the king employed those forces against others, that he hath employed against him selfe, he might with honour haue purchased an other kingdome as great as his owne, and now haue bene at peace, where he is still in trouble. I say that the king hath seemed to fight against him selfe: but not properly the king him selfe, but the League. For the king is a good Prince, but the League hath against his will wrought matters to his hinderance. Againe for what serueth the Papacie in Fraunce, but to suck vp her treasures? Fraunce would not be tributarie to the Emperour, yet doth she pay tribute to the Empire in the Popes person, who is but a creature of the Empire. Vpon what reason are men to goe to Rome to decide Ecclesiasticall causes, as if in France there were no man capable of such decisions? If those of Rome be better, why cause we them not to come into Fraunce, but must still be at new charges to goe to Rome?
Nay why be not our Parliaments also trāslated frō France to Rome? peraduenture the Romaines may be more capable to decide Ciuill causes then the Frenchmē: or sith the Pope hath the honor to decide the Ecclesiastical causes, we might giue the Emperour the deciding of the Ciuill: but if the French be skilfull enough to decide Ciuill matters, they cā wel enough shift with Ecclesiasticall, if neede require. But what doth the Papacie for the French Clergie, but ouerthrow them: by making them sell [Page 48] their temporalties & wast their reuenues to enrich the League, staruing them selues in vayne about rooting out the Reformation? The Clergie warreth vpon me as a professour of Reformation, but I pitie them, seing how the Pope entangleth them, and the League deuoureth them to the very bones. How long is it since Christes Vicar became a Turke, to seeke to mainteine his Religion by the sword? And of all these foolish driftes the people smarteth most, by encurring infinite losses and ouerthrowes, vpon a foolish fansie that the Pope hath taken to ouerthrow Reformation with the sword. I pray you if Reformation should haue bene ouerthrowen with the sword, could one handfull of people haue stood these 28. yeares in Fraunce? could they yet haue borne out, if God had not holden them vp, considering how oft they haue bene assaulted, and as oft circumuented? But who euer went about to roote out Reformation once planted in his countrie, and hath not laboured in vayne? Onely the Prince of Parma, who thinketh to haue florished [...]olily in the Low Countries, but euery blossome becommeth not fruict, neither will his stalke make any sheffe wherewith to enrich the garner. Two thinges will ouerthrow him. The one for that he hath banished Reformation: the other because he hath hardly entreated the Catholickes, by destroying their country & boores, as propounding this marke & principle, that better is a wast country thē a lost, yet shall we see him leaue that which he hath gotten, yea, & glad if he scape with his skinne. This is a punishment that God hath inflicted vpon Spaine, for persecuting the faithfull with the Inquisition: that she might haue bene rich with the spoiles of the Indiās, had she not wasted them vpon the molesting of the Low Countryes.
If the kinges Parliaments were entangled in the Emperours handes, he would employ all his power to recouer them, and his Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction being snared in the Popes hand, he laboureth not to recouer it, the cause whereof seemeth to be onely because the setting them free may cost him nothing: for he neede doe no more but forsake the Pope as the English & Dutch haue done, neither shall he be able to opē his mouth and aske, why doe you so?
[Page 49] True it is that the Popes estate is hurtfull and ruinous, but it is not hurtfull to any but to those that be his partakers. It is hurtfull to the king of Spaine, in putting him to great charges and foolish expenses for nothing: and to Fraunce in setting the whole state in trouble. But what harme hath it done to England, to the Reformed partes of Germanie, or to Suitzerland? it hath spit his venome bnt vpon his owne faction: forsake him, and he can hurt you no more.
True it is, that at this time it seemeth hard to forsake the Pope, because of the power of the League: but giue ouer the League, and let the King and Clergie abandon it, and you shall soone see both League & Papacy come to naught. And I know though it stay a while, that this will be the end of the game: when all is done, the League must vnleague it selfe, and it will neuer vnleague it selfe but with the Popes destruction.
The Popes combat against the light of the Gospell, witnessed by the Martirs and Reformed, hath resembled the battell betweene the moth & the candle, which burneth first her winges, and then her feete, so as she can not leaue the game before she be wholy burnt. So hath the Pope singed his winges in England, Germanie and Suitzerland, and can not but continue the game by the League, vntill the whole body of the Papacie be burned: you would say that the Pope and the moth are both sprong out of one double yolked egge, they doe so resemble in their fight. Thus much I will say, that when the Martirs complained of the superstitions, if the Pope had had any care to satisfie their complaintes, his kingdome might haue continued: But he persecuted them, and so lost his credit in the places aforenamed: yea now had the remnant of his kingdome bene peaceable had he not stirred vp the League: he thought by the League to cōfound Reformation, and vndoubtedly it will be his destruction. For the Christian kinges shall therby perceaue, that he is a fisher for Eeles, who seeketh to fish onely in pudle water, and can not forbeare troubling the whole estate of Europe. France shall know by experience that which the Reformed could neuer with all the eloquence of Demosthenes and Cicero haue perswaded, that is, that the Popes estate [Page 50] is ruinous to the people in making them in vayne to wast the money, goods, & persons both of the Clergie & people, not caring for others daūgers, so as he may bring his purpose to passe: and this foreiudgemēt can not but at lēgth procure the Popes ouerthrow, which he hath found in thinking to ouerthrow Reformation, neither is there Pope, Emperour or King that seeketh the destruction of the truth, but destroyeth him selfe. If kinges could well consider this point, they would neuer make such hast with their owne harmes to bend thēselues against the truth: which if euer it tooke place, it is now in this periode wherein Iesus Christ will raigne, and destroy euery kingdome that shall withstand him, which is a song quite repugnant to the League. Hitherto it hath seemed that to get dominion they neede no more but turne their backes to Christ: but now the case doth alter.
But is not this wonderfull, that so soone as Iesus Christ shewed him selfe to be the Lambe that should take away the sinnes of the world, the Wolues with their gluttonous nature haue come to deuoure him, and at their approch haue founde him to haue the pawes of a Lyon as being the Lyon of Iuda? What may this meane, if he be a Lambe, how cōmeth it to passe, that he hath the pawes of a Lyon, or if he be a Lyon, why beareth he the shape of a Lambe? O my friend, he is a Lambe, yet armed with the Lyons pawes, to rent in peeces the wolues that would deuour him.
Well, let vs a litle more nearely consider the Popes goodly effectes: he hath armed him selfe with the Councell of Trent, as with a Trident or 3. tyned forke to play Neptune & to commaund the waters. He hath shipped his Trident in the Spanish Galiasses: the South winde would not acknowledge this new Neptune, but scattered his Galiasses and brake his Trident, so as he hath but the handle left: that would he now make a scepter, wherewith to play Iupiter vpon earth in Fraunce, seing he could not compasse to be a Neptune vpon the sea. But his Tridents handle is no longer fit for ought but to make a hatchet steale, wherewith to hew out a chariot to march in more magnificently, but this chariot will proue Phactons [Page 51] chariot, and shortly vtterly ouerthrow his holynesse.
The League likewise will be I say, the destruction of both Pope and Papacie, which I will proue by two reasons: one because thereby the Kinges, Clergie and Commons may to their costes learne the hurte that they take by the Popes yoke: and experience teacheth those thinges, which Rhetoricke was neuer able to perswade. An other, because the effectes of the League haue hitherto bene very vayne and vnprofitable, and will be hereafter, so as finally the League must breake without working any effect, and it can not breake but with the Popes ruine.
But who will hereafter giue eare to the Popes Councels, knowing them to be so pernitious, as by this League they doe appeare? In it hath he deceaued him selfe, by employing his coyne vpon the purchase of his owne destruction: for it is most certaine, that the breaking vp of the League is the Popes ouerthrow, & it will not be lōg before he shall stand in neede of the peeces therof. He hath also deceaued the Leaguers by procuring them to make great leuies, wherewith to purchase mightie disgraces for nothing. He hath deceaued the Cardinall of Bourbō, by feeding him with a vayne hope of the crowne of France, albeit he purposed to bestow the Crowne vpō a more factious person then he, he deceaued the king, in labouring him to roote out the Reformation, to the end afterward with more ease and without controllmēt to lay hands vpō him selfe, and send him into some Monasterie, & so to substitute an other at his deuotiō. And he hath deceaued the Clergy, by causing them to wast both demaines & reuenues in vayne, and finally he hath beguiled the people, in bringing them into great calamities of warre, promising them peace, & performing nothing but warre. But the Reformed could he not deceaued, for they trusted him not. To be brief he hath deceaued but him self, & those that are his. But who cā imagine that God will blesse the Popes cause, who termeth him selfe Christes Vicare, and yet fighteth with fraude and perfidie, with treason and poyson, to vphold superstitions against pietie, falshood against truth, and the doctrine which S. Paule termeth the doctrine of deuils, against the pure and [Page 52] sound doctrine of Iesus Christ?
Most certaine it is, that the League is a conspiracie of the Pope against the crowne and state of Fraunce: also that the Popes haue still euen of old, practised to be reuenged, as well of the French Kinges, as of the Clergie for the Pragmaticall Sanction, and of long time haue cast with them selues, how to subdue the Clergie to their domination, as being very sorie that they can not atchieue their purpose, and now are glad to make Reformation an argument or pretence, whereby to bring their driftes to some issue: and therefore the Pope exerciseth the king, in procuring him to labour the rooting out of Reformation, which is a double weakening of the king. For those whō the Reformed in their defences haue slaine, hath the king lost, and the forces of the Reformed, which might greatly strēgthē him, are thereby also made vnprofitable, yea euē hurtfull vnto him. After all this doth the Pope cause the League to giue the king a spurne with the footein Salluce, to the end that way also to exercise him, and there to employ the rest of his forces: that the kings side being thus weakened & the strength of the League comming on on the other side, they may be assured to doe with him what they list. Let the King the Clergie and all Fraunce hardly thinke vpon this point: it is of no small consequēce: it importeth but euē the whole state of France. For my part I will tell you what I thinke: all shall be as others list: yet am I assured, that the successe of things will shewe the right of mine aduise, & wise men will allow thereof. Vnder correctiō I say, the king may herein imitate Neptune when he commandeth the windes in Virgill. Quos ego, sed motos praestat componere fluctus. That is, he may first appease all Ciuill warres among his owne, and then vse his owne against straungers. A great rope is ordinarily strōg, but deuide it into three or foure small cordes, and you may easily breake it, euen so is it with the Pope: he knoweth the whole power of France to be strong, & therefore seeketh to disunite and seuer them, and to disperse them into foure or fiue factions. One of the Reformed, an other of their cōtraries, an other the aduersaries to Salluces, the fourth the League, & the fifth the King, which doe withstand thē: but [Page 53] the King may reunite to him selfe all his subiectes, in his owne defence against strangers: and withall soone recouer all that the League hath vsurped, and so haue his reuenge for the game. Thus may the king, if he please, see whether it is better for him to fauour the Reformed, who are his faithfull seruaunts, or the the Pope that is his secret enemie.
Moreouer, I say that the League is a Popish conspiracie against the Crowne and state of Fraunce, yet will I not say, that all those of the League be conspirators: for I am well assured there be many good men vnder the League, who if they wist that the Pope had conspired against the King, would renounce both Pope and League, and be the first oppugners of the Papacie. Others there are also, which will waxe cold, whē they see the League of so small effect, or the case alter, as vndoubtedly it will, or else if they see the king determine to be maister: so as it seemeth that no mā may well be adiudged a cōspirator against the king, in fauour of the League, before his Maiestie hath likewise declared, that he taketh the League to be a conspiracie against him selfe, and withall do prescribe a time for them to depart it, within the which who so shall not renounce it, but cōtinue therein, shall be holden cōspirators against the crowne and state of Fraunce: and withall pardon all such as shall depart therefrom.
It were also requisite (vnder correction) that the Clergie should denounce the Pope a schismatike, for setting diuision in the state, and therefore that his Maiestie, prosecuting the steps of his auncesters & predecessors Kings of Fraunce, should make declaration of his intent, to vphold and maintaine the French Church in her auncient priuileges, together with the Pragmaticall Sanction, amplifying the same, and proclaiming the same French Church, free from the Popes yoke and all consequences of Popery. To the performing wherof, that his Maiestie should also create one soueraigne Bishop in Fraunce. Withall his Maiestie might maintaine the Catholique religion, howbeit vnder the libertie of the French Church, not vnder the Popes yoke, who contrariwise should be denounced in respect of his secret malice, an enemie to Fraunce: besides his Maiestie should declare [Page 54] him selfe the maintainer of Catholique religion, vnder the libertie of Gods law, and of the primitiue Church, and Councell of Nice. This, if it might please the King to do, the state of Fraunce would be appeased and strengthened, and the Pope astomed, and the League set beside the sadle, so as malgre all her endeuors, she should be glad to quaile, and so be driuen to vomit vp againe, all that she hath deuoured: yea how lowd so euer she be, it would not be long but she would sing a lower note. Neither wil I feare to auow (let others thinke and perswade thē selues the contrary if they list) that the King and Clergie must now of the two wayes, choose one, that is, either to put them selues in the Popes mercie, or to renounce the Papacie. Now if he put him selfe in the Popes mercie, their humanitie may be well enough knowen, by the curtesie that the Pope shewed to Fredericke Barbarossa, who referring him selfe to his mercie, kneeled to him, while Alexander IIII. then Pope, with opprobrious speeches, set his foote vpon his throate: and nowe if the King should do the like, the Pope would not put his foote vpon his throat, but a Monkes coule ouer his head, wherewith he hath bene long desirous to hood him: or perhaps he might escape somewhat better cheape, if he escaped as Frances Dandalus Duke of Venice, did escape the excommunications of Clement V. which was by creeping through the hall vpon all fower with a halter about his necke. Suppl. Chron. For the Emperour Lewes IIII. cried Pope Iohn XXII. mercie, and asked him forgiuenesse, which notwithstanding, the Pope kept him prisoner in a chamber three yeares, where in the ende he dyed miserably.
But now let vs see what the Popes excommunications are: they are but conspiracies against princes, as appeareth by the excommunication of Pope Cregorie VII. who excommunicated the Emperour Henrie IIII. & gaue the Imperiall Crowne to Rodolph Duke of Sueuia, who died in the performance of the Popes conspiracie. And as for the Popes wickednesse, it appeareth, in that by a Councell holden at Wormes, and another at Basill, an. 1085. he was deposed from his Papacie, as a sacrilegious person, and disturber of the Empire. It is also to be noted, that this Gregorie procured the Saxons to reuolt against the Emperour, [Page 55] and alienated his subiects from him, yea euen his owne mother. Pascal II. made Henrie V. to rebell against his father, whom he kept prisoner in his towne of Liege, where he caused him to be so hardly intreated, that he died, neither would the sayd Pascal suffer him to be buried. Yet is it to be thought, that he had no better ground then his predecessor, who for the like doings was deposed from his Papacie. What greater impietie can any man desire then this of the Popes, who set the mother at debate with the Emperour her sonne, & armed the children against the Emperours their fathers? Likewise Pope Gregorie the fourth caused the childrē of Lewes the Meeke so to cōspire against their father that they deteined him three yeares in a Cloister, euē vntill that the French Nobilitie and Clergy withstanding them, restored him and caused the children to aske their father forgiuenesse. As much would the Pope now doe to our King, but I hope our Nobilitie and Clergie withstāding will not permit it.
The vanitie of these excommunications and cōdemnations also appeareth in that one Pope or Councell releaseth them whom an other hath excommunicated, and not onely so, but also that some one Pope excommunicateth, releaseth & againe reexcōmunicateth some one Emperour, as appeareth by Fredericke the second, who was excommunicated, released & reexcōmunicated thrise: And, which is most of all to be noted, Pope Adrian the fourth being corrupted with money giuen by William king of Sicill, & the Milaners & other estates of Italie, excommunicated the Emperour Fredericke Barbarossa: Iohn of Cremone. Thus are the Popes excommunications against Princes as saleable in the Popes shoppe, as the pardons. But what greater trecherie can we wish, then was that of Pope Alexander, who excommunicated the Emperour Fredericke Barbarossa, to the end to arme him against the Turkes, and the whilest sent his liuely picture and letters to the Turke, to procure him to be taken? Afterward the Emperour seeking to be reuenged of this deede, was by the same Pope forced, as is aforesaid, vpon his knees to aske him forgiuenesse, who besides in spite with bitter wordes set his feete vpon his throat.
[Page 56] As for the Emperour Fredericke the II. him did Pope Honorius the III. excommunicate, and againe in fauour of Iohn king of Hierusalē release▪ but he was againe by Gregorie the IX. excommunicated, and then might not be released but for money. Thus are the releases of kings from excommunications, as saleable also as the excommunications and Bulles: This release cost him 120000. markes of gold, yet did the same Pope Gregorie the IX. againe excommunicate the said Emperour Fredericke the third time, terming him the forerunning of Antechrist, wherefore the Emperour might haue appealed as from a sclaunder, howbeit if you take it that the Emperours were the forerunners of the Popes, the Emperour might haue vrged a Minima. This Pope also called the Emperour hereticke, whereby it appeareth, that the Reformed Princes are not the first Princes, whō the Popes haue wrongfully excommunicated as heretickes: for thereof grew the faction of Guelphes & Gibellines, which is an euident token that the Popes haue bene no other but perpetuall perturbers of the Empire & whole estate of Europe. He that lust to recken vp all the Emperours, Kings & Princes that the Popes haue brought to their endes, as the Emperour Lewes IIII. whom Iohn XXII. procured to dye, Supplem. Chronic. as also Conradin king of Sicill, and Fredericke Duke of Austrich, who by the conspiracie of Clement IIII. were beheaded. Merdes Histoires. Also how oftentimes the Popes haue procured the subiectes to reuolte against the Emperours, or other their Princes, might find matter sufficient for a whole booke. But what stand I vpō these thinges, which are so plentifull in bookes? Read the liues of the Popes, the histories of Emperours, & the Chronicles of the French kinges, and you shall finde histories enough, that euidently doe shewe, that the Popes neuer serued but to trouble the state of Europe, euen since the time of Lewes the meeke, against whō the Pope Gregory IIII. procured his owne childrē to cōspire, as is aforesaid. But what greater rashnesse and vanitie, Iohn Maior. yea euē follie and phrenesie would a man desire, then that of Pope Innocent III. who put the whole Realme of France into interdictiō: and of Boniface VIII. who denounced the Realme of Fraunce to be fallen into the Popes handes? But this wound [Page 57] the king applied the remedie of the Scorpion, for it cost the Pope his life▪ Besides that, king Philip the Faire forbad the trāsport of any coyne to Rome. And it is to be noted, that the Popes quarell was not as then vpon any hatred to Reformatiō, for that was not yet in question, but vpō a desire the Pope had to trouble the state of the Realme. Neither did king Philip the Faire forbid the trasport of any money to Rome as being a Reformed, but as a king desiring to mainteine the state of France.
True it is, that the Reformed Princes are not the first Princes that haue bene excommunicated, because they wold not cleaue to the Popes superstitions: for Pope Gregorie III. excōmunicated the Emperor Leo III. for the same cause, namely, for that he would not suffer Images in the Churches: Euseb. Chronic. wherin it appeareth, that the cause of the Reformed is not so new as it semeth, beside that, it appeareth how ruinous this cup of deuils which is Idolatry is, not only to the conscience, but also to the state, considering that it is the ouerthrow both of the Empire and Papacie. It is the ruine of the Empire, because that for Images this Pope Gregory IIII. procured all Italy to reuolt from the Empire: Euseb. Chron. and it is the ruine of the Papacie, because that for these superstitions Boemia, England, & most part of Germanie haue abandoned the Pope, as France also with the rest of Europe wil shortly do.
Morouer there is great difference betwene being an heretick & being by the Pope denounced and heretick: for we know that the Pope hath sometimes excommunicated the Florentins, and the Lawyers haue affirmed the excōmunication to be voyde, as proceding of hatred, and his hatred against Reformation is wel known to be the hatred of Cain, who hated his brother Abel, because Abels works were better then his. Besides it is a principle of the Canon law, that one excommunicate person can not excōmunicate an other, one hereticke can not denounce another an hereticke, neither one Apostate declare another an heretick or excommunicate person: the Pope being such a one we haue iust occasion to appeale from his sentēce: but we can proue that he is an hereticke, an Apostate from the faith, and excommunicate by such Iudges, from whose sentence he can not appeale.
He is assuredly an hereticke which leaneth to a doctrine repugnant [Page 58] to the Gospell: But the Pope leaneth to a doctrine repugnant to the doctrine of the Gospell taught by Iesus Christ: therefore it followeth that the Pope is an hereticke. My Minor I proue thus. Iesus Christ in the Gospell forbiddeth his Disciples, whose successor the Pope termeth him selfe, to vsurpe such dominion ouer the Nations as Kings and Princes doe: But this doctrine doth the Pope diametrally contrary, vsurping dominion ouer the Nations, yea euen ouer Emperours and Kinges: the Pope therefore is an hereticke. And S. Peter, whose successour the Pope termeth him selfe, doth forbid the vsurping of dominion ouer the Lordes inheritaunce, which the Pope doth vsurpe.
Moreuer S. Peter saith: There shalbe false teachers that shall make traficke of men, that is to say, make traficke of mens soules, as the Reuelatiō doth expound it: but the Pope maketh such traficke by his Bulles: He is therefore a false teacher, and consequently an hereticke. 1. Tim. 4. S. Paule also, whose sword the Pope saith that he beareth, doth say, that such as forbid mariage & meates, be Apostotaes from the faith, also that they be cleauers to spirites of errors and the doctrines of deuils: he speaketh thē of the Popes, who in their vowed chastitie doe forbid mariage, and in their Lent, meates. Thus the Pope bearing S. Paules sword, beareth the sword that cutteth his owne throat. And this we must also note; that there be some Doctors which vphold superstitions, others which forced by the Popes do endure them, as loth to part from them without their Princes cō maundement: Now those doe we accompt meere superstitious and guiltie of these crimes, which vphold and mainteine them: but as for such as of force doe suffer them, it were to be wished that they were come from among the others, according to the saying of the Scripture. Come forth of her my people, whereby we open them such a passage as shall not be vncommodious for them. Out of S. Paules wordes also where he saith, whosoeuer participateth in the cup of deuils is iustly excōmunicate, that is to say, is excommunicable from the cup of Christ, we may inferre, that sith the Pope through his superstitions participateth in the cup of deuils, he is excommunicate out of the cup [Page 59] of Christ. Also it is a principle in the Clergie law, that one excommunicated person, cā not excommunicate an other, whereby the Pope can not excōmunicate the Reformed Princes, because him selfe by the law of God & testimonie of holy Scripture standeth excommunicate, he that is rightly excommunicated, is more excommunicated then he that is so but by acte.
Moreouer, the Pope is a schismaticke, in that he hath made a deuision in the state of Fraunce: a conspirator, because he hath procured the League to conspire against the King, that is, the subiects against their Lord and Soueraigne. And a Church robber, for he hath caused the sale of the demaines of the Clergie. Here we see what a Iudge he is that hath pronounced the sentence of heresie against the Reformed Princes: an hereticke, a false teacher, an Apostata, one that is excōmunicable, one that cleaueth to the doctrines of deuils, 1. Tim. 4. a schismaticke, a conspirator, and a Church robber, who hypocritically speaketh leasings. Surely the Popes staffe of excommunication, which he neuer vseth but in his conspiracies against Princes, is a daungerous staffe: howbeit he ought to know, that he hath no power, but what is subiect to the obedience of kings: well may the Pastors propound vnto Kinges Gods commandementes, and admonish them to obey thesame, giuing thē warning of Gods threats and iudgements, in case they do not obey him: yea and vpon their transgressions thereof, to reproue them, albeit no further then Gods word doth warrant: yea and all this must they do with great modestie, moderation, discretion & circumspection, watching time conuenient, not to handle them rigorously, but seeking to vse them with reason and modestie, following the example of Nathan when he reproued Dauid. True it is that Elias spake boldly vnto Dauid, but his example is rather to be admired then imitated: for all kings are not Achabs, neither all men Eliasses. The Popes excommunications are Ostracismes, which he vouchsafeth to none but Kings and Princes. In olde time the Apostles counted it an honor to be scourged by the Scribes & Pharisies, but now it is an honor to be whipped with the Popes excommunications.
As concerning the French nation albeit one part of them do 4 [Page 60] know what the truth is, yet dare they not say what they thinke, neuerthelesse I know, that if occasion should serue to atchieue libertie, the more they haue bene constrained, the more desirous will they be to shake off the yoke of those that haue oppressed them. Some againe do referre them selues to their Curats care, who many times doe take but small care. In deede I graunt a man should honor his Curate: but when it concerneth his saluation, that is a matter to be better looked vnto then by a debitie. If a Marchant be in lawe about a Ciuill cause, he will be glad to haue the opinions of sundry Atturneys, because him selfe is no lawyer: but his owne iudgement must be it that shall teach him of two Atturneyes of contrary opinions, which he must follow: yea sometime it may so fall out, that hauing the aduise of many, he shall resolue him selfe vpon one gathered out of all the others, by the helpe of his owne iudgement, which shal be better then the aduice of any one seuerally taken. Euen so when in matters of conscience they shall bring a good iudgement, not before entangled, they may finde out those things that are fit and healthfull for them, peraduenture better then their Doctors could haue taught them. Who taught the Canaanite to answer our Lord so wisely in a matter that she had neuer before heard of, was it her Doctors? no, but the spirit of God. The same is he also which is able to teach you the same things which your Doctors vnderstand not. We knowe that Iesus Christ is the light of the world, as the Gospell witnesseth, and that this light illuminateth the blind, and blindeth or dazeleth the eyes of the wise, as the Gospel teacheth. For a man must not say: I will not go to the light because I am blind: for albeit thou art blind, yet mayest thou be fit to be illuminated by the light of the Gospell: that is to say, he that is ignorant, may notwithstanding be fitte to learne Gods mysteries, in case he be not maliciously ignorant. A man at controuersie with his neighbour, will instruct his Atturney in his right, albeit his Atturney be a lawyer, and him selfe but a paisant or a clowne: euen so may you shewe your preachers, what you haue seene and knowen concerning the truth, thereby to induce them with mildnesse to seeke your saluation: yea, ye may require it euen of your King, [Page 61] sith it concerneth the saluation of your soules, then which there is nothing of greater importance. Besides you can not enioy any assured peace, but by making atonement with God, of whom do depend both peace and warre: and the meane to growe to atonement with him, is to take away that which offendeth him that is, superstitions, as images with the worship thereupon depending. Is it not better to renounce them, then to languish in perpetuall miserie, to be entangled in a perpetuall warre, or to haue such a peace as is but a renuing of warre, either to enioy a demie peace, as it were a sunne betweene two cloudes, in lieu of an assured peace, that may be established by the meanes propounded, which if you follow not, you shall languish in warre without enioying your commodities, which for the most part shall remaine subiect to the souldiour and thiefe, as your cattell to be driuen out of your pastures, and your tillage to cease: some of you to be taken and ransomed, others to die of the enemies sword, and so to leaue their widowes and orphanes desolate, yet doth not the end of all these calamities depend vpon the sword: for how long haue we hoped for it, and yet can not get it? For it is most certaine, that when all the men in the world shal haue vndertaken what they list, after they shall haue laboured in vaine, Fraunce shall be forced in the ende to shut vp all her calamities by sharing the controuersie with the Reformed, wherin eche must part with somewhat of his: as the Reformed to graunt the Clergie all their priuileges, and the Clergie to yeeld to their iust complaints, by abolishing their idolatries and superstitions repugnant to Gods word: and such of the people as haue any knowledge, authoritie, wealth or zeale, to employ all in the setting forward of so great a benefit to the cōmon wealth. Is not such an assured counsell which may be giuen to the benefite both of King and Clergy, & the peace of the people, better than a bloudy aduice, tending to root out of Fraunce one of the factions, which hath taken so sure anker hold, that it can not be destroyed without the ouerthrow of the other? Some haue perswaded the French nation, that Reformation hath bred all the calamities now seene in the world: but in troth it is not Reformation that hath bred them, but superstition, and the Pope [Page 62] for maintaining his superstitions, hath troubled the whole state of Europe, and God being offended therewith, doth punish vs. Hath not God in his law promised, that if his people doe obserue his law, Deut. 28. he will poure vpon them plentie of blessings, as a land flowing with milke and honie, with peace and quietnesse in the land: that he would be vnto them a wall of brasse, and would ouerthrow their aduersaries, so as he would put a thousand to flight, and make a thousand to pursue ten thousand? Likewise, that if they forsooke his lawes, he would send them a heauen of brasse and infinite other calamities, such as this day we see in Fraunce. Being thus scourged, we ought to acknowledge the hand of God: the horse knoweth the riders hand that tameth him, euē so should we know that it is God that chastiseth vs, and knowing it, we ought to seeke if there be any euill in vs, that we might amend it, namely, whether there be any thing repugnāt to his lawes, that may prouoke his wrath. Then shall we finde that superstition is repugnant to him, and therefore that his wrath can not be appeased, but by abolishing this euill, and cleauing to his ordinances: so shall we haue experience of the value of Gods fauour. I know that some do thinke those promises are become old: but they can not waxed old, it is our old Adam that is growen old, not Gods promises.
True it is that the literall ceremonies are growē out of date, but Gods promises depēd not thereupon: but cōtrariwise God him selfe faith: I neede not your sacrifices, your Sabaoths, or your new Moones. Isay. 1. But his promises are made to those that shall obey the lawes of the Lord, whereby the worship of God is kept pure, & all contrarie superstition taken away. It is the fulfilling of his lawes, which bringeth his blessing and peace vpon a people, & the transgression thereof that bringeth destruction vpō Nations: Ierem. 7. 22. It is also to be noted that God in Ieremie doth say, When I brought your fathers out of Egipt. I spake of no sacrifices, but commaunded them to obey my voyce. As also we see that England, who hath mainteined the puritie of Gods lawes these 30. yeares, hath enioyed an assured peace vnder the handes of a woman, and yet such Realmes as be gouerned by men haue bene troubled: for that kingdome hath God preserued frō both secret [Page 63] & opē enemies, & to that natiō hath bene a wall of brasse. Euen when the League couered the Ocean with Galiasses and ships of both rocke and Canon proofe, Heb. 1. God sent the winds (his angels, as S. Paule termeth them) to scatter his aduersaries. In summe, Ezech. 20. wheresoeuer a people is that obserueth Gods lawes, the same shall euery where finde a land of Chanaan, that floweth with milke and hony, and Gods protection to serue for a wall thereto. As also when soeuer a people shall turne from Gods lawes, and follow superstition repugnant thereto, the same shal finde a brasen heauen, and Gods wrath against it. So as I doubt not openly to auouch to the French Nation, that they haue no more to doe, but to chose whether they had rather languish in perpetuall trouble, prouoking the Lord with their superstitiōs, or to attaine to peace of conscience and state, by obeying Gods lawes, and shaking of the yoke of the Pope and his superstitions? Then if they thinke good to abandone superstition, their supplications may greatly moue the Kinges harte, and induce him to minister that iustice to his people.
Now will I come to the Queene of England: 5 she I say is a wise & a vertuous Princesse, & her vertue and wisedome hath appeared in these three thinges. First, that she hath mainteined her people in peace, when all Europe was in trouble: Secondly, that she hath gotten the victorie of her enemies, both open and secret, domesticall and trayterous: and thirdly that her selfe hath bene a partie and fauorer of the Clergie, which may be a most beautifull miror and example to Fraunce, and other Nations, when soeuer God shall vouchsafe to call them to Reformation: yet in all this are we to confesse Gods fauour, who hath endued her with such wisedome and vertue, and accompanied the same with his blessing, which hath bred her peace, giuen her the victorie ouer her enemies, and mainteined the estate of her Clergie: she is a second Debora triumphing ouer Sisara, Iudg. 4. and iudging Israell vnder a Palme tree. The Palme tree doth in deede belong vnto her: I say the victorious Palme tree, sith she triūpheth ouer her enemies, which are enemies to God and his people: and vnder this Palme tree doth our Debora iudge Gods people, hauing mainteined the gouernement and [Page 64] state of the Clergie, which God hath ordeined by his law, and confirmed in the Gospell.
The Pope hath presumed to commaund both in heauen and earth: he hath endeuored to open heauen with S. Peters kayes, and to make himselfe feared with S. Paules sword. And the king of Spaine hath thought to become Monarke of the world, to commaund alone vpon earth, and to possesse the seas alone, as well East as West. And these two are come into the North to be ouercome by a woman. Thus doth God chastise his enemies, and thus doth he crowne his chosen. The Giant Goliah was ouerthrowne by a shepheard, yet was that shepheard a man: and behold here two Goliahs, the Pope and the King of Spaine, armed from top to toe, to cause them selues to be beaten by a woman. I will therefore celebrate the praise of the Christianly Reformed Debora, who with her Atlanticke shoulder, leaning vpon the Deuine fauor, hath vpholden the Reformed Ecclesiasticall heauen, I say the heauen of the Clericall estate vnder the Reformation. Neither call I her the English Debora, but the Christian Debora, because the good that she hath done to the Church in vpholding the state of the Clergie, redoundeth not to England onely, but to all Christendome, sith we are to looke that Fraunce should grow to the same Reformation, whereto it can not come, but by taking example of this Princesse, to preserue the state of the Clergie, and the like wil al other places do that shall conuert to Reformation. And this was wisely considered of her Maiestie, for the state of the Clergie, is the honour of her Realme, & one piller thereof. She hath no enemie but the Pope, who, had the state of the Clergie bene ouerthrowen, had had more fauourers & fewer resistants able to withstand him. Thus hath God made the portion of Leuy equall with his brethrē, as well for that he would not that they whō he hath chosen for his inheritāce, should be in worse state thē others, as also because it was requisite that Leuy should in part, be the vpholder of his brethrē. Thus also the Clergy ought to be in part a piller of the estate. Two notes of the gouernment of this discreet English Elizabeth and Christian Debora be these: first, that vnder her first had Reformation free and full course throughout England: [Page 65] next, that by her also the state of the Clergie hath bene preserued. In Frāce God hath purposed to maintaine the priuileges of the Clergie, which are the honor of Fraunce, wherein France is bound to Queene Elizabeth, for shewing the way how to come to Reformation without endomaging the Clergie, albeit the priuileges of the Clergy might be better kept in France then they haue bene in England. To blemish the vertue of this Queene, some may alleage the Realmes that haue kept their people in peace with the yoke of the Spanish Inquisition, wherto I aunswer, that the same is a tyrannous yoke of the Pope, which can not be but ruinous to those that maintaine it. When a man boweth a tree to the earth contrary to nature, if it chance to scape, it shooteth as farre to the contrarie side, and shaketh a long time from side to side before it can finde any rest, beside that, if in rising it light vpon him that bent it contrary to nature, it giueth him such a blow, that it casteth him downe: and euen so will it happen to those, that preserue their peace with the tyrannous yoke of the Inquisition. For if a man shal in their countreys, proclaime libertie according to Gods lawes, against the tyrannous yoke of the Inquisition, all the world will come running. And this Inquisitiō will breed the ouerthrow of their estate that haue mainteined it, for no tyrannie is durable: And God especially will reuerse such tyrannie ouer the consciences. But the peace which this Princesse hath mainteined, is grounded vpon the firme rocke of Gods lawes, whereby it is vpholden, and I would to God the Queene mother had in her time so sought the peace of Fraunce. I would to God our king who loueth the peace of his people, could so haue mainteined it in his Realme, as the League had neuer come to shuffling of the cardes: yea I would to God his Maiestie, who loueth quietnesse, would harken to such right meanes as should be giuen him to mainteine quietnesse in his land. He hath bene made to beleue, that by warre he should attaine rest. Behold a goodly meanes to come to quietnesse. It is an easie matter to marke the time when warre beginneth, but it is not so easie to know when it will end. Euen this warre hath already continued too long, and it is likely to accompany him to the graue, to shorten [Page 66] his dayes, or to impose vpon him some Monkish life wherein there is more superstition then libertie.
As for the king of Nauarre, 6 sith the Sea League hath encurred shipwracke, he is the sooner, but not the more to feare: for God hath giuen him both courage and valour to defend and mainteine him selfe, neither is he the weakest of the Reformed Princes, as also his enemies know that at his handes there is nothing to be gotten but stripes, the gayne is small and doubtfull, but the hazard great and euident. It is no great wisedome to begin to flay an Eele at the tayle, yet must the League either in duety or in honor proceede, sith it hath begun, and either by force or furie, valour or trecherie, prowesse or rage, try what it can do against him, be it but to shew the tricke of a maister, as it lately did in England, or to iumpe faire to the ground, so to breake the necke therof. But God who hath set him on worke, and in whom he hath reposed his confidēce shall support him, as he is able enough to doe. Howbeit in this action my greatest pleasure is, that the king of Nauarre hath no enemies but Gods enemies, that hate him because he doth mainteine the cause of Gods children, yet haue they offered him great offers to giue ouer the cause of Reformation, neither can it be but they must needes fall, because God whose purposes are cleane contrary to theirs, will ouerthrow their purposes, and vphold the king of Nauarre, who meaneth no other but to doe well.
There are vnder the Reformation some Magistrates, that haue still enioyed not onely their goods, but also their offices and the kings pay, which so fell out, by reason of some Courtiers liuing vnder the Reformation, being carefull for their estate, and looking for a peace to be concluded were mindefull of them selues: and as reason would, prouided for their owne affaires: euen so, had it bene thought vpon, might there haue bene such prouision, as the Clergie, euen vnder the Reformation, should haue enioyed their benefites: whereby if it had bene so done, we should haue had a great part of the Clergie, which now doe strengthen the League, to haue taken our partes: For certainly there were many which detested superstition, and would haue banished it, had not their state or liuings [Page 67] withholdē them. It is a matter hereafter to be looked vnto: for had it bene well seene to, the Churches would haue encreased, where now for these 28. yeares space they haue still diminished: howbeit with Gods helpe, it is neuer to late, and therefore it suffiseth vs we prouide better hereafter.
The king of Nauarre hath shewed him selfe wiser, more discret, warie and circumspect then his aduersaries, in that he neuer would during the kinges life, bring into question the right of succession to the Crowne, but still bare and conteined him selfe within the bandes of iust obedience & due respect to the king: neither euer employed his weapōs to offend, but iustly, & vpon iust cause & cōstraint had recourse to thedefensiue armes, granted by the law of nature. And besides returned as friends, such as came against him as enemies, & sought to ouercome him with strong hand, refusing to take any raunsome of them, albeit they were able to pay largely, wherein he sheweth that he maketh but a pastime of his enemies endeuors: like as mē do vse to laugh at the vaine endeuours of litle children, who hauing giuen a blow (as they thinke very great) with their hand yet wet with the nurses milk, to a man that doth but smile at their vayne choler, doe imagine they haue done some great acte, so as if a man start frō them, and seeme to weepe, it bredeth infinite contentmēt, as weening to haue obteined a great victorie: Thus may we play with the mighty, when they loyter in exercise of childrens pastime. Neither ought any man to couet to cōmand, but to know how to commaund: and to know well how to commaund, it is requisite he know how to obey: As well in the one as in the other is wisedome and dexteritie necessarie. S. Paule teacheth that a Bishop that gouerneth not his familie well, can neuer well gouerne the Church. By an argument taken of an opposite reason, I say that he that can well and discretly gouerne a small gouernement, can also well discharge a greater office. I sec many that affect great offices, but neuer labour to be worthy the same. Neuerthelesse the King of Nauarre maketh him selfe so much more worthier the Crowne, as he doth lesse affect it, by leauing the successe thereof in Gods hand.
Concerning the Ministers of the Reformation, 7 some there [Page 68] are of great zeale and learning, such as haue suffred much for the puritie which they haue taught, & haue bene content with litle, whereby they deserue great commendation. Neither desire I any more, but that still they may be more and more carefull for the peace of the Church: for such contentions there haue bene, euē among the Reformed, as haue not greatly auailed to edification: and herein I greatly commend Bucer, yea and honor his ashes: for he would neuer leane to any the partialities among the Reformed, but bare him selfe quietly betweene both parts, and neuer innouated any thing in the state of the Clergie. Neither should we endeuor to triumph ouer our brethren, but ouer our enemies. For my part I would not seeke to triumph ouer the Clergie, but ouer the Papacie, which is the Beast, ouer whom we are promised to triumph in the Reuelation. And as for the Clergie, I wish, by reasonable offers and iust admonitions, to induce them to participate with vs in the triumph ouer the Beast, by renouncing her superstitions.
As for the English gouernment, I say that it is grounded vpon Gods word, so farre foorth as it concerneth the state of the Clergie, instituted in the olde Testament, and confirmed in the Newe.
And concerning the gouernment of the French Church, so much as concerneth the equalitie of Ministers, it hath the like foundation in Gods word, namely in the example of the Apostles, which may suffise to authorise both these formes of estate, albeit in seuerall times and places. None can denie but the Apostles among them selues were equall as concerning authoritie, albeit there were an order for their presedence. When the Apostles first planted the Church, the same being small & in affliction, there were not as yet any other Bishops, Priestes, or Deacons but them selues: they were the Bishops and Deacons, and together serued the tables. Those men therfore whom God raiseth vp to plant a Church, can do no better then after the example of the Apostles, to beare them selues in equall authoritie: for this cause haue the French Ministers, planters of the reformed Church in Fraunce vsurped it, howbeit prouisionally: for it is a matter auowed, that they hold their discipline [Page 69] but by prouision, reseruing libertie to alter it according to the accurrences. But the equalitie that rested among the Bishops in the primitiue Church, did increase as the Churches increased: and thereof proceeded the creation of Deacons, and afterward of other Bishops and Priests: yet ceased not the Apostles equalitie in authoritie, but they that were created had not like authoritie with the Apostles. But the Apostles remained as soueraine Bishops, neither was there any greater then they. Hereof do I inferre, that in the state of a mighty & peaceable church, as is the Church of England, or as the Church of France or such like might be, if God should call them to reformation, the state of the Clergie ought to be preserued: for equalitie would be hurtful to the state, and in time breede confusion. But as the Apostles continued in this perfect equalitie, so long as their new planted Church was small, so should equalitie be applied in the planting of a Church, or so long as the Church continueth small or vnder persecution: yet may it also be admitted, as not repugnant to God word (sith it hath takē place in the Church) in those places where alreadie it is receaued, rather then to innouate any thing. I say therefore, that euen in the Apostles time, the state of the Clergie increased as the Church increased. Neither was the gouernement vnder the bondage of Egypt, & during the peace of the land of Canaan alike: for the Israelites had first Iudges, and as their state increased, they had Kings. God him selfe likewise first dwelt as a shepheard in a Tabernacle built by Moses, but afterward as a king, in a house built by Salomon. And the tree of life beareth twelue fruicts, according to the twelue seasons of the yeare, whereby we are taught, that such as haue charge of the Lords garden, must vse the fruictes thereof according to their seasons. It is also to be thought, that the Ministers of the Reformation, which planted Reformation in Fraunce, had respect to their businesse, and to the worke they tooke in hand, when they brought in this equalitie, which was, to plant a Church, and to begin after the maner of the Apostles, when they planted the Church at Hierusalem: as also they meant not to reuerse the state of the Clergie, either to submit it to their orders, whensoeuer the Clergie or whole state of France [Page 70] should happen to admit Reformation. But their purpose hath tended to ouerthrowe superstition, and in the meane time to beare them selues according to their simple equalitie, which in deede was the true meane to Reforme the Church, whereas had they meant both to abolish superstition, and to reuerse the state of the Clergie, they should with one hand haue reformed the Church, and with the other haue deformed the state. And they that presumed that Reformation must needes subuert the state of the Clergie, conceaued that foreiudgement out of season, and without any sufficient cause, & their foreiudgement hath bred great calamities in Fraunce. Wherupon I inferre▪ that he which would take occasion, of the equalitie brought in into Fraunce, to reuerse the estate of the Episcopall Clergie among the Reformed, shall greatly wrong the cause of those, who therevnder haue reformed Fraunce, and had neuer that intent: as also they should resemble the dogges that would go into the vineyard, but carie a yoke at their neckes that keepeth them out: for they should carie with them the let, that should hinder them from compassing their intents: for there is nothing that hindereth from achiuing to perfection, but it may be accomplished without preiudice to the state. Iesus Christ taught perfection, yet spake he neuer against the state, but alwayes excepted it, saying, that these things we must do, yet not leaue the others vndone, neither can there be any good thing done with the ouerthrow of the state, but may more commodiously be done without preiudice to the state. And Christ when they came to tempt him, excepted the state, not onely in Ecclesiasticall causes, but also in Ciuill, saying, Giue vnto Cesar that belongeth to Cesar, and to God that belongeth to God: as also he would take no notice of Ciuill iudgement, when he was required to agree a man with his brother, teaching vs by his example, discretly to vse circumspection in time and place. As also it were but a bad consequent to say, there be abuses in the state, and therefore we must subuert the state, but it were a good consequent to say, there be abuses in the state, they must then be corrected, albeit without preiudice to the state. I say the reason is not altogether like when there be superstitions contrary to conscience: for [Page 71] then must we forsake them, and separate our selues therefro, according to that which is spoken of the whore of Babylon: Come forth of her my people, least you be made partakers of her woundes and plagues.
Our Ministers haue vsurped their equalitie prouisionally, after the example of the first state of the Apostolicke Church, not to intrude them selues to establish a gouernement in a kingdome: for it was not Aaron that built the Tabernacle, but Moses, neither was it the high Priest that built the Temple, but Salomon: no it was not Aaron that ordeined the Ecclesiasticall gouernement euen in Israell, but Moses, neither belōgeth it to the pastors, to ordeine Ecclesiasticall gouernement, but to Princes. The pastors duetie is to cause it to be obserued & instruct the consciences: and also the Princes might do well to cause that which God hath established to be obserued.
No mā can reproue the Recabites for their austere life, in that they would not vse either wine or houses, but were content to drinke water & to dwell in tentes or tabernacles: but had they condemned all that vse wine or houses, then had them selues bene condemnable. Euen so man can condemne the French Ministers for being content with their equalitie and with litle. But if they should cōdemne all that vse Ecclesiasticall dignities & Church goods, them selues should therein be condemnable, neither doe they condemne them. S. Paule spared the Church and laboured with his hands, yet did he not condēne those that vsed the Church goods which he spared, but shewed that that which he did was vpon fauour, not of duety, as acknowledging the Churches to be poore, euē so likewise may a man forsake a benefice offered him, yea & admonish others to do the like, but he may not compell any.
Other matter doe I not require, but that we may be more & more circumspect, as ioyning discretion with zeale. Zeale is a goodly matter, and it is good to vowe the harte vnto God: but all sacrifice must be seasoned with salt, and this sacrifice of our hartie zeal and voluntary oblation must be seasoned with the salt of wisedome and circumspection.
Hetherto haue I spoken onely of simple ceremonies, to shew [Page 72] that they are no cause of our seperation from the Pope, because they be of them selues indifferent, or at the least tollerable, as not being forbidden by Gods word, so long as we attribute no vertue of holinesse vnto them. For the reasons that moued the Apostles so sore to beate downe the ceremonies of the law, was because the people did ground their righteousnesse and merite of workes thereupon, yet can not we condemne the Reformed that vse any ceremonies, neither the French Ministers, because they vse none. The French Ministers doe reiect them, because they will not retaine any token of the aunciēt Popish superstitiōs, whereas others haue still kept some, because they wil not seeme to innouate too much: either part haue their diuers considerations, yet neither contrary nor wicked. But this I may say, that in these thinges the greatest simplicitie is best, but this simplicitie may be moderated hauing respect to such as we are to deale with, neither doth circumspection any whit hurt at all. And I commende our French Ministers, for that albeit they vse none, yet they teach them to be thinges tollerable. For in deede they are such, as no man should be bound vnto, except vpō the Princes pleasure, who is not to be disobeyed or striuen withall, for matters of them selues tollerable: for the which we ought not to condemne one an other, as we proue by the Apostles wordes, where he speaketh of thinges sacrificed to Idols, for the which he will not that we should cōdemne, but beare one with an other: and with all haue a respect to the consciences of the weake: For if for the foode that entreth into the body, hauing bene sacrificed to heathen Idols, we may moue no strife, much more should we make none for apparell, which concerneth onely a gowne or such like, which haue bene vsurped by such, as imagined by such superstitious habit to serue God and Christ.
Now to the Reformed against whom the whole furie of the League is bent. 8 They are to suffer, yet neede they not greatly to feare, for their deliueraunce is at hand. And what should they feare? the world? it is a vanquished monster that is ouercome, saith not Iesus Christ, Reioyce my little flocke, for I haue ouercome the world? Shall they then feare least the sclaue of sclaues [Page 73] should ouercome the Lord of Lordes, and triumph ouer the king of kinges? Iudg. 14. If the Philistins assaile vs, we haue in heauen a mighty and valiant Sampson that will deliuer his people, yea such a one as is not subiect to the deceit of a wench. Shall we then feare a wench, whom we see busie about spinning of lines, whereof to make a League, to binde our Sāpsons hands & feete with a thred of towe? League well thy League thou Romish Dalila, and presse downe thy knots while our Sampson sleepeth, heape League vpon League, and corde vpon corde, that he escape not, for thou must not hope to pull of the haire of our Nazarite, whom thou canst not reach. Make all safe while he sleepeth, for if he begin to wake and so breake thy bondes, and vnleague thy League, thou shalt see thy Philistins take their carrier after a straunge maner. But let vs looke vpon the state of the Church heretofore, thereby to be taught hereafter. The Israeliticall Church began by shepheards, that were captiues in Egypt, and came thence triumphantly hauing Princes for their Iudges, and afterward Kinges that subdued their neighbours. The Christian Church began by the imagined sonne of a Carpenter, and grew forward by the poore Apostles, of whom the best qualified were fishers, who with one hand fished for fish, and with the other for men. The Romain Emperours their enemies persecuted them, so did also the Apostates, yet was the Galilean at the last faine to ouercome. And the Reformed Church began by poore men, whom a marchant of Lyons fed, administring vnto them both bodely and spirituall food. They haue bene persecuted, yet haue they still encreased, so as at this day there be Kinges and Princes, that accompt them selues honored by this profession, and we see Pharao the persecuter of Gods people perished in their deliueraunce. The kingdome also of Babylon, which had bene the mightiest Empire of the world, & of largest cōtinuance, hauing persecuted the Church, is come to an end vnder the deliuerie of Gods people by Cirus. And euen so also the Popes kingdome, who hath afflicted the faithfull, shall shortly cease by the deliuerie of the Reformed. True it is that the Pope is not so perswaded, but imagineth the contrary, because that Daniell teacheth that Antechristes [Page 74] kingdome must continue vntill the day of iudgement, & the Pope taketh this iudgement to be the end of the world. But Daniell speaketh of the iudgement of Babylon, which also is the iudgement of Antichrist, and to that are we come, which began by the bloud of the Martirs, & shall end by the ruine of the Papacie, and of all the kingdomes that shall oppose them selues against Christ, which shall be broken as a glasse vnder an iron scepter. Hitherto it hath seemed, that to raigne, it needed but to turne the backe to Christ: But all things haue their tyme and their course, and now is the periode come, and the case altered, and euery kingdome must perish that shall oppose it selfe against Christes kingdome. Hitherto the daughter of Babell hath made the daughter of Sion to drinke of the cup of afflictiō, but hereafter her selfe shall drinke the dregs therof. For the Lord shal take the cup of his wrath out of the hands of the daughter of Sion, and make Babylon dronken therewith.
Moreouer I say, tht sith God hath giuen vs a King, we must loue and honor him: and speake of him wisely and modestly, because he is our superiour, and our soueraigne, we owe him all honor & duetie. We know how Manasses afflicted the people that defended the puritie of Gods word, 2. Paralip. 33. him selfe maintaining Idolatrie, yet did God so teach his harte, that through a goodly conuersion he glorified God: neither is Gods power or mercy lesse now then it was then. The hartes of kings are in his hands, & he is able to turne the harte of our King, yea God can make of a hart of Manasses persecuting the Church, 2. King. 18. 4. the hart of an Ezechias or a Iosias, Reforming the Church: and he can doe vs more good in one day, 2. King. 23. then hitherto he hath done vs harme. Also we must not onely haue a respect to our King, in yeelding honor to whom honor belongeth, Rom. 13. 7. feare to whom feare, and tribute to whō tribute, but we must also beare our selues modestly toward all others, yea albeit they be our aduersaries, as knowing that they haue as it were some pretence to thinke euill of vs, by reason of such false reports, as haue bene made them. For the deuill neuer wanteth sclaunders, neither publishers of the same: but we following our Lordes instructions, must do good to our enemies, Mat. 12. 44 and not returne one reproche in exchaunge for [Page 75] an other: Rom. 12. 17 yea we must ouercome their euill with our goodnesse; and their curses with our good speaches, 1. Cor. 4. 12. by speaking well of them and euill of none, 1. Pet. 3. 9. rather couering their vices and imperfectiōs, Rom. 12. 21. if we know of any, Galat. 6. 3. then casting thē in the teeth with the same, for God requireth not a vaine, light, harebrainde and rash people, but such as be wise, as by Moses he teacheth: which wisedome he layeth vs down in his word, the beginning whereof is the feare of God, the end is charitie, & the foundation is Gods word, the building is faith, & the crowne of the worke is glory euerlasting. But each glory hath his triumph proceeding of some victorie, and the victory of faith is the victorie ouer the world: howbeit our faith must be armed with discretion, modestie, & paciēce: for by such weapons shall we obteine more victories then by the sword: neither is the victorie ouer the hart gottē by the sword, well may it be wonne by modestie. By modesty may the harts of the mighty be wonne to do vs good, or at the least to do vs lesse harme then they would. Besides if ye behaue your selues according to that wisedom, which God requireth of his people, you shal no more but opē your hands, & you shall finde them replenished with Gods blessinges. Open your mouth saith the Psalmist, Psal. 81. and it shall be filled with meate: God will stirre you vp such friends, as you haue not sought: He will make you to eate the fruictes, which you haue neither planted nor sowen: and he will giue you the victorie, when you do but looke on. I would not wish you to defend Religion with the sword, which should be defended with spirituall weapons: but in deede it is one thing to defend Religion, and an other to defend the people that mainteine Religion. For Religion must be defended with the sword of the word, but as for Religious people, God hath alwayes in store a Dauid to defend thē with the sword, Apoc. 12. when soeuer neede shall require: you know that Michaell and his angels, doe fight for vs against the Dragon and his angels: what shall we then feare? Let vs feare God, and we shall be freed from the feare of the world: let vs be wise and circumspect in our deliberations, modest in our actions, and sober in our discourses: let vs repose our confidence in God, and endeuour to do well, so will God be vpon our side and so take [Page 76] our partes, as nothing shall be able to hurt vs.
The difference betwene the Catholiques and the Reformed hath seemed greater then it is, 9 because the world hath imagined that some part of the controuersie consisted in the state, yea there are some that haue supposed, that simple abuses and ceremonies onely were in part cause of the schisme: but now may we easily perceaue by the reasons hitherto deducted, that there remaineth no farther difference but the superstition, that is to say, 1. Cor. 10. for the Idols which S. Paule tearmeth deuils, and for the superstitious traditions, 1. Tim. 4. which he calleth the doctrine of deuils, so that such as hereafter shall fight against vs, can not fight but for deuils, which are the Dragon and his Angels, whereas we do fight for the contrary part, which is the part of Michael and his Angels, Apoc. 12. neither fight we in doubtfull hope: for we know that our Michaell who is the King of Kings, Apoc. 17. 14. shall ouercome the ten hornes of the Beast, which are the confederates in the League. Now therefore let the Catholques looke to their businesse, to wit, whether they will defend the deuils cause: for whatsoeuer shift they find, yet can they not escape, but S. Paule will conuince them, in proofe that superstitions are the cup of deuils. To new occurrences, we must haue new deliberations. They are therefore now to deliberate vpon the argument which we propound. I do here summon them to the throne of God the creator of all things, and of Iesus Christ the redeemer of his people, to looke well to their doings, for it is no small matter that they haue in hand: I wash my hands before God, that if any euill happen them, it shall from henceforth be through their owne fault: let them consider whether they will fight for the doctrine of deuils: for there is if they marke it, no question but of that point, and so much the better both for them and vs: but if they obstinately will support the cause of deuils, so much the worse for them, and they shall find a punisher, and yet shall we neuerthelesse be releeued. If they will not see or heare the iust exhortation made vnto them, their contumacie also will condemne them. For contumacie is imputed to the wrongfulnesse of the cause, and maketh the contumaxe guiltie of the crime whereof he is accused. I summe, howsoeuer it be, our cause can not but [Page 77] be holpen, because it referreth it selfe to trial, and that God hath remitted it to such a passe, that euery way it is iust, and the equitie thereof is cleare and euident: and our aduersaries cause is manifestly conuicted. Moreouer it may be the Catholiques at the first blush, will thinke these to be but vaine shapes, and so perhaps will not comprehend how profitable our aduise may be to the King, to the Clergie, and to the Commons, and yet shal not our aduise be altogether vnprofitable. If a man that were to passe ouer a riuer, which he had heard to be wadeable, and yet vpon the shore should find one that knew it better, who should warne him of the contrarie, if yet notwithstanding such aduertisement, he would needes trie, would you therefore take the aduertisement to haue bene vtterly vnprofitable? No, for had not the aduertisement bene giuen, he might haue aduentured, & waded so farre, that he could not recouer: for the aduertisement will procure him to swimme betweene hope and feare, and to looke better to the danger, the which as he shall find too great, he will turne backe before he go too deepe: and so experience shall make them knowe the commoditie of this aduise, which otherwise were ignorant, & by discourse could not haue known it. But let them proceede, the successe of matters shall instruct them, when they shall see their purposes haue none other issue then this riuer that is vnwadeable, yea a bottomlesse gulphe: & when they shal haue sought in vaine for the issue of these things and shall not find it, they will reclaime them selues, and come to that reason which we shew them. If there be a blind man in the midst of a great hall, and some one will direct him out at the dore, it may be he will not follow him, that offreth him selfe to guide him, but leauing him, will feele along the wall, which also may conduct him, & so go groping till he come to the dore. But experience is a maruelous matter, which teacheth the harebrained by effect, that which they could neuer comprehend by discourse. It is sayd, that none are more deafe, then they that wil not heare, and I say that none are worse blind, then they that will not see reason, and yet is experience their guide and wall, all along the which, as it were groping, they may sometimes get forth of those places, where they find them selues enclosed: and [Page 78] thus doth experience serue for a sound, to sound the depth of the affaires of this world, for a wall, to conduct such as can not go but by groping. Let vs therefore let our enemies passe on, & let vs suffer them to make triall of their wisedomes: for in the end they shal find by experience, that there is no other issue, but the same which we do shew them. But as for vs, let vs repose our confidence in God, and enforce our selues to do well, and well will come to vs.
I say therefore, that we are greatly to reioyce, 10 seing our deliuerāce at hād, according to the saying of our Lord Iesus Christ, When you shall see these things come to passe, reioyce, for your deliuerance is at hand: For all the signes and tokens that should go before the fall of Babylon, are already come to passe. First, the 1260. yeares of the woman enuironed with the Sunne, are accomplished, for it is 1260. yeares since the superstitiōs of the holy Crosse of Ierusalem, & the Reliques of Sainctes began, & are the most auncient, which haue retained the woman in the wildernesse 1260. yeares, so as there wanteth no more but her deliuerie through the battell of Michaell against the Dragon. Apoc. 12. As also we see the accomplishment of that which is sayd, Wo be to you, ye inhabitants of the earth, for Satan is come downe among you in great furie, because he hath but a short time. Now doth Satan lay open all his furie, for he knoweth his time to be short, much like as when the vncleane spirites were to depart the bodies of the possessed, they rent them, as Satan at this day renteth the world through the League. Likewise we see the saying that the Beasts mortall wound was healed, Apoc. 13. 3. fulfilled, in that the Papacie hauing bene shaken and readie to fall, hath since bene reestablished. Moreouer we see that come to passe, that is written of the ten hornes of the Beast, Apoc. 17. that should make warre against the Lambe, for it is sayd, that these ten hornes are ten kings, which at once shall take counsell with the Beast to warre vpon the Lambe, & we see the like according to this description, come to passe in the League, in case we vnderstād that in the holy scripture vnder the name of king, is meant euery soueraigne prince. And it is most certaine, that there are ten soueraigne Princes that at once tooke counsell with the Beast, which is the Papacie, [Page 79] to warre against Christ, that is, against his Reformed members: namely those Princes that did vnite them selues together vnder the League, onely it resteth that we see them ouercome, as shortly they shall be, that is to say, part of them, as it is sayd, that the Lambe shall ouercome them, and that in the rest shall be accomplished that that is said, that they shall hate the Beast, and yeeld him naked and desolate, that is, that the League or some part thereof, shall bend them selues against the Pope, and the Pope shall haue no greater enemies thē the Leaguers, who shall depart from the Pope, & bind thē selues to the Lambe the Lord of Lordes, to ouerthrow the slaue of slaues, and it is supposed that the French Clergie may grow to that passe, yea and euen the Gentlemen Leaguers, if once they begin to smell out the Popes entent, to be preiudiciall to the Crowne and state of France: neither is that altogether to be cō temned which sundry haue foretold concerning the yeare 1588. that it should be a yeare of marueiles. For yet remaine some Reuolutions depending thereof, neither is euery Reuolution accomplished one selfe yeare: and this marueilous yeare hath not yet layd open all her marchandise, but will shortly: much lesse is it to any purpose to say, that there is no likelihood of these matters, for we know that the great whore of Rome shall say: I sit a Queene and am no widow, neither shall I see any mourning, then shall come vpon her nakednesse and widowhood, with weeping, mourning and sorrow. Howbeit if any shall obiect, that the faction of the Reformed is to weake to bring this to passe, I aunswere with the Reuelation, that God her Iudge is mightie. To be brief, let men say and thinke what they please, but I doe well know that we are in a marueilous periode and great Catastrophe, at the point to see a straunge alteration. For it is most certaine that Babylon shall fall, and that shortly and with a sodein fall, and it can not fall but with great murmure. It shalbe a wonderfull doome, when by the effectes, we shall heare the voyce of the maister of the house and king at his returne, as it were from a long iourney, saying, Bring vnto me these my enemies, that would not that I should raigne ouer them, and slay them before my face.
[Page 80] I promised to make the readers a banket, and they may complaine that it is a sclender banket, where there is nothing but fruict & no flesh, but they must remēber that I promised them nothing but fruictes, as also it is but a tast for them, vntill the banket of the Lambe, wherein there shall be such and so great plētie of flesh, that the very foules of the aire shall haue enough, yea so much as euen to tread vpon the flesh of kings, & of great & mighty men, for the very foules are also inuited to the banket of the Lambe there to be satisfied with the flesh of Kings, Apoc. 19. 17. Princes and mightie persons. Thus doe Gods enemies enter great Leagues, to the end to make the crowes a feast of their carkases. Where our Lord saith, Reioyce for your deliueraunce is at hand, by that deliueraunce, I meane the deliueraunce whereby we be deliuered from the tyranny of Babylon through her sodein fall, wherein it shall be said, restore vnto her double according to her workes: for this restitution is not yet made, but I looke for it very shortly. And when this old Babell shall fall, new Ierusalem shall be built, euen the same Babell that saith, I sit a Queene, and am no widow, neither shall I see any mourning: yet shall she finde her selfe a widow, naked, and in heauinesse: but the new Ierusalem shall be decked vp and adorned as a Nymph to her spouse. Therein shall we no longer be subiect to the Babylonian yoke of Canons and traditions full of confusion, but to the gouernement of new Ierusalem, which is as S. Paule calleth it, the gouernement of Israell. Let therefore the Paranimphes adorne the spouse, and decke her vp in her goodliest ornamentes, that she may be worthely presented to her bridgrome: let the Stewards labour to become such, as may yeeld a good accompt of their administration: and let the Virgines prepare their lampes, as knowing the bridegromes comming to be at hand, and blessed shall those wise Virgines be, that may enter with the bridegrome to be partakers of the fruictes and food, brought forth at the banket of the Lambe.
AN ADDITION CONTEINING A Discourse vpon the chaunging of the affaires by the death of the Duke of Guise.
IT is full twelue yeares and more since that discoursing vpon the state of matters, and the bringing in of superstition by Helene the mother of Constantine the Great, I knewe we should shortly see the ende therof through the destructiō of Babylon, accompanied with a triumphant deliuerie of the Church, triumphing at full ouer the Beast mentioned in the Reuelation. This knowledge was pricked forward, with a desire to stand in some stead, wherevpon I suddenly purposed to make a search throughout Gods word, for matter conuenient thereto. And for as much as the knowledge of humane sciences was not vtterly vnprofitable, I determined to seaze vppon an Encyclopedie. This purpose haue I continued these twelue yeares, with great labour & small helpe, neither could I be drawen therefro by mine owne particular affaires, as preferring the study of Diuinitie, before all other things: as also Gods word is my heart, life, ioy, pleasure, peace and contentation, my delight, and vnto me all in all. Then began I to peruse Gods lawes more exactly then as yet I had done, and to distinguish them into a lawe simple figuratiue, and figuratiue Ceremoniall: then into a law of Ecclesiasticall Pollicie, and Ciuill Policie: thirdly into a Morall law, and an Euangelicke Morall, which teacheth that perfection whereat we ought to shoot, and whereof the naturall man is vncapable. These be sixe kinds of law, after all which, there is particularly a seuenth, whereby the spirit of God giueth to some, albeit to few the things that he will bring to passe in sundry ages, as he did the comming of the Messias vnto Simeon. Neither would I cō found the simple figures with the ceremonies, albeit the ceremonies be figures, and most of the simple figures be histories, hauing relation to some end out of the historie, yet following the same, as also doe the ceremonies. As also I would not confound Ecclesiasticall gouernement with the ceremonie, no [Page 82] more then with Ciuill gouernement.
Conferring therefore the Ecclesiasticall Mosaical gouernment with the Euangelical, laying sundry peeces into one self worke, I found that the gouernement of the Newe Testament did no whit abrogate the Old. By the same meanes also I came to vnderstand, that we did not so farre differ from the Catholickes; as before I supposed, as thinking that we had bene in strife both for the estate and superstitions, and that the troublesomnesse of these two points, which serued for a bad surmise, to retaine the world in superstition, might be taken away.
Herupon I conferred with some ministers of the Reformatiō, who liked of this purpose, also with some of the Catholique Clergie, who likewise thought it to be good, so as I was greatly confirmed, in hope to see some good attonement come therof. Then hauing layed my matters in steepe, I went to Bourges in Berry, where the warres soone after surprised me: so as I found my retraite into Germany; to be more safe then into the Low Countries. There cōposed I a treatise, which I communicated with sundry notable persons, both Diuines, Lawyers, and men of estate, who all liked of my purpose: neuerthelesse I could not find opportunity there to publish it: afterward comming into England I ioined this my first purpose with the argument of an Apologie, so of one stone to make two castes: and composed this former Treatise, which was in good time finished aabout the spring & ascention of the sunne, which was about the time of the Duke of Guises death.
My intent was to frustrate Achitophels counsell, that is, to scatter & breake the purposes both of the Pope & the League. Also my booke was no sooner done, but at the same instāt, God began to effect my propounded purpose: whereuppon I had a more faire path and free course for my booke. Which fauour of Almightie God, can not be but a good foreiudgement for the rest of the successe thereof. For it as a goodly matter, when a man findeth himselfe a fellow labourer with God, and that God secondeth his purposes with the effects and successe of matters. Moreouer, I will boldly say, that we may now assuredly affirme, that Babylon is fallen that is to say, that the Papacie is ouerthrowen, [Page 83] & that there is no greater certaintie of the Duke G [...]ises death, then of the destruction of the Papacie: for the dissipation of the League, is the subuersion of the Pope, & the League is now ouerthrowen both by sea and by land. In the pursute of the League the Duke of Guises greatest ouersight was in that he dalied with the king, after him self had offended him at Paris. And now hath the king as much offended the Pope: The king can therfore no longer trust him, for he will with one eye laugh vpon him, and with the other betray him. God preserue vs from Iudas Iscariotes kisse. The Serpent that lurketh in the grasse is daungerous, for we feele her before we see her, neither doe we perceaue her, but by the wound that she hath made in vs. Thus may the Pope be dismembred: Spaine lyeth too farre from the rest of the dependances of the Papacie, to be able to ioyne or succour them: besides that it is weake of bloud: The king of Spaine shall find enough of the Defensiue, albeit he enter not into the offensiue: The Prince of Parma can not doe much for the League, he acquits him selfe well if he keepe his owne, which he hath gotten by force, and roughnesse, and by money, neither is he beloued of the inhabitantes of the countrey, who will easely reuolt, as reaping but small contentment at his handes, and being but badly affected toward him. Many Italian Princes and Lordships also do hold of the Pope in Fee, that had rather be their owne men then an other mans, and therefore will not faile to take occasion if it be offered, and would soone condiscend to a Counterleague, so as if any man would but renew the path which Charles of Bourbon first traced out, these would soone enlarge it, and vpon a necessitie finde mē enough to share in the bootie, by reason of the great wealth that Rome hath long gathered together, so did Darius riches draw his enemies to his destruction.
Of the King we may with the old Poete say.
For he hath suffered them to speake that accompt his wisedome timorousnesse, & suffring those to speake, hath done better then to haue spoken. He hath bene wise enough to bring his [Page 84] purposes to their point & period, with great dexteritie, & hath wisely holpē him selfe with the Prouerbe, He that can not dissemble can not raigne. To be brief, he hath bene able enough to ouercome the League, for the death of the Duke of Guise is the victory ouer the League, to which victory we may also adde an other, that is that he hath ouercome many a mans hope. It is nothing for Hanniball to know how to ouercome, if he know not how to vse his victory: But I hope the king will crowne this his good beginning with a better prosecution: for in these purposes it is requisite to vse great circumspection, discretion and moderation, and that the king haue honest and faithfull men about him. For more are the Popes secrete driftes to be feared, then the open forces of the League. And sith the king is shipt in this action, he can not but saile on while the winde bloweth. These three thinges were necessarie, to abandone the Papacie: to strengthen him selfe with the Clergie: and by reunion of his subiectes to reunite his forces. There is nothing more weake then the Papacie, yet is it strong, if it be strengthned with the Clergie: but if the Clergie be separated from the Pope, he is vtterly ouerthrowen: if we abandon him, he can not resist. He can do no hurt to those that forsake him, but to those that take part with him. Also albeit the Clergie were of the League, yet doth it not follow that the king should impute vnto them the conspiracie of the League: for the principall heades thereof, did still perswade the rest, that the king had intelligence with them, neither did it fully appeare to the contrary, but by the Duke of Guises death. Also it is not good for a maister to see all that his seruaunts doe, but he must see some part and passe ouer the rest. And clemency is very requisite in a king.
I would wish the king not only to mainteine the state of the Clergy, but also to relieue them frō the exactions of the League: & I wold wish the Clergie to prouide for the schisme by abolishing all superstition, and surely the sooner the better, for ending of the calamities of this warre: for they may see that a great part of the burden lighteth vpon their backes, which to remedie, the first point were to quench the schisme, to the end [Page 85] the king might reunite his forces to withstand the League: and that were the surest way for their estate, which still tottereth vntill there be such a Reformation as may no whit preiudice the state, neither shall they euer finde fitter occasion then now, while the king standeth in neede of their amitie, that the Clergie may be his shield against the Pope and the League. Besides that, our king is a wise and discret Prince, who will make no innouation in his state: besides that in all euents, if once there were a Reformation of superstitions made, they might more easily maintaine their estate only, then both their estate and the superstitions together: considering that their estate is frō God, and instituted by Gods lawes, whereas the superstitions are of deuils, as Sainct Paule teacheth, to whom God is an enemy, and it can not be but God will destroy them, and that can no worldly man preuent: yet may we prouide for the estate. Let vs looke that we resist not God, lest he continue his chastisements by warres: but let vs appease his wrath by framing our selues after our duetie, so will God conuert our calamities into felicitie, and doubtfull warre into an assured peace. I pray you are not an infinite number of liuing Images of Gods making, who by these warres are oppressed, of more importance then a few dead Idols, hewen out by caruers of Images, which by the Catholicke Romish Religion, are mainteined in temples and Churches? Let vs take care for Gods Images.
The last yeare at the Easter faire at Francfort, I caused to be printed a Latine Treatise of the day of iudgement, or of the seauē general iudgements, wherin I proued seauen general iudgements of God, whereof fiue are already past, and the sixt or last sauing one, is the iudgement of Babylon, whose principall period was in the yeare 1588. which many haue noted as a yeare of maruels: and the last is to come in the end of the world. I sayd, that in that iudgement the Papacie should come to ruine: neither was it any apparance that caused me so to say, euery thing seemed to premize the contrarie. The League swelled vp in Fraunce, but especially in Spaine: euery man looked after great effects: there was no speech but of great preparations and prouisions for warres, made both in Spaine and in the Low countreys. [Page 86] There was no discourse, but of the wonderfull effects of the Spanish Nauie, ioyned with the Prince of Parmaes power. There was great preparation in Flanders of sadles & bridles for the English geldings. I said also, when the whore of Rome shal say, I sit a Queene, & am no widow, neither shal I see any sorow, then shall there fall vpon her widowhood, weeping and nakednesse. For we know, that the Beast must be wounded to death, and then recouered againe, which I saw accomplished: as also the same that is spoken of the ten hornes of the beast, that toke counsell together, is fulfilled in the counsell of the League. Besides that, seing Satan worke his last endeuor to ouerthrow the partie of the Lambe, I doubted not but Iesus Christ wold likewise work his, for our deliuery. I wist not that the League shold be ouercome by sea, or that the King should withstand it, as he hath done: yet now do I see the effects succeede according to my discourse and saying in my Treatise. In the Apologeticall Treatise going before, I also sayd, that the League would vndoubtedly breake, yet knewe I not that the Duke of Guise should be slaine: howbeit thereby I see my saying come to passe, before it be brought to light. And now do I not feare to say, that the Papacie shall fall, yea euen with a maruellous and sudden fall. The death thereof will be knowen in a maner as soone as the sicknesse. I was not daunted at the great preparations of the League, neither ceased I in my Treatise to publish the same to be the reuolution of the Papall fall. For I discoursed thus. Cirus wrought great matters with smal power, but that came to passe because the same was the reuolution of the Babylonian Empire, and the accomplishment of the 70. yeares of the captiuitie of Iuda. Alexander the Great vanquished the power of Darius, which was farre greater then his: but it was in the time of the period of the Persian Empire. Iulius Caesar wrought wonderful exploits: but in the same season wherein God was preparing the world, that the Messias might be borne vnder the Romane Monarchie. Sith therefore the Pope and king of Spaine, made all these warlicke prouisions to the end to establish the Papacie, in the same season wherein it should be rooted vp, I concluded, that their endeuors should be in vaine: and that now the time [Page 87] of superstitions, which haue detained the woman in the wildernesse, being at an end, Babylon can no longer continue. And God who hath the hearts of kings in his hand, will stir vp some one that shal destroy it: yea that albeit no king would take that in hand, yet that it is in Gods power, to make some vnder brāch to spring vp in one night at the roote of the tree, that may be able to prescribe law to the tree, from out of whose roote it may be sprong. Howbeit if it be lawfull to speake by coniecture, I will say, that the name of Henrie seemeth fatall to the Papacie: for Henry the 8. in England gaue the Pope a maruelous checke, and now in Fraunce we see an other Henry giue him an other checke, after this let him beware the Mate.
The order of the League at Paris is a good order, where porters and day labourers are in greater credit then the Presidents. It seemeth that Spaine meaneth by her proctors to attempt somewhat against Fraunce: but she were not best. Spaine hath more neede to feare then to hope, and to keepe her selfe, then to enterprise against others. She is but weake of walles and blood, and hath no strength but in pense and Miluedies, and those are also well shronke and wasted, through the continuall warres in Flanders, Hannibal supposed that for the pinching of Rome, he needed not go to seeke her out of Italie. I thinke if the Spaniard were well tickled in his owne countrey, it would trouble him shrewdly, and that were the surest succour that might be ministred to the Low countreys. But especially it were requisite to carie thither some store of New Testaments, and Bibles in Spanish, with other small Treatises against superstition. For Gods word is a good seede, which can not but fructifie when once it is planted and hath taken roote in a place, neither will it easily be plucked vp againe. But in matters of estate I would wish circumspection, and with moderation and modestie to win mens hearts, rather then to stir them vp with vanitie, idle speech, rashnesse & insolencie: for such things do rather destroy then edifie.
The League hath sharpned it selfe to cut of the Huguenots, but the edge is wel broken by the Duke of Guises death. These be two bad prognosticatiōs for the good successe of the League, that is, the scattering of the Nauie, and the death of Guise: as [Page 88] also they be good exāples to teach subiects to attempt nothing against the state of their King: for the Maiestie of a king is a sacred matter, & it is dangerous attempting any thing there against. When a man hath cōmitted a fault, the best way is to reclame himself by making amends, rather then obstinatly to cast away him selfe therin. And therfore the Duke of Neuers, & the Lord of Antragues dealt wel & wisely in taking the kings part as also the King did well and wisely in taking all that they had done vnder the League which return to him, as not done at all.
If a man will be wicked, he must execute his businesse cunningly, or not meddle at all, otherwise he doth iniurie to his occupation. Euen so if they would needes enterprise the League, they should haue begun by seazing vpon the Kings person, & seeing they could not compasse that, they should haue attempted nothing. But what? euery one hath his time: and he that must make a bad ende, must labour to doe euill, for euil neuer commeth of well doing: for it is an excellent thing, to do well to haue well: to liue well, to die well: and to begin well, to end well, sith vertue only is to be rewarded with honor.
It is not impossible for a conspiracie against a King to take effect: but linger it neuer so little it is hard to bring it to passe. And the League hath lingered too long in France to be able to attaine any good successe. It is said that the Portingall mares do conceiue of the wind: euen so was the League conceiued, but that which is bred of wind, shall returne into wind and smoke, Euery thing shal return to his first originall, & so the beast that came out of the bottomlesse pit shall returne to perdition: yet will she make some defense, set a good face on a bad game, and with her only countenance seeke to terrifie the King & his subiectes: but what? such a dogge barketh, that maketh her soule to quake in her belly. She wil wast of her self, she wil breed brauls, quarels & discontentmēts. Where there is no lawfull head euery man will be Maister, & when by reason of cōpetitors they may not, they grow to discontentment: also not seeing any sufficient recompence presently, or any future hope, will knowe that without any net they haue snared themselues in too great a Labyrinth, & therfore will retire before they be deeper in, and the [Page 89] wiser sort will be the first that will do so. If I would hazard my selfe for the purchase of a hope, truly it shoulde be both an honorable and a certaine hope: but it is not great wisedom to hazard both life and goodes vpon a doubtfull hope, full of dishonor and infamie. If therefore in this action there were no more in effect, but the Kings demōstration by the death of the Duke of Guise, that he holdeth the League for a conspiracy, yet cannot the end be honorable, and it is too great a hazard to meddle against a King.
There is without comparison, more honour and safetie on the Kings side, then in taking part with the League: for albeit the League should ouercome, yet can she reproch nothing to those that serued their Prince: whereas they that stand with the League against the king, can no way shunne great reproch, besides the danger. Yet will I excuse such as following the Duke of Neuers example, shall returne to the king, for peraduenture they knew not the drifts of the League, when they embraced it, and when a man is once in, he can not so soone resolue how to get out againe. Euery nouelty delighteth the French, but after some tast, they are soone glutted, and the French man remembreth him selfe. Euen so was the League embraced as a noueltie, but at length men will grow wearie and giue it ouer. I will not forget one pretie part that the League played with the Lord of Boneide Gouernour of Thoul. For he vpon great goodwill to the Duke of Guise yeelded him the towne, but he was so dispossessed of his gouernement, & in recompence the Duke of Guise gaue him the gouernement of a paltry Castle. It was pitie the Lord of Moncassin did not the like, for so might he likewise haue had the custody of some baggage cabbin, in stead of the Citadel of Mets: but he was wiser and trustier then so.
Surely the League will yet make some a do, but we shal perceaue the vaine endeuors thereof. Being armed with the Kings fauour, it could do nothing against the Reformed onely, how then can it now continue hauing both partes against it? After some gorgeous entrie, it will returne vs some leane and pitifull issue, and the good shall haue the vpperhand: for God is the protector of the righteous mans cause. Confidering the Duke [Page 90] of Guises death, it can not be but there will be perpetual enimitie betweene the houses of France and of Guise: and how good a face soeuer the Pope set on the matter, yet is he no lesse offended, as being chiefe of the League, and therefore I dare auowe, that the King and France can not be both friends to the Pope and enemies to the League. All these do seeke by secret meanes to attempt against the Kings person, and to annoy the state of Fraunce. Neither can the King better prouide here against, then by aduauncing the house of Bourbon, especially the king of Nauarre, a Prince well borne, who will neuer abandon his fidelitie and due obedience to the King, as also he is a valiant Prince, & one to whom the house of Guise beareth no lesse malice, then to the King him selfe. Besides, if the sayd King of Nauarre were dead, they would the more boldly attempt against the kings person, whereas while he is in credit, they shall haue the lesse oportunitie so to do. And had the League preuailed in Fraunce, it might through the Popes fauour, haue shut vp the king into some Monasterie, which the king of Nauarre neither will nor can do: neither is there like fidelitie as in the Huguenots. For rather will they take then do harme.