THough publike iustice passed vpon capital of­fenders, according to the lawes, & in course of an honourable and ordinarie triall (where the case would haue borne and required the seueritie of Marshall law to haue bene speedilie vsed) do in it selfe carie a sufficient sa­tisfaction towards all men, specially in a mercifull gouernement, such as her [Page] Maiesties is approoued to bee: yet because there doe passe abroad in the hands of many men diuers false and corrupt Collections and Relations of the proceedings at the arreignment of the late Earles of Essex and South­ampton: and againe, because it is re­quisite that the world doe vnderstand aswell the praecedent practises and in­ducements to the Treasons, as the open & actuall Treasons thēselues (though in a case of life it was not thought con­uenient to insist at the triall vpon mat­ter of inference or presumption, but chiefly vpon matter of plaine and di­rect proofes) therefore it hath beene thought fit to publish to the world a briefe Declaration of the practises and treasons attempted and committed by Robert late Earle of Essex and his [Page] complices against her Maiestie and her Kingdomes, and of the proceedings at the conuictions of the said late Earle and his adhaerents vpon the same trea­sons: and not so onely, but therewith­all, for the better warranting and veri­fying of the narration, to set downe in the end, the very Confessions and testi­monies themselues, word for word ta­ken out of the Originals, whereby it wil be most manifest, that nothing is obscu­red or disguised, though it doe appeare by diuers most wicked and seditious Li­bels throwen abroad, that the dregs of these treasons, which the late Earl of Essex himselfe a litle before his death, did terme a Leprosie, that had infe­cted farre and neere, do yet remaine in the hearts and tongues of some misaf­fected persons.

[Page]THE most partiall will not denie, but that Robert late Earle of Essex was by her Maiesties manifold benefits and graces, besides oath and al­legeance, as much tied to her Maiestie, as the sub­iect could be to the souereigne, her Maiesty hauing heaped vpon him both dignities, offices, and gifts in such measure, as within the circle of twelue yeres or more, there was scarcely a yeere of rest, in which he did not obteine at her Maiesties hands some notable addition either of honour or profit.

But he on the other side, making these her Ma­iesties fauours nothing els but wings for his ambi­tion, and looking vpon them, not as her benefits, but as his aduauntages, supposing that to be his owne mettall which was but her marke and im­pression, was so giuen ouer by God (who often pu­nisheth ingratitude by ambition, and ambition by treason, and treason by finall ruine) as he had long agoe plotted it in his heart to become a dange­rous supplanter of that seat, whereof he ought to haue beene a principall supporter: In such sort as nowe euerie man of common sense may discerne not onely his last actuall and open treasons, but also his former more secret practises and prepa­rations towardes those his treasons, and that with­out any glosse or interpreter, but himselfe and his owne doings.

For first of all, the world can nowe expound, why it was that hee did aspire, and had almost at­teined vnto a greatnesse, like vnto the auncient greatnesse of the Praefectus Praetorio vnder the Em­perours [Page] of Rome, to haue all men of warre to make their sole and particular dependance vpon him: That with such iealousie and watchfulnesse hee sought to discountenance any one that might be a Competitor to him in any part of that greatnesse: That with great violence and bitternesse he sought to suppresse and keep downe all the worthiest Mar­shall men, which did not appropriate their respects and acknowledgements onely towardes himselfe. All which did manifestly detect and distinguish, That it was not the reputation of a famous Leader in the warres which hee sought (as it was constru­ed a great while) but onely power and greatnesse to serue his owne ends, considering he neuer loued vertue nor valor in another, but where he thought he should bee Proprietarie and Commander of it, as referred to himselfe.

So likewise those points of popularitie which euery man tooke notice and note of, as his affable gestures, open doores, making his table and his bed so popularly places of audience to futers, denying nothing when he did nothing, feeding many men in their discontentments against the Queene and the State, and the like, as they were euer since Ab­salons time, the forerunners of treasons following, so in him were they either the qualities of a nature disposed to disloyaltie, or the beginnings and con­ceptions of that which afterwards grewe to shape and forme.

But as it were a vaine thing to thinke to search the rootes and first motions of treasons, which are [Page] knowen to none but God that discernes the heart, and the Diuell that giues the instigation: so it is more then to be presumed (being made apparant by the euidence of all the euents following) that he caried into Ireland a heart corrupted in his alle­giance, and pregnant of those or the like treasons which afterwards came to light.

For being a man by nature of an high imagina­tion, and a great promiser to himselfe aswell as to others, he was confident that if he were once the first person in a kingdome, and a sea betweene the Queenes seat and his, and Wales the neerest land from Ireland, and that he had got the flower of the English forces into his hands (which hee thought so to intermixe with his owne followers, as the whole body should mooue by his spirit) and if he might haue also absolutely into his hands potesta­tem vitae & necis, & arbitrium belli & pacis, ouer the Rebels of Ireland, whereby he might entise, & make them his owne, first by pardons and conditions, and after by hopes to bring them in place where they should serue for hope of better booties then Cowes, he should be able to make that place of Lieutenancie of Ireland, as a rise or step to ascend to his desired greatnesse in England.

And although many of these conceites were windie, yet neither were they the lesse like to his, neither are they now onely probable coniectures or comments vpon these his last treasons, but the very preludes of actions almost immediatly subse­quent, as shalbe touched in due place.

[Page]But first it was strange with what appetite and thirst he did affect and compasse the gouernment of Ireland, which he did obteine. For although he made some formall shewes to put it from him: yet in this, as in most things else, his desires being too strong for his dissimulations, he did so farre passe the bounds of Decorum, as he did in effect name him­selfe to the Queene by such description and such particularities as could not be applyed to any o­ther but himselfe: neither did he so onely, but fur­ther hee was still at hand to offer and vrge vehe­mently and peremptorily exceptions to any other that was named.

Then after hee once found that there was no man but himselfe (who had other matters in his head) so farre in loue with that charge, as to make any competition or opposition to his pursute, whereby he saw it would fall vpon him, and espe­cially after himselfe was resolued vpon, he began to make propositions to her Maiestie by way of taxation of the former course held in mannaging the actions of Ireland, especially vpon three points: The first, that the proportions of forces which had bene there mainteined and continued by supplies, were not sufficient to bring the prosecutions there to period. The second, that the axe had not bene put to the roote of the tree, in regard there had not bin made a maine prosecution vpon the Archtrai­tour Tyrone, in his owne strength, within the Pro­uince of Vlster. The third, that the prosecutions before time had bene intermixed and interrupted [Page] with too many temporising treaties, whereby the Rebell did euer gather strength and reputation to renew the warre with aduantage. All which good­ly and well sounding discourses, together with the great vaunts that he would make the earth trem­ble before him, tended but to this, that the Queene should encrease the list of her Armie and all pro­portions of treasure and other furniture, to the end his commandement might be the greater. For that he neuer intended any such prosecution, may ap­peare by this, that euen at the time before his go­ing into Ireland hee did open himselfe so farre in speech to Blunt, The confessi­on of Blunt. 3. his inwardest counsellour, That he did assure himselfe that many of the Rebels in Ireland would be aduised by him: so far was he frō intending any prosecution towards those in whom he tooke himselfe to haue interest. But his ends were two: The one, to get great forces into his hands: the o­ther, to oblige the heads of the rebellion vnto him, and to make them of his partie. These two endes had in themselues a repugnancie: for the one im­ported prosecution, and the other treaty: But hee that meant to be too strong to bee called to ac­count for any thing, and meant besides, when he was once in Ireland, to ingage himselfe in other iourneys that should hinder the prosecution in the North, tooke things in order as they made for him. And so first did nothing as was sayd, but trumpet a finall and vtter prosecution against Ty­rone in the North, to the ende to haue his forces augmented.

[Page]But yet he forgat not his other purpose of ma­king himselfe strong by a partie amongst the Re­bels, when it came to the scanning of the clauses of his commission. For then he did insist, and that with a kind of contestation, that the pardoning, no not of Tyrone himselfe, the capitall Rebell, should be excepted and reserued to her Maiesties imme­diate grace, being infinitely desirous that Tyrone should not looke beyond him for his life or par­don, but should hold his fortune as of him, and ac­compt for it to him onely.

So againe, whereas in the commission of the Earle of Sussex, and of all other Lieutenants or de­puties, there was euer in that clause which giueth vnto the Lieutenant or deputie, that high or regall point of authority to pardon Treasons and I rai­tors, an exception contained of such cases of trea­son as are committed against the person of the King: It was strange, and suspiciously strange, e­uen at that time, with what importunitie and in­stance he did labour, and in the end preuailed to haue that exception also omitted, glosing then, that because he had heard, that by strict exposition of law (a point in law that he would needes forget at his arraignment, but could take knowledge of it before, when it was to serue his owne ambition) all treasons of rebellion did tend to the destruction of the Kings person, it might breede a buzze in the Rebels heads, and so discourage them from comming in, whereas he knew well that in all ex­perience passed, there was neuer Rebel made any [Page] doubt or scruple vpon that point to accept of par­don from all former gouernours, who had their Commissions penned with that limitation (their Commissions being things not kept secretly in a boxe, but published & recorded) so as it appeared manifestly that it was a meere deuise of his owne out of the secret reaches of his heart then not re­uealed: but it may be shrewdly expounded since, what his drift was by those pardons which he gran­ted to Blunt the Marshall, and Thomas Lee, and o­thers, that his care was no lesse to secure his owne instruments then the Rebels of Ireland.

Yet was there another point for which he did contend & contest, which was, that he might not be tied to any opinion of the Counsell of Ireland, as all others in certain points (as pardoning traitors, concluding warre and peace, and some other prin­cipall articles) had bene before him, to the end he might be absolute of himselfe, and be fully Master of opportunities and occasions for the performing and executing of his owne treasonable ends.

But after he had once by her Maiesties singular trust and fauour toward him obtained his Patent of Commission as large, and his List of forces as full as hee desired, there was an end in his course of the prosecution in the North. For being arri­ued into Ireland, the whole cariage of his actions there, was nothing els but a cunning defeating of that iourney, with an intent (as appeared) in the ende of the yeere to pleasure and gratifie the Re­bell with a dishonourable peace, and to contract [Page] with him for his owne greatnesse.

Therefore not long after hee had receiued the sword, he did voluntarily ingage himselfe in an vn­seasonable and fruitlesse iourney into Munster, a iourney neuer propounded in the Counsell there, neuer aduertized ouer hither while it was past: By which iourney her Maiesties forces which were to be preserued intire both in vigor and num­ber for the great prosecution, were harased and tyred with long marches together, and the Nor­therne prosecution was indeede quite dashed and made impossible.

But yet still doubting he might receiue from her Maiestie some quicke & expresse commandement to proceede: to be sure, he pursued his former de­uise of wrapping himselfe in other actions, and so set himselfe on worke anewe in the Countie of O­phaley, being resolued, as is manifest, to dallie out the season, and neuer to haue gone that iourney at all: That setting forward which he made in the ve­ry ende of August being but a meere plaie and a mockerie, and for the purposes which now shall be declared.

After he perceiued that foure moneths of the Summer, and three parts of the army were wasted, hee thought nowe was a time to set on foot such a peace as might be for the Rebels aduantage, and so to worke a mutuall obligation betweene Tyrone and himselfe, for which purpose he did but seeke a commodity. He had there with him in his armie one Thomas Lee, a man of a seditious and working [Page] spirit, and one that had bene priuately familiar and intirely beloued of Tyrone, and one that afterwards immediatly vpon Essex open rebellion, was appre­hended for a desperate attempt of violence against her Maiesties person; which he plainly confessed, and for which hee suffered. Wherefore iudging him to be a fit instrument, he made some significa­tion to Lee of such an imploiment, which was no sooner signified then apprehended by Lee. Hee gaue order also to sir Christopher Blunt Marshall of his army, to licence Lee to goe to Tyrone when hee should require it. But Lee thought good to let slip first vnto Tyrone (which was neuerthelesse by the Marshals warrant) one Iames Knowd, a person of wit and sufficiencie, to sound in what termes and humours Tyrone then was. This Knowd returned a message from Tyrone to Lee, The confessi­on of Th. Lee. which was, That if the Earle of Essex would followe Tyrones plot, hee would make the Earle of Essex the greatest man that euer was in England: and further, that if the Earle would haue conference with him, Tyrone would deliuer his eldest sonne in pledge for his assurance. This message was deliuered by Knowd to Lee, and by Lee was impar­ted to the Earle of Essex, who after this message, imployed Lee himselfe to Tyrone, and by his nego­ciating (whatsoeuer passed els) prepared and dis­posed Tyrone to the parley.

And this imploiment of Lee was a matter of that guiltinesse in my Lord, as being charged with it at my Lord Keepers onely in this nature (for the message of Knowd was not then knowen) that [Page] when he pretended to assaile Tyrone, he had before vnder hand agreed vpon a pariey, In the confes­sion of Blunt at the barre, he did there declare that he had Essex his particular warrant to send Lee, and afterwardes was desired by Essex to take it vpon him­selfe, and that they both had pardons. my Lord vtterly denied it that he euer imploied Lee to Tyrone at all, and turned it vpon Blunt whom he afterwards re­quired to take it vpon him, hauing before suffici­ently prouided for the security of all parts, for he had granted both to Blunt & Lee pardons of al trea­sons vnder the great seale of Ireland, and so himselfe disclaiming it, & they being pardoned, all was safe.

But when that Tyrone was by these meanes (be­sides what others God knowes) prepared to de­mand a parley, nowe was the time for Essex to ac­quite himselfe of al the Queenes commandements and his owne promises and vndertakings for the Northern iourney, and not so alone, but to haue the glory at the disaduantage of the yere, being but 2500. strong of foote, and 300. of horse, after the fresh disaster of sir Coniers Clifford, in the height of the Rebels pride, to set foorth to assaile, and then that the very terror and reputation of my Lord of Essex person was such as did daunt him and make him stoope to seeke a parley, and this was the end he shot at in that September iourney, being a mere abuse and br [...]ry, and but inducements onely to the Treaty, which was the onely matter he inten­ded. For Essex drawing now towards the Cata­strophe, or last part of that Tragedy, for which he came vpon the Stage in Ireland, his Treasons grew to a further ripenesse. For knowing how vn­fit it was for him to communicate with any En­glish, euen of those whom hee trusted most, and [Page] meant to vse in other Treasons: That he had an in­tention to growe to an agreement with Tyrone to haue succors from him for the vsurping vpon the State here, (not because it was more dangerous then the rest of his treasons, but because it was more odious, and in a kind monstrous, that hee should conspire with such a Rebell, against whom he was sent: and therfore might aduenture to alie­nate mens affections from him) he draue it to this, that there might bee, and so there was, vnder co­lour of treaty, an interuiew & priuate conference betweene Tyrone and himselfe onely, no third per­son admitted. A strange course, considering with whom he dealt, and especially considering what message Knowde had brought, which should haue made him rather call witnesses to him, then auoid witnesses. But he being only true to his own ends, easily dispensed with all such considerations. Nay, there was such carefull order taken, that no per­son should ouerheare one worde that passed be­tweene them two: as because the place appointed and vsed for the parley was such, as there was the depth of a brooke betweene them, which made them speake some lowdnesse: therewere certaine horsemen appointed by order from Essex, to keepe all men off, a great distance from the place.

It is true, that the secrecie of that parley, as it gaue to him the more liberty of Treason, so it may giue any man the more libertie of surmize, what was then handled between them, inasmuch as no­thing can bee knowen, but by report from one of [Page] them two, either Essex or Tyrone.

But, although there were no proceeding against Essex vpon these treasons, and that it were a need­lesse thing to load more treasons vpon him then, whose burthen was so great after: yet for trueths sake, it is fit the world know, what is testified tou­ching the speaches, letters and reports of Tyrone, immediatly following this conference, & obserue also what ensued likewise in the desseignes of Es­sex himselfe.

On Tyrones part it fell out, that the very day af­ter that Essex came to the court of England, Tyrone hauing conference with Sir William Warren at Ar­magh, by way of discourse told him, and bound it with an oath, and iterated it two or three seuerall times: The relation of sir Wi. War­ren certified vnder his hand frō the Coun­cell of Ireland to the Lords of the Coun­cell here. That within two or three moneths, he should see the greatest alterations and strangest that euer hee sawe in his life, or could imagine: and that bee the said Ty­rone hoped ere long to haue a good share in England. With this concurred fully the report of Richard Bremingham a gentleman of the Pale, hauing made his repaire about the same time to Tyrone, to right him in a cause of land: sauing that Bremingham de­liuers the like speach of Tyrone to himselfe: The report of Ri. Breming­ham to the Councell of Estate in Ire­land. but, not what Tyrone hoped, but what Tyrone had promised in these words, That hee had promised (it may bee thought to whom) ere long to shew his face in Eng­land, little to the good of England.

These generalities comming immediatly from the report of Tyrone himselfe, are drawen to more particularitie in a conference had betweene the [Page] Lord Fitz Morrice Baron of Liksnawe in Munster, and one Thomas Wood a person wel reputed of, im­mediatly after Essex comming into England. The confessi­on of Tho. Wood. In which conference Fitz Morrice: declared vnto Wood, that Tyrone had written to the traiterous ti­tularie Earle of Desmond, to informe him, that the Condition of that Contract betweene Tyrone and Essex was, That Essex should be king of England: And that Tyrone should holde of him the honour and state of Viceroy of Ireland: And that the proportion of souldiers, which Tyrone should bring or send to Essex, were 8000 Irish. With which concurreth fully the testimony of the said Iames Knowde, The confessi­on of Iames Knowde. who being in credit with O [...] Mac Roory chiefe of the Omoores in Lemster, was vsed as a Secretarie for him, in the writing of a letter to Tyrone, immediatly after Essex comming into England. The effect of which letter was: To vnderstand some light of the secret agreement betweene the Earle of Essex and Tyrone, that he the said Owny might frame his course accordingly. Which letter, with further instructions to the same effect, was in the presence of Knowde deliuered to Turlagh Mac­dauy, a man of trust with Owny, who brought an an­swer from Tyrone. The cōtents whereof were: That the Earle of Essex had agreed to take his part, and that they should ayd him towards the conquest of England.

Besides, very certaine it is, & testified by diuers credible persons, that immediatly vpon this par­ley, there did flie abroad as sparckles of this fire, (which it did not concern Tyrone so much to keep secret, as it did Essex) a generall and receiued opi­nion, [Page] that went vp and down in the mouthes both of the better and meaner sort of Rebels: The declara­tions of Da. Hethrington, Iames Knowd and others. That the Earle of Essex was theirs, and they his: and that hee would neuer leaue the one sword, meaning that of Ire­land, till he had gotten the other in England: and that he would bring them to serue, where they should haue o­ther maner of booties then cowes: and the like spea­ches. And Thomas Lee himselfe, The confessi­on of Th. Lee. (who had bene, as was before declared, with Tyrone two or three dayes, vpon my Lords sending, and had sounded him) hath left it confessed vnder his hand: That he knew the Earle of Essex and Tyrone to be one, and to runne the same courses.

And certaine it is also, that immediatly vpon that parley, Tyrone grewe into a strange and vn­woonted pride, and appointed his progresses and visitations to receiue congratulations and homa­ges from his confederates, and behaued himselfe in all things as one that had some new spirite of hope and courage put into him.

But on the Earle of Essex his part insued imme­diatly after this parley a strange motion and pro­iect, which though no doubt hee had harbored in his brest before: yet for any thing yet appeareth, he did not vtter and breake with any in it, before he had bene confirmed and fortified in his purpose, by the combination and correspondence, which hee found in Tyrone vpon their conference. Neither is this a matter gathered out of reports, The Earle of Southampton and sir Chri­stopher Blunt. but confes­sed directly by two of his principall friendes and associats, being witnesses vpon their owne know­ledge, [Page] & of that which was spoken to themselues: The substance of that which is confessed by Southamp­ton and Blunt touching Es­sex purpose to haue trans­ported into England the armie of Ire­land, and the changing of that dessein into the other dessein of sur­prising the Queene and the Court. The substance of which confessions is this: That a litle before my Lords comming ouer into England, at the castle of Dublin where Sir Christopher Blunt lay hurt, hauing bene lately remooued thither from Reban, a castle of Thomas Lees, and placed in a lodging that had bene my Lord of Southamptons: the Earle of Es­sex tooke the Earle of Southampton with him, to vi­sit Blunt, and there being none present but they three, my Lord of Essex told them, he found it now necessary for him to go into England, and would aduise with them of the manner of his going, since to goe he was resolued. And thereupon propounded vnto them, that he thought it fit a cary with him of the army in Ireland, as much as hee could conueniently transport, at least the choise of it, to the number of two or three thousand, to secure and make good his first deseent on shore, purposing to land them at Milford hauen in Wales, or thereabouts: not doubting, but that his army would so increase within a small time, by such as would come in to him as hee should be able to march with his power to London, and make his own conditions as he thought good. But, both South­ampton and Blunt disswaded him from this enterprise: Blunt alledging the hazard of it, & that it would make him odious, and Southampt on vtterly disliking of that course vpon the same and many other reasons. Howbe it thereupon Blunt aduised him rather to another course, which was to draw forth of the Army some 200. resolute gentlemen, & with those to come ouer, & so to make sure of the Court, and so to make his owne conditions. Which Confessions it is not amisse to deliuer, by what a [Page] good prouidence of God they came to light: for, they could not bee vsed at Essex arraignement to charge him, because they were vttered after his death.

But Sir Christopher Blunt at his arraignment be­ing charged that the Earle of Essex had set it downe vnder his hand, The speach of Sir Christo­pher Blunt at his arraigne­ment, and the occasion of the falling into the a­foresayd con­fessions. that he had bene a principall Insti­gator of him, to his treasons, in passion brake forth into these speeches: That then he must be forced to dis­close what further matters he had held my Lord from, and desired for that purpose (because the present proceeding should not be interrupted) to speake with the Lord Ad­mirall and M. Secretarie, after his arraignment, and so fell most naturally and most voluntarily into this his confession, which if it had beene thought fit to haue required of him at that time publikely, he had deliuered before his conuiction. And the same con­fession he did after (at the time of his executiō) con­stantly and fully confirme, discourse particularly, and take vppon his death, where neuer any man shewed lesse feare, nor a greater resolution to die.

And the same mattter so by him confessed, was likewise confessed with the same circumstances of time and place by Southampton, being seuerally ex­amined thereupon.

So as nowe the worlde may see how long since my Lord put off his vizard, and disclosed the se­crets of his heart to two of his most confident friends, falling vpon that vnnaturall and detestable treason, whereunto all his former Actions in his gouernement in Ireland, (and God knowes howe [Page] long before) were but Introductions.

But, finding that these two persons, which of all the rest hee thought to haue found forwardest, The place of Generall of the horse in the armie of Ireland was conferred by Essex vpon Southampton contrary to her Maiesties expresse com­mandement. Southampton, whose displacing hee had made his owne discontentment (hauing placed him, no question to that ende, to find cause of discontent­ment) and Blunt, a man so enterprizing and pro­digal of his owne life, (as himselfe termed himselfe at the Barre) did not applaud to this his purpose, and thereby doubting how coldly he should find others minded, that were not so neere to him. And therefore condescending to Blunts aduise to sur­prize the Court, hee did pursue that plot accor­dingly, and came ouer with a selected companie of Captaines and voluntaries, and such as hee thought were most affectionate vnto himselfe, and most resolute, though not knowing of his purpose. So as euen at that time, euery man noted and won­dred, what the matter should be, that my Lord tooke his most particular friends and followers from their companies, which were countenance and meanes vnto them, to bring them ouer. But his purpose (as in part was touched before) was this: that if he held his greatnesse in Court, and were not committed (which in regard of the mise­rable and deplored estate he left Ireland in, where­by he thought the opinion here would be that his seruice could not be spared, he made full account he should not be) then, at the first opportunitie, he would execute the surprize of her Maiesties per­son. And if he were committed to the Tower, or [Page] to prison for his contempts, (for besides his other contempts, hee came ouer expresly against the Queenes prohibition vnder her Signet) it might be the care of some of his principall friends, by the helpe of that choise and resolute company which he brought ouer, to rescue him.

But the pretext of his comming ouer was, by the efficacie of his owne presence and perswasion, to haue moued and drawen her Maiestie to accept of such conditions of peace, as hee had treated of with Tyrone, in his priuate conference: which was indeed somwhat needfull, the principall Article of them being, That there should be a generall restitution of Rebels in Ireland to all their lands & possessions, that they could pretend any right to, before their going out in­to Rebellion: without reseruation of such lands as were by Act of Parliament passed to the Crowne, and so planted with English both in the time of Q. Mary, and since: and without difference either of time of their going forth, or nature of their offence, or other circumstance, tending in effect to this: That all the Queenes good subiects, in most of the Prouinces, should haue beene displanted, and the Countrey abandoned to the Rebels.

When this man was come ouer, his heart thus fraughted with Treasons, and presented himselfe to her Maiestie: it pleased God, in his singular pro­uidence ouer her Maiestie, to guide and hem in her proceeding towards him, in a narrow way of safetie betweene two perils. For neither did her Maiestie leaue him at libertie, whereby he might [Page] haue commodity to execute his purpose: nor re­straine him in any such nature, as might signifie or betoken matter of despaire of his returne to Court and fauour. And so the meanes of present mis­chiefe being taken away, and the humours not stir­red, this matter fell asleepe, and the threed of his purposes was cut off. For, comming ouer about the end of September, and not denied accesse and conference with her Maiesty, and then being com­manded to his chamber at Court for some dayes, and from thence to the Lord Keepers house; it was conceiued, that these were no ill signes. At my Lord Keepers house he remained, till some fewe dayes before Easter, and then was remooued to his owne house, vnder the custody of Sir Richard Bark­ley, and in that sort continued till the end of Trinity Terme following.

For, her Maiestie all this while looking into his faults, with the eye of her princely fauour, and loth to take aduantage of his great offences, in other nature then as contempts, resolued so to proceed against him, as might (to vse her Maiesties owne words) tend, ad correctionem, & non ad ruinam.

Neuerthelesse afterwards, about the ende of Trinitie Terme following, for the better satisfa­ction of the world, and to represse seditious bruits and libels, which were dispersed in his iustificati­on, and to obserue a forme of iustice, before hee should be set at full libertie: her Maiestie was plea­sed to direct, that there should be associate vnto her Priuie Councell, some chosen persons of her [Page] Nobility, and of her Iudges of the law: and before them his cause, (concerning the breaking of his instructions for the Northerne prosecution, and the manner of his treating with Tyrone, and his comming ouer, and leauing the kingdome of Ire­land, contrary to her Maiesties commandement, expressed as wel by signification thereof made vn­der her Royall hand and Signet, as by a most bin­ding and effectual letter, written priuately to him­selfe) to receiue a hearing: with limitation neuer­theles, that hee should not bee charged with any point of disloialty; and with like fauour directed, that he should not be called in question in the open and ordinary place of offendours in the Starre Chamber, from which hee had likewise by a most penitent and humble letter desired to be spared, as that which would haue wounded him for euer, as he affirmed, but in a more priuate manner at my Lord Keepers house. Neither was the effect of the sentence, that there passed against him, any more then a suspension of the exercise of some of his pla­ces: At which time also, Essex that could varie himselfe into all shapes for a time, infinitely desi­rous (as by the sequele now appeareth) to be at li­berty to practise & reuiue his former purposes, and hoping to set into them with better strength then euer, bicause he conceiued the peoples hearts were kindled to him by his troubles, and that they had made great demōstrations of asmuch: he did trans­forme himselfe into such a strange & deiected hu­mility, as if he had bene no man of this world, with [Page] passionate protestations, that he called God to wit­nes, that he had made an vtter diuorce with the world: and he desired her Maiesties fauour, not for any world­ly respect, but for a preparatiue for a Nunc dimittis: And that the teares of his heart had quenched in him all humors of ambition. All this to make her Maiesty secure, and to lull the world asleepe, that hee was not a man to be held any wayes dangerous.

Not many dayes after, Sir Richard Barkley his keeper was remoued from him, and he set at liber­tie, with this admonition only: That hee should not take himselfe to be altogether discharged, though he were left to the guard of none, but his owne discretion. But he felt himselfe no sooner vpon the wings of his liber­tie, but (notwithstanding his former shewes of a mortified estate of minde) he began to practise a­fresh, as busily as euer reuiuing his former resolu­tion: which was the surprizing and possessing the Queenes person, and the Court. And that it may appeare how early after his libertie he set his en­gines on worke, hauing long before entertained into his seruice, and during his gouernment in Ire­land, drawne neere vnto him in the place of his chiefe Secretary, one Henry Cuffe, a base fellow by birth, but a great scholler, and indeede a notable Traytor by the booke, being otherwise of a turbu­lent and mutinous spirit against all superiours:

This fellow, in the beginning of August, which was not a moneth after Essex libertie granted, fell of practising with Sir Henry Neuill, that serued her Maiestie as Ligier Ambassadour with the French [Page] King, The declara­tion of sir He. Neuell. and then newly come ouer into England from Bulleyn, abusing him with a false lie, and meere inuention, that his seruice was blamed and misliked, and that the imputation of the breach of the treaty of Peace held at Bulleyn, was like to light vpon him, (when there was no colour of any such matter) onely to distaste him of others, and fasten him to my Lord, though he did not acquaint him with any particulars of my Lords deseignes, till a good while after.

But my Lorde hauing spent the ende of the Summer (being a priuate time, when euery body was out of towne and dispersed) in digesting his owne thoughts, with the helpe and conference of Master Cuffe, they had soone set downe betweene them the ancient principle of Traitors and Con­spirators, which was: To prepare many, and to ac­quaint few; and after the maner of Mynes, to make ready their powder, and place it, and then giue fire but in the instant. Therefore, the first considerati­on was of such persons as my Lord thought fit to draw to be of his party; singling out both of Nobi­litie and Martiall men, and others, such as were dis­contented or turbulent, and such as were weake of iudgement, and easie to be abused, or such as were wholy dependants and followers (for meanes or countenance) of himselfe, Southampton or some o­ther of his greatest associates.

And knowing there were no such strong and drawing cordes of popularitie, as religion: he had not neglected, both at this time, and long before, [Page] in a profane pollicy to serue his turne (for his own greatnesse,) of both sorts & factions, both of Catho­licks and Puritanes, as they terme them, turning his out side to the one, and his inside to the other, and making himselfe pleasing and gracious to the one sort by professing zeale, and frequenting sermons, and making much of Preachers, and secretly vn­der hand giuing assurance to Blunt, Dauies, The confessi­on of Blunt and Dauis. and di­uers others, that (if hee might preuaile in his desi­red greatnesse,) hee would bring in a toleration of the Catholike religion.

Then hauing passed the whole Michaelmas Terme in making himselfe plausible, and in draw­ing concourse about him, and in affecting & allu­ring men by kinde prouocations and vsage, where­in (because his libertie was qualified) hee neither forgot exercise of minde nor body, neither Ser­mon nor Tenis Court, to giue the occasion and freedome of accesse and concourse vnto him) and much other practise and deuise: About the end of that terme, towards Christmas, hee grew to a more framed resolution of the time and maner, when and how hee would put his purpose in execution. And first about the ende of Michaelmas Terme, it passed as a kind of cipher and watchword amongst his friends and followers, The declara­tion of Sir Henry Neuil, and Confes­sion of Sir Ferdinando Gorge. That'my Lord would stand vpon his guard: which might receiue construction, in a good sense, as well guard of circumspection, as guard of force: but to the more priuate and tru­sty persons hee was content it should be expoun­ded that he would be couped vp no more, nor ha­zard [Page] any more restraints or commandements.

But the next care was, how to bring such per­sons, as he thought fit for his purpose, into Towne together, without vent of suspicion, to be ready at the time, when he should put his deseigne in exe­cution: which he had concluded should be some time in Hillarie Terme: wherein hee found many deuices to draw them vp, The confessi­on of Blunt. some for sutes in Lawe, and some for sutes in Court, & some for assurance of land: and one friend to draw vp another, it not being perceiued, that all mooued from one head. And it may be truely noted, that in the Catalogue of those persons, that were the eight of February in the action of open Rebellion, a man may finde al­most out of euery County of England some, which could not be by chance or constellation: and in the particularity of Examinations (too long to be re­hearsed) it was easie to trace in what sort many of them were brought vp to Towne, & held in Town vpon seueral pretences. But in Candlemas Terme, when the time drew neere, then was hee content consultation should be had by certaine choise per­sons, vpon the whole matter and course which he should hold. And because hee thought himselfe and his own house more obserued, it was thought fit, that the meeting and conference should bee at Drury house, where S. Charles Dauers lodged. There mette at this Councell, the Earle of Southampton, with whom in former times hee had bene at some emulations and differences in Court. But after, Southampton hauing married his kinswoman, and [Page] plunged himselfe wholly into his fortune, and be­ing his continuall Associat in Ireland, hee accoun­ted of him as most assured vnto him, and had long agoe in Ireland acquainted him with his purpose, as was declared before. Sir Charles Dauers, one ex­ceedingly deuoted to the Earle of Southampton, vpon affection begun first vpon the deseruing of the same Earle towards him, when he was in trou­ble about the murther of one Long. Sir Ferdinando Gorge, one that the Earle of Essex had of purpose sent for vp from his gouernment at Plymmouth by his letter, with particular assignation to be here be­fore the 2. of February. Sir Iohn Dauies, one that had bene his seruant, and raised by him, and that bare Office in the Tower, being Surueyour of the Ordinance, & one that he greatly trusted: and Iohn Littleton, one they respected for his wit and valour.

The consultation and conference rested vpon three parts: The cōfessions of sir Charles Dauers. 1. 2. Sir Io. Dauis 2. Sir Ferdin. Gorge 2. Sir Christo­pher Blunt 2. Southampton at the barre. The perusall of a list of those persons, whom they tooke to be of their party: The cōside­ration of the Action it selfe, which they should set a foot, and how they should proceed in it: And the distribution of the persons, according to the Acti­on concluded on, to their seuerall imploiments.

The list contained the number of sixe score per­sons, Noblemen and Knights, and principall Gen­tlemen, and was (for the more credits sake) of the Earle of Essex owne hand writing.

For the Action it selfe, there was proposition made of two principall Articles: The one, of pos­sessing the Tower of London: the other of surprising [Page] her Maiesties person and the Court, in which also deliberation was had, what course to hold with the Citie, either towards the effecting of the surprize, or after it was effected.

For the Tower was alleadged, the giuing a reputation to the Action, by getting into their hand the principall Fort of the Realme, with the stores and prouisions thereunto appertaining, the bridling of the Citie by that piece, and commo­ditie of entrance in and possessing it, by the meanes of Sir Iohn Dauis. But this was by opinion of all reiected, as that which would distract their at­tempt from the more principall, which was the Court, and as that which they made a iudgement would follow incidently, if the Court were once possessed.

But the later, which was the ancient plot, (as was well knowen to Southampton) was in the ende, by the generall opinion of them all, insisted and rested vpon.

And the maner howe it should bee ordered and disposed was this: That certaine selected per­sons of their number, such as were well knowen in Court, and might haue accesse without checke or suspicion, into the seuerall roumes in Court, according to the seuerall qualities of the per­sons, and the differences of the roumes, should di­stribute themselues into the Presence, the Guard­chamber, the Hall, and the vtter Court and gate, and some one principall man vndertaking euery [Page] seuerall roume with the strength of some fewe to be ioyned with him, euery man to make good his charge, according to the occasion. In which di­stribution, sir Charles Dauers was then named to the Presence, and to the great chamber, where he was appointed, when time should bee, to seaze vpon the Halberds of the Gard: sir Iohn Dauies to the Hall: and sir Christopher Blunt to the vtter Gate: these seeming to them, the three principall wards of consideration. And that things being within the Court in a readinesse, a signall should be giuen and sent to Essex, to set forward from Essex house, being no great distance off. Whereupon Essex, accompanied with the noble men of his party, and such as should bee prepared and assembled at his house for that purpose, should march towards the Court: And that the former conspirators alrea­dy entered should giue correspondence to them without, as well by making themselues Masters of the gates to giue them entrance, as by attemp­ting to get into their hand vpon the suddaine the Halberds of the Guard, thereby hoping to preuent any great resistance within, and by filling all full of tumult and confusion.

This being the platforme of their enterprise, the second act of this Tragedy was also resolued, which was, that my Lord should present himselfe to her Maiestie as prostrating himselfe at her feete, and desire the remoue of such persons, as he called his enemies, from about her. And after that my [Page] Lord had obtained possession of the Queene, and the State: hee should call his pretended enemies to a triall vpon their liues, and summon a Parlia­ment, and alter the gouernement, and obtaine to himselfe, and his associates, such conditions as seemed to him and them good.

There passed speech also in this conspiracie, of possessing the Citie of London, which Essex him­selfe, in his owne particular and secret in clination, had euer a speciall mind vnto: not as a departure or going from his purpose of possessing the Court, but as an inducement and preparatiue to per­forme it vpon a surer ground. An opinion bred in him, (as may bee imagined) partly by the great ouerweening he had of the loue of the Citizens: but chiefly, in all likelihood, by a feare, that al­though hee should haue preuailed in getting her Maiesties person into his hands for a time, with his two or three hundred Gentlemen, yet, the very beames and graces of her Maiesties magnanimitie and prudent cariage in such disaster working, with the naturall instinct of loyaltie, which of course (when fury is ouer) doth euer reuiue in the hearts of subiects of any good blood or mind (such as his troope for the more part was compounded of, though by him seduced and bewitched) would quickly breake the knot, and cause some disunion and separation amongst them, whereby hee might haue bene left destitute, except he should builde vpon some more popular number, according to [Page] the nature of all vsurping Rebels, which doe euer trust more in the common people, then in persons of sort or qualitie. And this may well appeare by his owne plot in Ireland, which was to haue come with the choise of the Armie, from which hee was diuerted, as before is shewed. So as his owne courses inclined euer to rest vpon the maine strength of the multitude, and not vpon surprises, or the combinations of a fewe.

But to returne: These were the resolutions ta­ken at that consultation, held by these fiue at Dru­ry house, some fiue or sixe dayes before the Rebel­lion, to be reported to Essex, who euer kept in himselfe the binding and directing voice: which he did to preuent all differences that might grow by dissent or contradiction. And besides he had o­ther persons, (which were Cuffe and Blunt) of more inwardnesse and confidence with him then these, ( Southampton only excepted) which managed that Consultation. And, for the day of the Enterprise, which is that must rise out of the knowledge of all the opportunities and difficulties, it was referred to Essex his owne choise and appointment: it be­ing neuerthelesse resolued, that it should be some­time before the end of Candlemas Terme.

But this Councell and the resolutions thereof, were in some points refined by Essex, and Cuffe, and Blunt: for, Sir Henry Neuels de­claration, first it was thought good, for the better making sure of the vtter gate of the Court, and the greater celeritie and suddennesse, to haue a troupe [Page] at receipt to a competent number, to haue come from the Mewes, where they should haue bene as­sembled without suspicion in seuerall companies, and from thence cast themselues in a moment vp­on the Court gate, and ioyne with them which were within, while Essex with the maine of his company were making forward.

It was also thought fit, that because they would be Common wealths-men, and foresee, that the businesse and seruice of the publique State should not stand still: they should haue ready at Court, and at hand, certaine other persons to be offered, to supplie the offices and places of such her Maie­sties Counsellors and seruants, as they should de­mand to be remoued and displaced.

But chiefly it was thought good, that the as­sembling of their companies together, should bee vpon some plausible pretext; both to make diuers of their company, that vnderstood not the depth of the practises, the more willing to follow them: and to ingage themselues, and to gather them to­gether the better without perill of detecting or interrupting: and againe, to take the Court the more vnprouided, without any Alarme giuen. So as now there wanted nothing, but the Assignation of the day: which neuerthelesse was resolued inde­finitely to be before the end of the Terme, as was sayd before, The confessi­on of Blunt. 3. for the putting in execution of this most dangerous and execrable Treason. But God who had in his diuine prouidence long agoe [Page] cursed this action, with the Curse that the Psalme speaketh of, That it should be like the vntimely fruit of a woman, brought foorth before it came to perfection, so disposed aboue, that her Maiesty vnderstanding by a generall charme and muttering of the great and vniuersall resort to Essex house, contrary to her Princely admonition, and somwhat differing from his former maner (as there could not be so great fire without some smoke) vpon the seuenth of Fe­bruary, the afternoone before this Rebellion, sent to Essex house M. Secretary Harbert, to require him to come before the Lords of her Maiesties Coun­cell, then sitting in Counsell at Salisbury Court, be­ing the Lord Treasurers house: where it was one­ly intended, that he should haue receiued some re­prehension, for exceeding the limitations of his li­berty, granted to him in a qualified maner, without any intention towardes him of restraint, which hee, vnder colour of not being well, excused to doe: but his owne guiltie conscience applying it, that his Traynes were discouered, doubting perill in any further delay, determined to ha­sten his enterprise, and to set it on foote the next day.

But then againe, hauing some aduertisement in the euening, that the guards were doubled at Court, and laying that to the message hee had re­ceiued ouernight: and so concluding that Allarme was taken at Court, hee thought it to bee in vaine, to thinke of the enterprise of the Court, [Page] by way of surprize: but that nowe his onely way was, to come thither in strength, and to that ende first to attempt the Citie. Wherein hee did but fall backe to his owne former opinion, which hee had in no sort neglected, but had formerly made some ouertures to prepare the Citie to take his part: re­lying himselfe, (besides his generall conceipt, that himselfe was the darling and mynion of the peo­ple, and specially of the Citie) more particularly vpon assurance giuen of Thomas Smith, then Shi­riffe of London, a man well beloued amongst the Citizens, and one that had some particular com­mand of some of the trayned forces of the Citie, to ioyne with him. Hauing therefore concluded vpon this determination, now was the time to ex­ecute in fact, all that he had before in purpose digested.

First therefore hee concluded of a pretext which was euer part of the plot, and which hee had meditated vpon, and studied long before. For finding himselfe (thankes bee to God) to seeke, in her Maiesties gouernement, of any iust pretext in matter of state, either of innouation, oppression, or any vnworthinesse: As in all his former discontentments, hee had gone the bea­ten path of Traytours, turning their imputation vpon Counsellours, and persons of credit with their Soueraigne: so nowe hee was forced to de­scend to the pretext of a priuate quarrell, giuing out this speach, howe that euening, when hee [Page] should haue bene called before the Lordes of the Councell, there was an Ambuscado of Muske­ters placed vpon the water, by the deuise of my Lord Cobham, and Sir Walter Raleigh, to haue murdered him by the way as hee passed. A mat­ter of no probability, those persons hauing no such desperate estates or mindes, as to ruine themselues and their posteritie, by committing so odious a crime.

But contrariwise, certaine it is, Sir Ferdinando Gorge accused Blunt, to haue perswaded him to kill, Confession of sir Ferdinando Gorge. or at least apprehend Sir Walter Raleigh, the latter whereof Blunt denieth not, and asked Sir Walter Raleigh forgiuenesse at the time of his death.

But this pretext being the best hee had, was ta­ken, and then did messages and warnings fly thicke vp and downe to euery particular Nobleman, and gentleman, both that euening and the next mor­ning, to draw them together in the forenoone to Essex house, dispersing the foresaid fable, That hee should haue bene murdered, saue that it was som­time on the water, somtime in his bed, varying ac­cording to the nature of a lye. Hee sent likewise the same night, certaine of his instruments, as namely, one William Temple his Secretary into the Citie, to disperse the same tale, hauing increased it some fewe daies before by an addition, That he should haue bene likewise murdered by some Iesu­its to the number of foure: and to fortifie this pre­text, [Page] and to make the more buzze of the danger hee stood in, hee caused that night a watch to bee kept all night long towards the street, in his house: the next morning, which was Sunday, they came vnto him of all handes, according to his messages and warnings. Of the Nobilitie, the Earles of Rutland, Southampton, and the Lord Sands, and Sir Henry Parker, commonly called the Lord Mount­egle, besides diuers Knights and principall Gentle­men and their followers, to the number of some three hundreth. And also it being Sunday, and the houre when hee had vsed to haue a Sermon at his house, it gaue cause to some, and colour to others to come vpon that occasion. As they came, my Lord saluted and imbraced, and to the generalitie of them gaue to vnderstand, in as plau­sible termes as hee could, That his life had bene sought, and that hee meant to goe to the Court, and declare his griefes to the Queene, because his enemies were mightie, and vsed her Maiesties name and com­maundement, and desired their helpe to take his part: The confessi­on of the Erle of Rutland. But vnto the more speciall persons hee spake high and in other termes, telling them That hee was sure of the Citie, and would put himselfe into that strength, that her Maiestie shoulde not bee able to stand against him, and that he would take reuenge of his enemies.

All the while after eight of the clocke in the morning, the gates to the Streete and water were strongly guarded, and men taken in and let foorth by discretion of those that helde the charge, but [Page] with speciall caution of receiuing in such as came from Court, but not suffering them to goe backe without my Lords speciall direction, to the end no particularitie of that which passed there might be knowen to her Maiestie.

About 10. of the clocke, her Maiestie hauing vnderstanding of this strange and tumultuous as­sembly at Essex house, yet in her Princely wisedome and moderation thought to cast water vpon this fire before it brake forth to further inconuenience: and therefore vsing authoritie before she would vse force, sent vnto him foure persons of great Honour and place, and such as hee euer pretended to reue­rence and loue, to offer him iustice for any griefs of his, but yet to lay her Royal commandement vpon him to disperse his company, and vpon them to withdraw themselues.

These foure Honourable persons, being the Lord Keeper of the great Seale of England, the Earle of Worcester, The declara­tion of the L. Keeper, the Earle of Wor­cester, the L. chiefe Iustice vnder their hands. the Controller of her Maiesties houshold, and the Lord chiefe Iustice of England, came to the house, and found the gates shut vpon them. But after a little stay, they were let in at the wicket, and assoone as they were within, the wic­ket was shut, The othe of the L. chiefe Iustice Viua voce. and all their seruants kept out, ex­cept the Bearer of the Seale. In the court they found the Earles with the rest of the company, the court in a maner full, The declara­tion of the Earle of Wor­cester Viua voce. and vpon their comming to­wards Essex, they all flocked and thronged about them: whereupon the Lord Keeper in an audible voice deliuered to the Earle the Queenes message, [Page] That they were sent by her Maiestie to vnderstand the cause of this their assembly, and to let them knowe that if they had any particular cause of griefes against any persons whatsoeuer, they should haue hearing and iustice.

Whereupon the Earle of Essex in a very lowd and furious voyce declared, That his life was sought, And that hee should haue bene murdered in his bed, And that he had bene perfidiously dealt withall, and o­ther speeches to the like effect. To which the Lord Chiefe Iustice saide, If any such matter were at­tempted or intended against him, it was fit for him to declare it, assuring him both a faithfull relation on their part, and that they coulde not faile of a princely indifferencie and iustice on her Maiesties part.

To which the Earle of Southampton tooke oc­casion to obiect the assault made vpon him by the Lord Gray: which my Lord Chiefe Iustice re­turned vpon him, and saide, That in that case iu­stice had bene done, and the partie was in prison for it.

Then the Lord Keeper required the Earle of Essex, that if he would not declare his griefes open­ly, yet that then hee would impart them priuately, and then they doubted not to giue him or procure him satisfaction.

Vpon this there arose a great clamor among the multitude, Away my Lord: they abuse you, they be­tray you: they vndoe you: you lose time. Whereupon my L. Keeper put on his hat, and said with a louder [Page] voyce then before: My Lord, let vs speake with you priuately, and vnderstand your griefes: and, I doe com­maund you all vpon your allegiance, to lay downe your weapons, and to depart. Vppon which wordes the Earle of Essex and all the rest, as disdaining com­mandement, put on their hats: and Essex some­what abruptly went from him into the house, and the Counsellors followed him, thinking hee would haue priuate conference with them, as was required.

And as they passed through the seuerall roomes, they might heare many of the disordered companie crie, Kill them, kill them: and others cry­ing, Nay, but shoppe them vp, keepe them as pledges, cast the great Seale out at the windowe, and other such audacious and traiterous speeches. But Essex tooke holde of the occasion and aduantage, to keepe in deed such pledges if he were distressed, and to haue the countenance to leade them with him to the Court, especially the two great Magi­strates of Iustice, and the great Seale of England if he preuailed, and to depriue her Maiestie of the vse of their counsell in such a strait, and to ingage his followers in the very beginning by such a capi­tall act, as the imprisonment of Counsellors cary­ing her Maiesties royall commaundement for the suppressing of a rebellious force.

And after that they were come vp into his booke chamber, hee gaue order they should bee kept fast, giuing the charge of their custodie prin­cipally to Sir Iohn Dauis, but adioyned vnto him [Page] a warder, one Owen Salisburie, one of the most se­dicious and wicked persons of the number, hauing beene a notorious robber, and one that serued the enemie vnder Sir William Stanley, and that bare a speciall spleene vnto my Lord Chiefe Iustice, who garded these honourable persons with Muskets charged, and Matches ready fiered at the chamber doore.

This done, the Earle (notwithstanding my Lord Keeper still required to speake with him) left the charge of his house with Sir Gilly Mericke, and v­sing these words to my Lord Keeper, Haue patience for a while, I will goe take order with the Maior and Sherifes for the Citie, and be with you againe within halfe an houre, issued with his troupe into London, to the number of two hundreth, besides those that remained in the house, choise men for har­dinesse and valour, vnto whom some Gentle­men, and one Noble man did after ioyne them­selues.

But from the time he went forth, it seemes God did strike him with the spirit of Amazement, and brought him round againe to the place whence he first moued.

For after he had once by Ludgate entred into the Citie, he neuer had as much as the heart or as­surance to speake any set or confident speech to the people (but repeated onely ouer and ouer his tale as he passed by, That he should haue bene murthered) nor to doe any act of foresight or courage: but he that had vowed hee would neuer bee cooped vp [Page] more, cooped himselfe first within the wals of the Citie, and after within the wals of an house, as arre­sted by Gods Iustice as an example of disloyaltie. For passing through Cheapeside, and so towards Smiths house, and finding, though some came a­bout him, yet none ioyned or armed with him, he prouoked them by speeches as he passed, The confessi­on of the Earle of Rut­land. The L. Sandis. to arme, telling them, They did him hurt and no good, to come about him with no weapons.

But there was not in so populous a Citie, where he thought himselfe held so deare, one man, from the chiefest Citizen, to the meanest Artificer or Prentise, that armed with him: so as being ex­tremely appalled, as diuers that happened to see him then, might visibly perceiue in his face and countenance, and almost moulten with sweate, though without any cause of bodily labour but on­ly by the perplexitie and horror of his minde, hee came to Smiths house the Sherife, where he refre­shed himselfe a little, and shifted him.

But the meane while it pleased God, that her Maiesties directions at Court, though in a case so strange and sudden, were iudiciall and sound. For first there was commaundement in the morning giuen vnto the Citie, that euery man should be in a readinesse both in person and armor, but yet to keepe within his owne doore, and to expect com­mandement: vpon a reasonable & politique con­sideration, that had they armed suddenly in the streetes, if there were any ill disposed persons, they might arme on the one side and turn on the other, [Page] or at least if armed men had bene seene to and fro, it would haue bred a greater tumult, and more bloodshed: and the nakednesse of Essex troupe would not haue so well appeared.

And soone after direction was giuen, that the Lord Burghley, taking with him the King of He­ralds, should proclaime him Traitour in the prin­cipall parts of the Citie: which was perfourmed with good expedition and resolution, and the losse and hurt of some of his Companie. Besides that, the Earle of Cumberland, and Sir Thomas Ger­rard Knight Marshall, rode into the Citie, and de­clared and notified to the people that hee was a Traitour: from which time diuers of his troupe withdrawing from him, and none other comming in to him, there was nothing but despaire. For ha­uing stayed a while, as is sayd, at Shirife Smiths house, and there changing his pretext of a priuate quarell, and publishing, That the Realme should haue bene solde to the Infanta, The confessi­on of the Erle of Rutl. the better to spurre on the people to rise, Essex confes­sion at the Barre. and called, and giuen commande­ment to haue brought armes and weapons of all sorts, and being soone after aduertised of the Pro­clamation, he came forth in a hurry.

So hauing made some stay in Gracious street, and being dismaid vpon knowledge giuen to him that forces were comming forwards against him vnder the conduct of the L. Admirall the Lieutenant of her Maiesties forces, and not knowing what course to take, he determined in the end to goe backe to­wards [Page] his own house, aswel in hope to haue found the Counsellers there, and by them to haue serued someturne, as vpon trust that towardes night his friends in the City would gather their spirits toge­ther, and rescue him, as himselfe declared after to M. Lieutenant of the Tower.

But for the Counsellers, it had pleased God to make one of the principall offenders his instru­ment for their deliuery: who seeing my Lords case desperate, & contriuing how to redeeme his fault, and saue himselfe, came to sir Iohn Dauis and sir Gil­lie Mericke, as sent from my Lord: and so procured them to be released.

But the Earle of Essex, with his companie that was left, thinking to recouer his house, made on by land towards Ludgate, where being resisted by a company of Pikemen and other forces, gathered together by the wise and diligent care of the Bi­shop of London, and commanded by sir Iohn Luson, and yet attempting to cleere the passage, he was with no great difficultie repulsed. At which en­counter sir Christopher Blunt was fore wounded, and yong Tracie slaine on his part: and one Waits on the Queenes part, and some other. Vpon which repulse he went backe and fled towards the Wa­terside, & tooke boat at Queene hiue, and so was re­ceiued into Essex house at the Watergate, which he fortified and baricado'd: but instantly the Lord Lieutenant so disposed his Companies, as all pas­sage and issue foorth was cut off from him both by [Page] land and by water, and all succours that hee might hope for, were discouraged: and leauing the Earle of Cumberland, the Earle of Lincolne, the Lord Tho­mas Howard, the Lord Gray, the Lord Burghley, and the Lord Compton, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Thomas Gerrard, with diuers others, before the house to landward, my Lord Lieutenant himselfe thought good, taking with him the Lord of Effingham, Lord Cobham, Sir Iohn Stanhope, Sir Robert Sidney, M. Foulk Greuill, with diuers others, to assaile the Gar­den and Banketting house on the Water side, and presently forced the Garden, and woon to the wals of the house, and was ready to haue assailed the house: but out of a Christian and honorable con­sideration, vnderstanding that there were in the house the Countesse of Essex, and the Ladie Rich, with their Gentlewomen, let the Earle of Essex know by Sir Robert Sidney, that hee was content to suffer the Ladies and gentlewomen to come forth. Whereupon Essex returning the Lord Lieutenant thanks for the compassion and care he had of the Ladies, desired onely to haue an houres respit to make way for their going out, and an houre after to barricado the place againe. Which because it could make no alteration to the hinderance of the seruice, the L. Lieutenant thought good to grant. But Essex hauing had some talke within of a sallie, and despairing of the successe, and thinking better to yeeld himselfe, sent word, that vpon some condi­tions he would yeeld.

But the L. Lieutenant vtterly refusing to heare [Page] of capitulations, Essex desired to speake with my Lord; who thereupon went vp close to the house: and the late Earles of Essex and Southampton, with diuers other Lords and Gentlemen their partakers, presented themselues vpon the leades: and Essex sayd, hee would not capitulate, but intreat, and made three petitions. The first, That they might be ciuilly vsed: Whereof the Lord Lieutenant assured them. The second, That they might haue an honou­rable triall: Whereof the Lord Lieutenant answe­red, they needed not to doubt. The third, That he might haue Ashton a Preacher with him in prison for the comfort of his soule: Which the Lord Lieutenant said he would mooue to her Maiesty, not doubting of the matter of his request, though he could not absolutely promise him that person. Whereupon they all with the ceremony amongst marshall men accustomed, came downe & submitted themselues and yeelded vp their swords, which was about ten of the clocke at night, there hauing beene slaine in holding of the house, by musket shot, Owen Salis­burie, and some few more on the part of my Lord, and some fewe likewise slaine and hurt on the Queenes part, and presently, aswell the Lordes as the rest of their confederates of quality were seue­rally taken into the charge of diuers particular Lords and Gentlemen, and by them conueyed to the Tower and other prisons.

So as this action, so dangerous in respect of the person of the Leader, the maner of the combi­nation, and the intent of the plot, brake forth and [Page] ended within the compasse of twelue houres, and with the losse of little blood, and in such sort as the next day all Courts of Iustice were open, and did sit in their accustomed maner, giuing good Sub­iects, and all reasonable men iust cause to thinke, not the lesse of the offenders treason, but the more of her Maiesties princely magnanimitie and pru­dent foresight in so great a perill, and chiefly of Gods goodnesse, that hath blessed her Maiesty in this, as in many things else, with so rare and di­uine felicitie.

[Page]