THE NECESSITIE OF RELIGION, FOR THE CON­seruation and perfection of the vvorlde, is proued by the reduction, and returne of all creatures to their beginning and first cause, that is to say, God their Creator. CHAP. I.

1 SVCH is the simpathy, and correspon­dence betwixt the body, and the par­tes thereof, that whatsoeuer is conue­nient, and necessary for the whole, is also necessary for euery parte, for with the whole, the partes are ioyntly con­serued, or destroyed; therefore whe­reas I am now to shew the fruit, digni­tie, and necessitie of religion in com­mōwelths, kingdomes, & states (which are but partes of the world) I thinke it not amisse first to shew, that religion is so necessary, for the conserua­tion of the whole world, that the same could not stand without it; whereby two thinges will manifestly appeare, the one, that religion is consequentlie necessarie for the conseruation of all commonweal­thes; and the other, that the politikes, who reduce religion to a bare name, and matter of opinion, or fantasy (contenting themselues with the shew, and apparance thereof in the states, where they gouerne) doe, asmuch as in them lyeth tend to the destruction, not only of commonwelth, but also of the whole world.

2 This will easely be made manifest to any man, that hath had but any tast of Philosophy, which teacheth that the world, and all thinges therin being produced by one first cause, doe not only continually de­pend thereon, but also are finally reduced therto, and could not [Page 2] otherwise subsist, and be conserued; which I will proue to be the especiall effect of religion.

First therefore I will treat of the reductiō of all thinges to almighty God, their first cause and beginning: And after I will declare, how the same is wrought, and performed; Let vs heare then, the doctrin of some of the most ancient, and best philosophers.

Diogenes, Laertius Proaem. in vitas Philo­sopho. Marsilius Ficin. com­ment. in conuiuium Plato. oratio 2. c. 1. Ibid. Mercuri. de potestate & sapient. c. 3. Aristotle 12. metaph. c. 12.3 The Pithagorians who were the first that were called Philosophers (because theyr master Pithagoras being demaunded what he was or what he professed, answered, that he was Philosophus, a louer of wise­dome) taught that all thinges are measured, and gouerned by almighty God with a certayne Trinity, in respect of theyr beginninge, theyr midst, and theyr end, for that all thinges proceede from God, returne vnto him, and are perfected in him: for which cause also Orpheus, Mercurius Trismegistus and Plato call him, principium, medium, & finem vniuersi; The beginninge, midest, and end of the world, because as all creatures, are procreated, moued, and gouerned by him, so also they are referred to him, as to theyr end, and finally haue theyr consummation in him, and by him.

4 Therefore Aristotle compareth almighty God, to the General of an army, or master of a family, and the world to the army, or family, because all thinges in the world proceeding from God, their first cause, are also finally referred to him: as all thinges (sayth he) in an army haue theyr relation to the Generall, or in a family to the head thereof. Plato also affirmeth,Plato in Timaeo. that God is the beginninge, and end of all thinges, of some thinges ymmediately, and of others by the meanes of man, which how yt ys effected, shalbe declared after a while. Hereuppon Iamblicus (one of the cheefe platonickes) sayth,Iambli: apud Marsilium Ficin. in compendio in Timaeum. ca. 6. Proclus in element Thelog. Dionys. lib. d [...] diuin. no­m [...]nib. ca. 4. that yf all thinges had not a maruelous reuolution to God (from whom, and in whom they haue theyr being) in nihilum repentè corruerent; they vvould soddaynely fal [...] to nothing, which Proclus also confirmeth, saying, that all thinges haue a perpetuall recourse, and as yt were a refluxe to the fountayne from whence they first flow, that ys to say, to God.

5 Dionysius Areopagita a Christian philosopher, and most learned deuyne sayth to the same purpose, that euery thing in the world, ex op­timo est, & in optimum conuertitur: is of the best (that ys to say, hath beginning and being of God) and doth turne agayne to the best; which i [...] also conforme to our holly scriptures teaching expressely that, vniuers [...] propter semetipsum operatus est dominus, Prouerb. 16. our Lord made all thinges for him selfe, and that all thinges, are ex ipso, per ipsum, & in ipso, of him, by him and in him,Rom. 11. which last ys read in the Greeke [...], in ipsum, that [...] [Page 3] to say into him, signifying thereby the relation, and recourse that all thinges haue to God,Apocal. 1. Boet. de con­sola. philoso li. 3. metro. 9. in which respect he ys also called in the Apo­calipse, α. & ω. the beginninge, and end, and being as Boetius sayth.

The beginning, the gouernour, the guide, the vvay, and the last end vvhereto al thinges tend: such being his infinit bounty, and loue towardes his cre­atures, that he not only conserueth those thinges which he hath crea­ted but also conuerteth, and turneth them to him selfe.

6 For (as Dionysius Areopagita saith) the loue of God prooceeding from him, and extending it selfe to all, and euery one of his creatures,Dionys. lib. diuin. nom. ca. 4. ma­keth as it were a circle returninge, and drawing with it all thinges vnto him, whereby he doth not only conserue his creatures, but also consummat, and perfitt them. For then may any thing be truly said to haue consummation, and perfection, when being returned to the beginninge, from whence it was first deduced, it can goe no further, as we see it fall out in a circle which is ended, and perfited, when the lyne is reduced to the same point from whence it was first drawne; whereto Boetius may seeme to allude, when he saith thus.

The sence is, that all thinges do naturally desire to returne to their beginning, and nothing doth consummat the course, and order that nature hath assigned it, vntill it hath made à circuite, or circle, and en­ded where it beganne.

7 This being so, let vs now see, how this is accomplished, in the whole world, that is to say, how the world, and all thinges therein, are reduced to their beginninge. This is most truly, and euidently per­formed by the meanes of man, being Microcosmus, a litle world,Mercuri. Tris: ad Asclepium ca. 3. Mar. 16. and participating of the nature aswell of all heauenly, as of all earthly thinges: in which respect, he is called in the scripture, omnis creatura, euery creature, as S. Gregory noteth vppon the wordes of our Sauiour, praedicate Euangelium omni creaturae, preach the gospell to euery creature, because sayth S. Gregory, Omnis creaturae aliquid habet homo, &c. Man hath somethinge of euery creature, for he hath beinge common vvith stones, S. Gregor. in Marc. 16. Ho. 29. sense vvith bruite beastes, and vnderstanding vvith Angels.

8 Thus sayth he, besydes that it is also further to be vnderstood, that God gaue vnto man a participation, not only with all creatures [Page 4] in heauen, and earth, but also with him selfe, making him to his owne ymage and likenes, to the end he might be a meanes betwixt him and his other creatures, to vnite them and the whole world with him theyr creator, for nothing is more agreable to reason, nor more vsuall, or familiar to nature, then to conioyne two extreames by the meane of some thinge tempered,Cicero libr. de vniuersit. and composed of the nature of both. Omnia duo, &c. All tvvoo thinges (sayth Cicero) doe require some meane to serue them for a bond, or knot to vnite them: for euen as in a building or house the roofe cannot be connected with the fundation, but by the helpe and meane of some thinge in the middest (as of walls, or pillars which may extend to both) so in naturall thinges, there can be no connexion of extreames, but by some thing, which hauinge participation of theyr nature, may, as it were, touch them both and ioyne them together.

9 And this is euidently seene as well in all naturall societies, as in the naturall coniunction of all other thinges. In the oeconomical society, wee see, that the wife obeying her husband, and commanding her children, and seruants, is, as it were, the bond of the family, beinge partaker of the condition of both, the highest and lowest. And in ci­uil societie, wee see the like, wherein the king is vnited with his sub­iects by magistrates, communicating in commandement with him, and in obedience with them. Also in man himselfe, reason doth not otherwise performe her function, or doe her office in the gouerment of the body, but by the facultie, and power of sense, which hath part of both: And the like may be obserued in the motion, and progresse of nature, which doth not passe from the extreame heate of sommer, to the extreamitie of winters colde, but by the temperature of spring and autumne, which connecting the one with the other, doth accom­plish the course of the whole yeare.

10 Finally the same may be also in some sort noted in the blessed Trinitie, wherein the Father, and the Sonne, are vnited with perpe­tuall communication of the holy Ghost, proceeding from them both. It is therefore most requisit, that the same reason, and manner of con­nexion, which is seene, not only in creatures, but also in God their creator, should haue place in the whole world, that is to say, that man, whom God hath ordained to bee his lieutenant vppon earth, should haue a kind of midle condicion betwixt the highest, and the lowest nature, to the end that being conioyned with both, he might be a meane to vnite, and conioyne them both. This he doth princi­pally by the meanes of religion, as may appeare by the very etimology [Page 5] therof, for (whether we define religion to be the science of seruing God, Plut. in vita Pauli Aemi. Cicero l. 2. de nat. Deorū. D. Tho. 22. q. 81. ar. 5. c. Aug. de vera relig. Lactantius lib. 4. ca. 28. as Plutarke calleth it, or Iustice tovvards God whereby true worship is gi­uen him, as Cicero defineth it, or a vertue vvhereby vve doe due honour, and vvorship to God, as our deuynes say) the name of religion is deriued of the effect thereof, to wit, a relegando, of tying together (according to S. Augustine) because saith he, it tyeth and vniteth our soules vvith God our indeficient beginning, which Lactantius also affirmeth saying, that religion taketh that name a vinculo pietatis, from the bond of piety, because God doth tye vs vnto him thereby whiles we serue him as our lord, and obey him, as our father.lib. 2. de na­tur Deor. Thus saith Lactantius reiecting the deriuation of Cicero who in his booke, de natura deorum deduceth it a relegendo, from reading agayne, though neuertheles els where he seemeth to allude to the other etymology, speaking of the goods of Lētulus, which he saith were religioni religata, meaning therby that they were cōsecrated to the Gods.Cicero orat pro domo sua.

11 But whatsoeuer is to be thought of the nature, or etimology of the word religion (wherof there haue bene diuers opinions) there is no doubt, but that the especiall effect thereof, is, the vnion of man with God, and the reduction of all other creatures by his meanes to the seruice of their creator; for although almightie God taking vpon him our humaine nature, did therby vnite him selfe with al mākind in ge­nerall, yet the application of this general vnion to euerie man in par­ticuler, is principally wrought by the meanes of religion, as shall appeare in the next chapter.

In vvhat maner all creatures are reduced to God their Creator by religion, and by the vvay, the beginning, effect, vtilitie, and end of religion, is euidently decla­red out of the best philosophers: & consequently it is proued, that religion is so na­tural to man, that it can not be extuinguished, except mankind be extermina­ted, and the vvhole vvorlde dissolued: vvhereby the necessitie of religion, the prouidence of God, and the blindnes, and impietie of the polityke, is euidently shevved. CHAP. II.

1 THe force, and effect of religion to vnite man with God, was curiously obserued, and exactly taught by the most ancient, and best Philosophers, as first by Mercurius Trismegistus, who teaching that all thinges visible, and subiect to our senses, were created by almighty God, for the vse,Mercur. ad Asclep. c. 4. &. 6. and seruice of man, addeth that God made man to his ovvne image, & as vvell of an eternall, as of a mortall nature, to the end, he might discharge tvvo fun­ctiōs [Page 6] according to his diuerse natures, the one in the gouermēt of the earth, & the other in the contemplation, and seruice of God whereby man, (whom he calleth magnum miraculum, Ibid. ca. 3. a great miracle) may arriue, saith he, to such a combination, and society with God, that he may be of a deuine nature, and as it were a God.

Arist. ethic. lib. 10. cap. 7.2 Aristotle in like sort teacheth, that there are two functions of the vnderstanding of man, whereof the one consisteth principally in the contemplation of God, and of coelestiall thinges, the other in action. By the first, man vniteth himselfe with God, by the second, he com­municateth with other creatures; and this contemplation, whereof Aristotle speaketh, is nothing els but religion, or a necessary part there­of,Arist. ethic. li. 10. ca. 8. as it is euident, for that Aristotle placing the felicity of man therin, requireth thereto not only the knowledg of God (without the which there can be no contemplation of him) but allso the loue, and wor­ship of him, and all perfection of vertue; and therefore concluding his disputation of the felicity of man,Ibid. he saith, that the contemplatiue man is most happy, both because he is most vertuous, and also because he is most like to God, and best beloued of him, and cherished, rewar­ded, and benifited by him. And as for the worship of God, seeing Ari­stotle allso in his Ethicks requireth of euerie man that he honour, and worship God,lib. 8. c. 14. so much as he possibly may, which no man (saith he) can doe so much as he ought, there is no doubt, but that he holdeth the same to be most requisit in his contemplatiue man, whome he affir­meth to be the greatest louer, and frind of God, and best beloued of him, as I haue declared. So that it is manifest, that the contemplation (whereto Aristotle ascribeth the amitie, and vnitie of man with God) is eyther religion,Plato in Ti­maeo 3. & de leg. li. 4. or a necessary part therof.

3 Plato teaching that al thinges on earth were made for the behoofe, and seruice of man, and man himselfe for the seruice of God, assigneth no other end thereof, but only that man may be vnited with him, and therefore he saieth, that we must not contemplate God, only to know him, but much more to worship, and loue him, to the end we may contract a straight amitie, and frindship with him, for those (saith he) vvhich knovv God, Vide Iauell. in Epiteme in Ethic. Pla ton Tract. 4. c. 2. are not gratefull vnto him, except they loue him, and those vvhich both knovv, & loue him, are not acceptable vnto him, for their knovvledg, but for their loue, for a man may knovv God, and bee his enemie, and blaspheme him, vvhich he cannot doe, and loue him. Thus teacheth he, who also requi­reth that this loue of God in man, be not a superficiall, and a light affection, but a most feruent, and pure loue, correspondent to his infi­nit beauty, bounty, and goodnes, that is to say, a loue sine modo aut ter­mino, [Page 7] without measure or end, due to God alone for himselfe,Plato in Phaedone & Simposio. Idem in Ti­maeo. in Alci­biade. 2. 4. de leg. in Eutiphron. Vide Iauell. vbi supra c. 1. 2. &. se­quent. & to all creatures for God; by which loue man may be so linked & cōioyned with God, that they may become, as it were, both one; whereto Plato also requireth the worship and seruice of God, consisting in adoration, [...]es, praiers, sacrifices, oblations, pietie, modestie and humilitie, all which concurring are nothing els but religion.

4 To Plato I will adde only two of his followeres, to wit Porphyrius, and Iamblicus, who teaching that man is ioyned with God by religion, doe withall, notably shew, and explicat, the reason, beginning, force, effect, vtilitie, and end thereof: whereto I wish the politikes to be attentiue, to the end they may learne of the verie paynims, that reli­gion is not a matter of fantasie or humayne deuice, but that it floweth from the very fountaine of nature it selfe. Porphyrius attributing the combination, and connexion of man with God, to the only force,Vide Marsil, Ficinū pro­logo in Ti­maeo. ca. 6. and effect of religion, doth vse notable reasons to teach and perswade the excellencie, and necessity thereof. Whereof the first is, that whereas God is all in all, and man but (as it were) a part of all, it is necessarie that man do conuert, and turne himself vnto God, to the end he may be conserued by him, and receyue health both of body, and soule, se­ing the part cannot haue conseruation or health but from the whole. The second is, that seing all humane thinges are subiect to mutation & change of good, and bad successe, it is therefore necessarie that God who guideth, and gouerneth the affaires of men, be adored and serued by them. The third reason is, that we may by the adoration, and wor­ship of him be combyned, and ioyned with him, wherein (saith Por­phyry consisteth all the force, and fruite of adoration in this life. The fourth and last is, that seing we are the children of God, but seperated and as it were banished from him in this exile, and prison of the world, it is conuenient that we worship, and serue him here with all piety, to the end that being deliuered hence, we may returne to him, for otherwise we shall for euer be like to Orphanes, that are depri­ued of theyr Parents.

5 Thus saith Porphyrius, who also teacheth that there groweth such a familiarity, and vnion betwixt God, and man by the meanes of re­ligion, when it is accompanied with puritie and sanctitie of life,Porphyrius de Sacrificijs ca. vlt. that he calleth the true religious, and contemplatiue man, a deuine man, and the incontaminat temple of God: and saith further, that hauing God in himselfe, he hath an assured pledge of life euerlastinge, & to­tus translatus ad Deum Iouis familiaris euadit, and being wholy as it were in the possessiō of God, becōmeth his familiar, or fauorit; thus saith he.

[Page 8]6 Iamblicus an other famous Platonik, deriuing religion, and the first instinct thereof,Vide Marsil. Ficinum vbi supra. from no other roote, but from almighty God, affir­meth that God hauing created man to his owne likenes, doth draw, and reduce him to him selfe; for seing, that nature, saith he, flowing from God, imparteth to diuerse inferiour things a certaine simpathy, and conueniency with the superiour, whereby they haue alwayes an inclination and disposition to follow the course therof (as wee see by experience in those thinges wherin the sunne, and moone doe predo­minat) much more doth the father, and creator of soules, imprint in them a certaine force, or instinct, which continualy moueth, and dra­weth them to him,Iamblic. de mysterijs Ae­gyptior. §. 1. which naturall instinct Iamblicus calleth tactum quē­dam diuinitatis, a certayne touch of diuinity, better, and more certayne then any humane knovvledge, and hereuppon groweth the naturall propension, and inclination in man to the adoration, and worship of God, that is to say, to religion, and Gods gratefull acceptancie thereof at mans hand, when it is duly performed.

7. Thus teacheth Iamblicus, and the like, or rather the very same in effect is taught by Proclus, Plotinus, and other Platonicks, who speake of these thinges so deuinely, and so like contemplatiue Christians (as shall farther appeare hereafter) that the Politikes, and Atheists of our times, may be ashamed of their blindnes, seing that pretendinge, as they doe, to weigh all thinges in the ballance of reason, and seeming to them selues farre wiser, and of clearer sight then other men, yet cannot see that, which these Philosophers saw to be conforme to reason, to wit, that God made man to his owne image, giuing him a reasonable soule, capable of the knowledge of him, imprinting the­rein the instinct of religion, that is to say, a naturall inclination to adore, worship, and serue him, whereby man may be conioyned with him, and attaine to the greatest felicitie which may be had in this life. And this I shal not neede to confirme with the testimonies of our scriptures, and Christian Fathers, for that no true Christian man is eyther ignorant, or doubtful of it, whereof neuerthelesse I shal haue occasion to say somwhat hereafter, and therefore I wil only shew now for the present, how it foloweth vppon this coniunction of man with God, that the whole worlde is reduced to God, and combyned with him, by the benefit of mans religion.

8 For although all creatures, may truly & properly be said to returne or to be reduced to their Creator, partly because they serue him, to what vse soeuer it pleaseth him to ordaine; and partly because they glorifie him, in giuinge manifest testimonie of his infinite bountie, [Page 9] wis­dome, omnipotencie, and other his diuine perfections expressed in them: neuerthelesse not only their returne, and reduction to him, but also their combination with him, is most euidently and excellently, wrought and performed by the religion of man, especially three wayes. The first, by a certaine consequence of the subordination that all earthlie creatures haue to man, and man to God. For as in a king­dome gouerned by a kinges lieutenant, or deputie, when the subiects doe obeye the lieutenant, and he the king, all the people is vnited with the king, by the meanes of the lieutenants obedience: so also, when all creatures inferior to man serue him, & he serueth & worshippeth God, they are all connected, and cōbyned with God by the religion of man.

9 The second waye is; That for asmuch as by the consideration of Gods ineffable wisdome, omnipotencie, and bountie in the creation, and disposition of all his creatures, man is induced, not onlie to know God, but also to honour, praise, and serue him, all creatures may also be said to honour, praise, and serue God in man, and by man, whereto the three children in the furnace inuited them, saying, Be­nedicite omnia opera domini domino, &c. All the workes of our lord prayse yee our lord, &c. which they doe most properlie by the religion of man. For (as Euthymius saith) Laus qua ego deum laudo propterilla, Euthim. eorum quoque laus efficitur &c. The praise vvhich I giue to God for them, becommeth theyrs, vvhen I take occasion by them to prayse God.

10 The third consideration is yet more particular, because man doth not only vse the seruice, or helpe of al creatures, for the seruice of God, but also doth by religion particularly offer, and dedicate them, vnto him for the most part, eyther vowing, or consecrating them to his ho­nour, or applyinge them to some holy vse for his service, in sacrifices, oblations, tithes, first fruites, ceremonyes, in the buildinge, or orna­ment of temples, and churches, and in other acts of religion: And as for such creatures as are not fitt, for any religious act, or holy vse (as noysome beasts, serpents, poysons, and such like) such doe also glori­fie God by the meanes of mans religion, by the which their natures are manie tymes tempered, and corrected, and made eyther harmeles, or els beneficiall to the seruants of God, for his greater glorie, accor­ding to the promise of our Sauiour, to such, as should beleue in him. Serpentes tellent, & si mortiferum quid biberint, &c. Marci. 16. They shall take avvay serpentes, and yf they drinke any poysoned thing, it shall not hurt them.

11 Finallie all creatures what soeuer in heauen, earth, or hell become at one time or other obedient, or pliable to mans will by the meanes of religion, for the seruice, and glorie of God. Moyses by religion tur­ned [Page 10] the riuers of Egipt into blood,Exod. cap. 7. Cap. 8. & 9. Ib d. cap. 14. Exod. 17. Psal. 113. Iosue. 10. 4. Reg. 1. Ibid. c. 2. cap. 4. killed the fish therein, destroyed the Egiptians with froggs, flies, plague, thunder, lightning, and fiery haile, made the sea giue place, and passage to the children of Israell, and turned the stone, and rocke into streames of vvater. Iosue staied the course of the sunne, and moone a whole day together. Elias commaunded fire to come from heauen, to deuoure the captaynes, and souldiars of king Ochosias. Elizeus purified the poysoned fountaine of Hiericho, reuiued the dead, and chaunged the tast, and nature, of bitter, and pe­stiferous herbes. The three children represt the force of fire, & walked securely in the burninge furnace.Dan. 3. Ibid. cap. 14. Ion. 2. 2. Cor. 11. Daniel remained safe in the dungeon amongst the hungry lions. Ionas hauing bene in the belly of the whale three daies, and S. Paule in the bottome of the sea a day, and a night were restored to land aliue; To conclude, by religion the seruants of God commaunde deuels, triumphe ouer all infernall powers, and drawe the verie Angels, and celestiall spirites to their helpe and assi­stance, when the seruice and glorie of God requireth it; so that by the religion of man, all thinges good, and bad, glorifie and serue God. In which respect S. Iohn in the Apocalipse saith that he heard,Apoc. 5. Omnem creaturam &c. Euery creature vvhich is in heauen, vppon earth, and vnder the earth, and in the sea, say vnto him vvhich sate in the throne, and to the lambe, benedicto & honor, & gloria, & potestas in saecula saeculorum, blessing, and honour, and glory, and povver for euer and euer.

12 Thus then we see, how the circle (as I may terme it) of the world is consummat, and perfected by mans religion, whereby all thinges, are reduced to theyr first beginninge, that is to say, to almightie God their creator, for whose seruice they were created: wherein ap­peareth the infinit wisdome, and goodnes of God, his prouidence in mans affaires, and the admirable force, and effect of religion, which may therefore be tearmed the indissoluble bond of the world, or a diuine knot, or lynke, whereby man, and all other creatures, are tyed, and knit to their creator: which knot, whosoeuer seeke to dissolue (as our politykes doe) they consequentlie conspire the dissolution, and destruction of the whole world. To conclude, it is most euident by all the precedent discourse, that religion is so naturall to man, and so farr from being a matter of conceit, or opinion, or an humaine inuention (as the politikes esteeme it to be) that except humaine nature be vtterlie extirped, and mankind exterminated, religion cannot be extinguished.

It is obiected, that the philosohers vvhich haue beene alleadged in the former chapters, vvere Idolaters, and that therfore their testimonies, for matters of Christian religion are impertinent, and not to be vsed by Christians. The obiection is ansvvered; and it is proued, that the religion vvhereof the phi­losophers treate, vvas true religion, consisting in the vvorship of one God, vvhom they acknovvleged to be the author of nature. Also, that philo­sophie is the handmaide of our deuinitie, and to be vsed for the confirma­tion thereof, vvith certaine considerations prouing the necessitie of religion, and the ignorance, and blindnesse of politiques. CHAP. III.

1 BVt some perhaps wil say vnto me, that these Philosophers, (vppon whose authoritie I haue hitherto relyed) treat not of true religion, for that they neuer knew it, but rather of the Idolatrie which possest the world in theyr tymes, or of some other deuise of their owne, seeing that the ancient Philoso­phers before Christ (as Mercurius Trismegistus, Plato and Aristotle) reiec­ted the religion of the Iewes, and the other more moderne since Christs tyme (as Porphyrius, Iamblicus, Proclus and Plotinus) contemned and vtterlie condemned, the Christian religion, wherevppon it may seeme to folow, that theyr testimonyes, which I haue produced, are to no purpose for the confirmation of true religion.

2 For the satisfaction of this scruple, and the better explication of al this question concerning religion, it is to be vnderstood, that the phi­losophers treating of the worship, and honour of God consisting in religion, did vnderstand, that worship and seruice of God, which man is bound by the law of nature, and taught by the light of reason to yeald him alone, whome they knew, and acknowledged to be the first cause of all causes, and the author of nature, and of all natural thinges, as I haue sufficiently declared in the first part of this treatise,In the pre­face. and therfore neede not to repeate it here: only I wil add that there was none of them so simple, or senseles, but that he dispised the false gods that were worshipped in those times, as Iupiter, Iuno, Venus, Mars, Mercury, and the rest, whom they knew to be most wicked men, in so much, that Socrates was put to death by the Athenians for impugning them, and denying the multitude of gods.

3 Neuertheles, for as much as they knew, and confessed God,Rom. 1. and did not glorifie him (as the Apostle saith) but trusted wholie to their [Page 12] owne wisdome, puft vp with pride of their knowledg, being (as S. Hierome calleth them) base bondslaues of popular praise, men (for the most part) most sensuall, and impure of life: (as I haue sufficientlie shewed in my first part) for this cause, I saie, they were iustlie giuen ouer by almightie God into a reprobat sense, in so much that thin­king themselues vvise (as the Apostle saith) they became such fooles, Rom. 1. that they not onlie worshipped the common gods, which they them­selues derided, but allso did accomodat their bookes, and writin­ges in manie thinges, to the common opinion of the people, least otherwise they might incurre the penaltie of the lawes, as Socrates had donne, & hereuppon it grew, that (as S. Augustine affirmeth) they pro­fessed, Augustin li. d [...] v [...]a reli­gion [...] ca. 1. and practised publickelie one religion vvith the people, and taught priuatly in theyr schooles an other, consisting in the contemplation, and worship of the author of nature, which being considered purelie in it selfe, as voyd of all Idolatrie and superstition, was true religion, and may in some sort, be said to be the same that ours is, with this difference, that in them, it was onlie naturall, and therfore imperfect, and in vs it is not onlie naturall, but also enriched, and perfected by Gods grace, for grace doth not abolish nature, but reforme, and repayre it, illumi­nat, and strengthen it, enrich, and adorne it, and finallie bringeth it to that perfect felicitie, and happines whereto God hath ordeined it.

4 So that naturall religion, which the Philosophers knew, & taught, was true religion, and maie be called both theyrs, and ours, differing onlie in them and vs, as an infant differeth from himselfe afterwards, when he becommeth a man. For, if we consider the progresse, that religion hath made in mankind from the beginninge, and creation of man, it may be said, that being considered in it selfe after his fall, it was borne weake, and naked, and receyued first clothing, and growth in the law of nature, wherein it passed a kynd of infancie, and after grew to more strength, and stature in the law of Moyses, as in a kynd of youth, and now lastlie being augmented, and illuminated with the faith of our Sauiour Christ, and infinit giftes, and graces of the holie Ghost, it is growne to perfection.

5 Therefore seeing the religion, which the philosophers taught, and beleeued, was not only true religion, but also the same which we professe (though not in such perfection) two thinges follow thereon: the one that we may with great reason vse, & transferre their doctrine concerning religion, to the confirmation of ours. For (as Clemens Alexandrinus saith) philosophy vvas giuen by almighty God to the Gentilles, Clem. Alex. [...]rom li. 6. as their proper testament, to serue for the foundation of Christian philosophy, or [Page 13] rather as he saith in an other place) to serue it for a hand mayd. Clem. Alex. li. 1. strom. Gen. 16. In which respect he compareth the philosophy of the Gentils to Agar, and our Theology to Sara, to whome Abraham said of Agar. Ancilla tua in manu tua est, vtere ea, vt libet. Thy handmaid is in thy ovvne povver, vse her as it plea­seth thee. Gregor. nis­in vita Moy­sis. Deut. cap: 21 v: 12. And Gregorius Nissenus alluding to the law of the ould testa­ment which commaunded, that no Iew should marrie any forrayne woman, whom he should take prisoner, except he did first shaue her head, and pare her nayles) compareth philosophie to the captyue wo­man, whom he saith the Christian may marrie, so that he cut of her superfluous, and extrauagant opinions, and conforme her to Christian philosophie, that is to say, to the law of Christ. And to the same pur­pose also, one of our latter deuines saith notably thus.Hugo de S. Victore in exordio su­per Ecclsia Hierarch. Philisophis datū est adeo Philosophari propter nos &c. God ordayned that the Philosophers should teach theyr philosophy for vs, to the end that they might cultiuate, and till the barrayn fieldes of mens myndes, & sovv notable seedes of doctrine, vvhich vve might aftervvards reape, vvhen it should be ripened vvith the sunne, and heate of our faith.

Thus he, following S. Augustin, who saith, that all those thinges vvhich the philosophers taught, consonant to our faith, ought to be taken from them as from vsurpers, or vniust possessors, and to be applied to our vse, as Ciprian (saith he) Lactantius, Victorinus, Hilarius and others haue done.

The other thing which I conclude vpon the Philosophers doctrin is, that those which measure all their beleefe concerning matter of religion with onlie reason, cannot with anie show of reason denie those poyntes of Christian catholike doctrin, which the most famous Phi­losophers were forced by the verie light of nature, and reason to con­fesse: As that there is one God, the author of nature, and of naturall thinges, that he made man to his owne ymage, and for his owne ser­uice, and that therefore he gaue him a reasonable soule, capable of the knowledge of him, and endewed with an instinct of religion, by the which he might not onlie worship, honour, and serue him, but also be most happilie vnited with him euen in this life, as I haue part­lie showed alreadie, and wil doe much more amplie hereafter.

6 Seeing thē, that the Philosophers doe teach, not only these poynts [...]ast mentyoned, but also the finall reduction, of all creatures to their beginning, that is to say, to God their creator, and seeing also I haue proued the same to be most fullie, and euidentlie performed by the meanes of mans religion, yea, and that God is glorified in man, and all other creatures thereby, it must needes follow, as I haue noted before, that religion is most naturall, and necessarie, [Page 14] not onlie for man, but also for the whole world, and that whosoeuer derogateth from it, doth iniurie both to God, and to all his creatures and seeketh as much as in him lyeth, to breake the indissoluble bond, with the which God, and they are connected, and the world perfit­ted, and conserued.

7 And to all this, I will yet add for the cōclusion of this chapter, two other considerations of mans infinit obligation, to worship, and serue God. The one is, the incōprehensible excellencie of his deuine nature: For yf men doe worthily honour, and reuerence a king, or prynce, for the only dignity of his person, though they be not his subiects, what honour, worship, and seruice is due to him, that is king of kings, and lord of lords, not by election, or succession, but by nature, in whome all the seuerall excellencies, and perfections of all creatures are ioynt­lie, infinitlie, and incomparablie supereminent, as in theyr first cause, being infinit in power, wisdome, iustice, bounty, beauty, knowledg, veritie, nobility, maiesty, felicitie? In which respect the beastlie Epi­curians them selues, though they denied the diuine prouidence in the affaires of men,Cicero de natura deo­rum. confessed neuertheles and acknowledged the necessitie of religion, for the reuerence, and worship of God, in respect of the most admirable, and ineffable perfections of his deuine nature, as ap­peareth in Cicero in his bookes de natura deorum.

8 The other consideration is grounded on our Christian faith, tea­ching our duty, and obligation to the seruice of God, in respect o [...] our creation, conseruation, and redemption, yea and of the eternal [...] reward due by his promise for his seruice, and eternall punishmen [...] threatned for the contempt thereof. But of these poyntes I shall no [...] neede to say any thing now in particular, both because our Christia [...] doctrine is of it selfe most euident in that behalfe, and also becaus [...] there wilbe many occasions offred to speake thereof in this discourse▪

To shevv the necessitie of religion in common vvealth, it is cleerly proued, as vve [...] by the philosophers, as by deuines, that the end, and true felicitie of euer [...] man in this life, and of common vvealthe, consisteth in religion. And finalli [...] it is declared, hovv temporall commodityes may serue, and avayle to th [...] felicitie of common vvealth. CHAP. IIII.

1 HAuing shewed in the former chapters aswell the necessitie as the admirable force, and effect of religion, generally i [...] the whole world, I wil now shew the same particularli [...] in common welth, which may appeare not onlie by th [...] [Page 15] generall consequence, & inference that may be made from the whole to euerie part (as that religion being necessarie for the whole world, must needes be necessarie for common welth, which is a part thereof) but much more in respect of the speciall force, fruite, and office of religion, in common welth; which I will deduce from the considera­tion, and proofe, of an infallible, and irrefragable veritie, to wit, that the cheefe end, and felicitie whereto common welth is naturallie or­dayned, consisteth in religion, that is to say, in the due worship, and seruice of God: which being declared, and proued, will serue for a most solid, and sure foundation to the building of this whole treatise, and by necessarie consequence, draw after it diuerse important consi­derations, and conclusions, which I will after prosecute for the more cleare vnderstanding of all that which belongeth to common welth.

2 Now then, to fynde out the true end and felicitie of common wealth,Aristot. li. 7. polit. it shalbe conuenient to waigh the force of an argument of Aristotle discussing, and resoluing the same question, who sheweth euidentlie in few wordes, that the end, and felicitie of euerie particular man, and common welth, is all one; his Argument is this. Seeing, that euerie particular man in the cittie, and all the citi­zens are of one, and the self same nature, and that the felicitie of all the cittie, or common welth, doth grow of the felicitie, or happines of euerie particular citizen: it must needes follow, that the felicitie of euerie particular man, and of the whole com­mon welth is all one, as the power (saith he) to laugh is one, and the selfe same in euery man, and in all mankynd. Thus reasoneth Aristotle, and his argument is demonstratyue, whereby it appeareth, that to shew the true end and felicitie of common welth, it shalbe conuenient to declare, what is the end, and true felicitie of euerie man in this life.

And although the same is in parte performed allready in the two former chapters, where it appeareth by the opiniōs of the best philo­sophers, that God made mā to noe other end, but for his owne seruice, that is to say, to the end to worship, honour, and serue him by true religion, and to be thereby most happily vnited with him (where vpon it foloweth that both the end, and also the felicitie of man in this life consisteth in religion) though, I say, this appeareth allreadie, yet because I handled not the same of purpose to shew the end, and feli­city of man, but only touched it, by the way, vppon an other occasion, I will now more amply treat therof, as of a matter most important, and necessary to the whole subiect of this treatise.

[Page 16]3 First then I will beginne with the doctrine of the Philosophers Aristotle and the Peripatetikes, being most curious, and subtile searchers of nature, obserued, that as in all thinges that haue substance, some are more excellent then other, and one substance (to wit God) most excellent of all other, whereto all other are referred, as to theire end (which therefore hath no relation to anie other thinge) so allso in the actions of men, some are better, and more noble then others, and one action the best, and most worthy of all the rest, to the which, they all ought to be referred,Aristotle. Ethic. li. 10. ca. 6. & 7. as to theire end, and in this action these philosophers placed the felicitie of man, determininge, that whoso­euer arriueth to the perfect excercise of that action, is as happy as man can be in this life. And for as much as reason taught them that this best action of man, must needs proceede from the worthiest, and best part of man, and that nothinge is more worthy, and noble in him, then his vnderstanding, and againe no action of the vnderstanding better then the contemplation of God,Ibid. they concluded by a necessary consequence, that mans felicitie in this life, consisteth in the contem­plation of God,Chap. 2. nu. 2. chap. 2. Idem ibid. cap. 8. to the perfection whereof they required not only the worship, but also the loue of God, and practise of all vertue: as I haue shewed before in the second chapter out of Aristotle, who houldeth his contemplatiue, or wise man, to be most happy, because he is most vertuous, and in fauour with God, and cherished, and benifited by him. Besides that,Idem ibid. li 8. c. 14. I haue also declared in the same place, that Aristotle requi­reth in his contemplatiue man, the worship of God in the highest degree, which concurring with the loue of God, and the true excer­cise of vertue, is nothing els but religion: whereby it appeareth, that the contemplation whereto Aristotle, and the Peripatetikes his folo­wers ascribed the end, and felicitie of man, doth principally consist in religion.

Cicero li. 4. de sinib.4 The like may be iustlie affirmed of the opinion of the Stoikes, who placed the end, and happines of man, in a conformitie of mans life to the rule, and lawe of nature, by the exact exercise, and practise of the morall vertues, whereof the cheefe is religion, which as I haue declared is, iustitia erga Deum, iustice towardes God, whereby his due honour is duly rendred vnto him. Besides that, nothing is more con­forme to nature, then that the author of nature be duly worshipped, honored, and serued, which euidently appeareth to be the opinion of the Stoickes, by theyr doctrine of Gods particular prouidence in the go­uerment of the world,Seneca. lib. 4 de benef. c. 6. and of the affaires of men, as is manifest in Se­nica the famous Stoicke, who in that respect not only condemneth, and [Page 17] detesteth the ingratitude of Atheists towards God, in that they acknow­ledged to haue receyued all their particular benefites, of nature,Idem de pro­uid. c. 1. & 4. & 5. and not of him, but also requireth a most perfect, and sincere obedience in man, and a resignation of his wil, to the will of God, in the patiēt suffering, & willing acceptaunce, of all the calamities that it shall please God to lay vppon him in this life,Cap. 2. nu. 23. & chap. 25. nu. 27. & 28. as I haue amplie shewed in Senecas owne wor­des, in the first part of this treatise: so that there can be no doubt, but that the felicitie of man, which he, and other Stoicks attributed to the exer­cise of vertue, according to the praescript of nature, did in theyr opinion consist in the worship, loue, and seruice of God the author of nature, that is to say, in religiō, which is the principall vertu, & most naturall to man, as may appeare by the naturall instinct thereof most euident in all men.

5 And as for Plato, and his followers, it is manifest by that which I haue signified at large in the second chapter, that he, and all they,Chap. 2. nu. 3.4.5.6. & 7 taught expresselie, that the end, whereto man is ordayned, is religion, seeing they affirmed that he was created by almightie God to his image, and liknes, and for his seruice, that is to say, to loue, honour, and worship him, and by that meanes to be vnited with him, which they ac­counted the onlie felicitie of man in this life, and that the same should be consummated in the life to come, by the perfect vision and fruition [...]f God; as though they should say with S. Paule. 1. Cor. 13. Nunc videmus per specu­ [...]um in aenigmate, tunc facie ad faciem, &c. Novv vve see as it vvere through a glasse, in obscuritie, then vve shall see face, to face, novv vve knovv in part, [...]hen vve shall knovv as vve are knovvne.

6 To this perfect felicitie of the life to come, Plato requireth the other felicitie of this life, as the high way that leadeth therto, and consisteth, [...]s he teacheth, in a religious wisdome: in which respect, he accounteth the speciall office, & dutie of a Philosopher, or wise man, to be,Plato de Rep. li. 6. & 7. & in Epinom. to search forth the reasons, and causes of all thinges, that he may thereby ascend to the knowledge of the diuine reason, whereby they were made (that [...]s to say, of the deuine nature, or God him selfe) and that knowing him, he may worship, and serue him, and so finallie come to enioie him; whereto he requireth much more vertue, and pietie in a wise man, or [...]hilosopher, then science, or knowledge, though he thinke the same [...]lso verie requisit, to the end, that God (the master of all science, and [...]he author of all thinges that are knowne) may be thereby the better [...]nowne by him, and the more sincerelie honored, and serued.

[...] Thus teacheth Plato in his Epinomis. Where he also affirmeth, that [...]eligion is the greatest of all vertues, and that the negligence, or con­ [...]empt thereof, is the cause, or mother of all vnhappie, and miserable [Page 18] ignorance: whereby it appeareth, that whereas Plato attributeth mans felicitie sometymes to wisdome, he meaneth nothing els but a religious wisdome, consisting both in the true knowledge of God, as also in the adoration, worship, and seruice of him. In which respect Lactantius saith of religion,Lactantius lib. de vera sapient. and wisdome thus. Non potest ne [...] religio a sapientia &c. Neyther can religion be separated from vvisedome, no [...] vvisedome from religion, because God is not onlie to be knovvne, and loued (vvhich belongeth to vvisdome) but also to be honored, and serued (vvhich belongeth t [...] religion) but vvisdome goeth before, and religion follovveth, for first vve knovv God, and then vve honour, and vvorshipp him: so that these tvvo names signifi [...] one force, the first consisting in sense, and vnderstanding, and the other in act▪ Thus farr Lactantius: which may also be confirmed out of our holie scrip­tures, wherein it appeareth, that true wisdome concurreth euer with re­ligion, or rather consisteth therein, that is to say, in the feare, loue, and worship of God, and in the obseruation of his commaundements, as [...] haue amplie proued in the first part of this treatise.

8 The like also I wish to be noted aswell in Plato, as in the Platonicks and other Philosophers, when they ascribe mans felicitie, some tymes to th [...] knowledge of God, sometymes to a similitude, or likenes of God i [...] man, and sometymes to the coniunction of man with God, seeing the [...] vnderstand the knowledge of God to be a part, or rather the ground o [...] religion, and the other two, to be the effects thereof: for the knowledg [...] of God is, as it were, the roote from whence religion, and all the fruite thereof doe spring,Sap. 15. in which respect the booke of wisdome saith: Scir [...] iustitiam & virtutem tuam Domine, immortalitatis radix est: To knovv thy iustice and povver, Ad As [...]lep. [...]. &. 6. o lord, is the roote of immortalitie. In which sense, Mercurius Tris­megistus saith, that the onlie felicitie of man is, cognitio maiestatis diuinae the knowledge of the deuine maiestie; vnderstandinge the knowledge o [...] God in perfection, that is to say, with all the fruite, and effect thereo [...] because in the roote, is conteyned the vertue, and perfection of al [...] the tree.

Ibidem. ca. 4. &. 6.9 This is euident in Mercurius himselfe, who ascribing the felicitie o [...] man, to his coniunction with God, requireth thereto, not onlie th [...] knowledge and worship of God, but also perfect pietie, vertue, and con­tēpt of riches,I [...] d. and of all other thinges, yea of the bodie it selfe, & this h [...] calleth as in deede it is) perfect religion, and mensuram hominis, the mea­sure, or rule, according to the which man ought to frame his life; And therefore the Platonicks doe also affirme, that by the meanes of religio [...] (which some of them call adoration) man is not onlie made like to God but also conioyned with him: wherein they place both the force of religion, [Page 19] and also the felicitie of man, as appeareth by that which I haue cyted in the second chapter out of Plato, Iamblicus, and Porphyrius: Chap. 2. Iamblicus de misterijs Aegipt. in fi­ne. Besides that, Iamblicus also saith, that onlie true adoration doth make soules happy, and restore them to theyr country, that is to say, to heauen, and that, no man can at­tayne to perfect happynes, but by the meanes thereof.

10 Hereby we see, that howsoeuer the best Philosophers may seeme in wordes to differ, and dissent one from an other, concerning the end, or felicitie of man, yet in sense and substance, they doe all notablie agree. For, whereas some of them do assigne mans felicitie to contemplation, some to the knowledge of God, some to wisdome, some to vertue, some to the adoration or worshipp of God, they all vnderstand eyther reli­gion, or such a part thereof, as cannot be perfect, but when it is ioyned with the whole.

11. And this manner of speach is very vsuall also in the holie scriptu­res themselues, concerning aswel mans iustification, as his felicitie, both which are atributed sometymes to the knowledge of God: as when our Sauyour said praying to his Father: haec est vita eterna &c: Ioan. 17. this is life euerla­sting that they may knovv thee, the only true God, and Iesus Christ vvhom thou hast sent: And sometymes agayne to the feare of God, as in the psalmist:Psalm. 111. Beatus vir qui timet dominū; happy is the man vvho feareth God: And somtymes to hope in God, as. Beatus homo, qui sperat in te: blessed is the man, that trusteth in thee: Psalm. 83. Ioan. 20. Somtymes to faith, or beleefe in God, as: Beati qui non viderūt, & crediderūt: blessed are those vvhich haue not seene, & beleeued: & otherwhiles to the obseruation of gods commandements, as:Psalm. 1. Beatus vir qui non abijt in consilio impio­rum, &c. happy is the man, that hath not gone in the councell of the vvicked, but his vvil is in the lavv of our lord &c. And this I say, is most vsuall in the scripture, for that the knowledge, feare, and loue of God, faith, hope, charitie, and the obseruation of his commandements (which are all re­quisit, to true, and perfect religion) doe alwayes, and must of necessitie concurre, whensoeuer mans happynes or iustification, is ascribed to any of them.

12 Therefore the Apostle teacheth, that, he vvhich saith he knovveth God, 1. Ioan. 2. and doth not keepe his commandements, is a lyer, and that, he vvhich loueth not, doth not knovv God. And the Preacher saith:Eccles. 2. qui timent dominum non incredi­ [...]iles erunt &c. those vvhich feare God, vvill not be incredulous to his vvorde, they vvil search vvhat is his vvill, and pleasure, they vvil sanctify theyr soules, and [...]eepe his commandements: And after againe for conclusion of his whole [...]iscourse, he saith: finem loquendi pariter omnes audiamus, deum time, Ibid. c. vlt. & [...]andata eius obserua, hoc est enim Omnis homo: let vs all heare the end, or conclusion [...]f all speech, feare God, and kepe his cōmandements, for this is euery man: thus saith [Page 20] the Preacher, giuing vs to vnderstand that the perfection, or end of euery man, consisteth in the feare of God, and the obseruation of his com­maundements, that is to say, in religion, and that when man dischargeth his dutie in that behalfe, he doth execute, and accomplish the proper office, whereto humane nature was ordayned.

13 This may farther appeare by that, which our holye scriptures also teach, concerninge the creation of man to the ymage of God, as the pre­c pts giuen him in paradise, the misery which followed vppon his trans­gression thereof, the lawes, and commaundements imposed vppon him both in the ould testament, and the new, penalties both temporall, and eternall threatned, like rewards promised, examples of Gods seuere iu­stice vppon offenders, and of his great benefits bestowed vppon his ser­uantes: all which, as also the whole course of the holye scriptures, and Christian doctrine, doe denounce nothing els to man, but that he is th [...] creature, and naturall bondslaue of God, and that therefore the end, and proper office, or function, whereto God ordayned him, is religion. Wher­uppon Lactantius saith:Lactan. lib. 4. cap. 28. Hac conditione, &c. VVe are created or made vvith th [...] condition, or to this end, that vve may yeld due honour, and seruice to God our trea­tor: And againe in an other place. Yf any man (saith he) should aske a man that is truly vvise, Ibid. li. 3. ca. 9. to vvhat end, or purpose he vvas created, he vvould ansvve [...] readily, and vvithout all doubt, that he vvas created to vvorship God, vvho mad [...] vs to the end vve may serue him. Thus saith he, of the end, whereto man was ordayned, and the same also he affirmeth of mans felicitye in thi [...] life: and therefore hauing confuted the opinions of many of the philo­sophers, concerning mans cheefe good, or felicitie, he concludeth. Sum­mum igitur hominis bonum, in sola religione est: therefore the cheefe good, or hap­pynes of man, is only in religion.

Ambros. de offic. li. 2. ca. 5.14 And S. Ambrose also confirmeth the same, by the authoritie of th [...] holie scriptures saying. Scriptura diuina, &c. The deuine scripture placeth th [...] happynes and felicity of mans life, in the knovvledge of God, and in the fruite o [...] operation, Aug. de ciuit Dei. lib. 14. cap. 26. & lib. 19. cap. 4. and vvorking, that is to say in faith, and good workes. And al­though S. Augustine do reproue some of the philosophers, for houlding that man may be happy in this life, and therefore teacheth, that there i [...] no true beatitude here, eyther by morall vertue, or by frendship, or by a ciuill,Ibib. cap. 5. & 8. and sociable life, and much lesse by riches, honours, and digni­ties (in respect of the continual conflict that the best, and the wisest mo­rall men haue, partly with sensualitie, and vicious inclinations, & partly with the ordinarie dangers, cares, feares, detriments, sicknes, and afflic­tions incident to the liues and states of all mortall men) yet he doth not deny all kynd of happynes in this life,Ibid. ca. 20. (especiallie that, whereof ou [...] [Page 21] holye scriptures often make mention) but that felicitie which some of the Philosophers taught, namely the Epicurians, Peripateticks, and Stoicks, of whom the first ascribed felicitie to sensuall pleasure, and the other two, to vertue, though with some difference: all which I say, he impugned for two respects, the one because they were perswaded that mā was the only worker, and cause of his owne happynes, vvhereas, saith he,Idem. epi. 52. non facit bea­tum hominem, nisi qui fecit hominem. None maketh man happy, but he vvhich ma­deman. The other reason was, because they taught that man might be absolutely, & perfectly happy euen in this life, which he proueth cannot possiblely be, for the reasons touched before, affirminge neuertheles that man may, by the gift, & grace of God,Idem. de ci­uitat. l [...]b 19. c. 10. arriue here to a kynd of feli­citie, though in comparison of the perfect beatitude, which we are to enioy in the next life, it is no better then misery: & therefore he saith: Hic dicimur beati, quando pacem habemus, Ibid. quantulacunquè hic haberi potest in vita bona. VVe are here called blessed, or happy, vvhen vve haue asmuch peace, & con­tentment, as may be had here in a good, or godly life.

15 So that S. Augustine denieth not all kynd of happynes in this life, but teacheth two thinges concerning the same: the one that no felicitie of man dependeth on man alone, or proceedeth from himselfe (be it ei­ther from his soule, or from his body, or from both) but that it is the gift of God, and dependeth on his grace, and assistance: the other is, that there is no perfect happynes, or beatitude in this world, but that the fe­licitie, which by Gods grace, and gift we may enioy here, is vnperfect, and to be consummated, and perfited in the next life.

16 And so we are to vnderstand all the beatitude, or happines, which in the holie scriptures and fathers, is ascribed to mortall men, in which sense. S. Augustine himselfe saith: Omnis vitae bonae, & beatae via, Aug. de ve­ra religi. c. 1. Ambros. de offic. lib. 2. cap. 5. in vera reli­gione constituta est; All the way & course, of good and happy life, consisteth in true religion. And S. Ambr. Certū est virtute sola vitā praestari beatā, per quam vitam, vita acquiritur aeterna. It is certaine that only vertue giueth, or maketh the happy life, by the vvhich the eternall and euerlasting life is obainted. Thus he.

17 Therefore I conclude that he may worthylie be called happy in this world, who liuing religiouslie in the feare, & loue of God, dwelleth as the psalmist saith, in adiutorio altissimi &c. In the help of the highest, Psal. 90. and in the protection of the God of heauen, by whose grace, & fauour, he enioyeth such peace of soule, & cōscience here, that he not onlie sayleth securely amidst the stormes of this tēpestuous life, tryumphing ouer all the miseries the­reof, but also arryueth in the end at the port of eternal felicitie. But what manner of happynes this is, which may be had here,Chap. 18.19.20. & 21. & what true pleasu­re, & delectation there is therein, I will declare amply hereafter, when [Page 22] I shall treate of Christian religion, and wil now conclude this chapter with he consideration of what is the felicity of common welth.

18 Seing then it is manifest by all this precedent discourse, that the end, and felicity of man in this life, consisteth in religion, it must needes fol­low, according to the argument of Aristotle before alleaged, that the end, and felicitie of cōmonwelth consisteth also therein, which S. Au­gustine confirmeth,Aug. ep. 52. ad Macedo­nium. saying: Non aliunde beata ciuitas, aliunde homo, cum aliud ciuitas non sit, quam concors hominum multitudo. The common vvelth is not happy for one cause, or reason, and man for an other, seeing that common vvelth is nothing els, but a multitude of men agreeing together: Thus he.

Aris [...]otle. Ethic li. [...]0 c. 7. & 8. Idem Polit li. 7.19 Therefore Aristotle hauing in his Ethicks ascribed the end, and feli­citie of man, to the contemplation of God (which as I haue shewed be­fore is an act of religion) he also assigneth the same end, and felicitie in his politikes to common welth: And although he affirmeth, that there are two kindes of felicities, the one speculatiue, consisting in contem­plation, and the other practical, consisting in the exercise of al the moral vertues, and calleth this latter politicall felicitie (because the common welth may then be worthily called happy, when it florisheth with the perfect practise of al vertue:) Neuerthelesse he teacheth, that this practi­call felicitie is subordinate to the speculatiue, as to the end whereto it is naturally ordained, and that therefore, all politicall actions, ought no lesse to be referred to contemplation, then labour to repose, busines to ease, and warr to peace: In which respect he admonisheth the law­maker, or institutor of the common welth, to frame his lawes, and the maners of the prince, and subiects, rather to contemplation, then to action, by the example of nature it selfe, which being most carefull of those thinges that are most noble, and excellent, hath alwayes farr grea­ter care of the end, then of the meanes that lead, or helpe thereto.

Idem li. 4. polit.20 And for this cause, he assigneth priesthood for the first office in the common welth, as most important, and principally tending to the ob­tayning of the end, whereto common welth is ordained.

Plato 1. de rep. Plato also teacheth the same most expressly in his booke of common welth, in his lawes, and in his Epinomis, in al which, it is euident, that he assigneth no other end of common welth,Marsil. Fi­c [...]n in Ar­g [...]m. in epi­nem. but the contemplation, and worship of God: And therefore he laboureth principally to make his common welth happy by a religious wisdome, consisting partly in the speculation, or contemplation of God, and partly in the worship of him: In the coniunction whereof, (which is nothing els but religion) he placeth the felicitie of man, and of common welth: and the reason is, for that the especiall effect of religion (as I haue declared sufficiently in [Page 23] the second chapter) is to vnite man with God, whereuppon it also folo­weth, that the felicitie of man, and common welth, consisteth therin.

21 For who can denie but that man, and consequently all common welths, are then most happy, and fortunate, when they are most vnited with God, the fountaine, and only author of true happines, vpon whose will, they, and all theyr felicitie depend: Which the royall prophet signi­fieth notably, who hauing described the temporall prosperity, which wicked men sometimes enioy by the permission of God (as that theyr chil­dren are comely, faire, and vvell decked, theyr barnes and cellers, full of prouision, Psal. 143. theyr sheepe, and theyr cattel fruitefull, theyr beefes fatt, and not so much as a decay­ing, or ruinous vvall or hedge, in theyr terrytoryes, nor any tumult, or clamour in theyr streetes,) He addeth, beatum dixerunt populum &c: Men call the people happy vvho haue these thinges, but happy is the people, or common welth, cuius dominus Deus eius, vvhose lord is theyr God, that is to say, who liuing in the feare, and seruice of God, haue him for theyr lord, and protector.

22 Thus sayth the royall prophet, teaching notably that no people, or common welth, be they neuer so prosperous for a time, can be truly counted happy, being out of the fauour of allmighty God, whereof I shall haue occasion to say some what more hereafter. And neuertheles I wish it here to be vnderstoode by the way, that I doe not hereby wholy exclude temporall commodityes, from the felicitie of common welth: but that I signifie wherein this felicitie principally consisteth, acknow­ledging with Aristotle and other philosophers, that the goods of fortune (as they terme welth, power, honours, & prosperity) are necessary to the happy state of cōmon welth, so that they be taken, and vsed only as in­struments, or helps thereto, and not as felicitie it selfe, or as any essentiall partes, or causes thereof: being rather in deed, the true causes of al mi­sery, if they be not principally referred to the seruice and honour of God, yea, and vsed with great moderation.

23 Therefore Aristotle and Plato, Aristot li. 5. politic. Plato 4. de repub. Plutar. de doctrina principis. require the goods of fortune to the hap­pines of common welth in a mediocrity, teaching, that superfluity of riches, is no lesse pernicious to the publicke good, then to the priuate weale of man: In so much, that Plato being earnestly requested by the Cyrenians to giue them lawes, refused to doe it, by reason of theyr exces­siue welth and prosperitie, which he thought would make them indisci­plinable, and not fit to be gouerned. And what he farther ordayned in his owne common welth, concerning the goods of fortune, and tempo­ral commodityes, yt shalbe declared in the ninth chapter, where I will also shew by examples, what damage, and destruction followeth to sta­tes, by the abundaunce of riches, and temporall prosperitie, by reason [Page 24] of the great corruption and vice, that commonlie groweth thereof.

24 This is also signified in the holie scriptures, concerninge the peo­ple of Sodome, whose iniquity (saith the prophet) was. Superbia, saturitas pa­nis, Ezech. 16. abundantia & otium. Pride, saturity or fullnes of bread, and meate, aboun­dance, and ease: giuing to vnderstand, that theyr sinne, and consequently theyr ruine, grew of theyr welth, plenty, and prosperitie: And Moyses also ascribeth the fall of the Iewes to the same cause.Deut. 32. Incrassatus est dilectus, saith he, & recalcitrauit: incrassatus, impinguatus, dilatatus dereliquit Deum factorem suum &c. My beloued people vvax fatt, and then they began to kick, for vvhen they grevv once to be full, vvell fed, fatted, and dilated, or amplified, they abandoned God theyr maker. Thus prophesied Moyses of the future fall of the Iewes, by the meanes of theyr ouermuch ease, welth, and prosperitie, which so enwrapped, and snared them in pleasures, & worldly delightes, that as the prophet Abacuc saith,Abac. 1. they forgott theyr God, and sacrifized to the very netts which entangled them, making idolls of theyr welth, and contentments, and placing theire end, and felicitie therein.

25 So farre are temporall commodities from being any essentiall part, or cause of mans felicitie, that they rather draw him many times to all infelicitie, and misery: as shall farther appeare in the next chapter, wherein I will discouer the supposed, and false happines of wicked men, who contemning religion, and the seruice of God, frame to them selues, a kinde of felicitie in sensualitie, honours, and pleasures. Where as I will make it manifest, that be they neuer so welthy, potent, and prosperous, they haue neuer any contentment, and peace of mind, but are allwayes most miserable. And hereof I will yeald only fiue, or sixe rea­sons, whereby also, the vanitie of worldly welth, dignitie, and pleasure, shall suficiently appeare.

That the felicitie vvhich vvicked men place in sensualitie, riches, honours, and vvorldly delightes, is no felicitie, but miserie: and that there is no true content­ment, or happines but in God. And by the vvay, the vanitie of the vvorld, and vvorldly men, is euidently shevved. CHAP. V.

1 H The first reason, why wicked men, neyther haue any true fe­licitie in theyr worldlie pleasures, but infelicitie, and misery, is, the continuall contradiction of theyr owne passions, and concupiscences, which doe miserably teare, and distract them inwardly, with such a perpetuall combat, and ciuill warre, that they can [Page 25] neuer haue any repose and true contentment of mind: Whereuppon S. Iames sayth, vnde bella, & lites in vobis? &c. vvhence grovve vvarres, and strifes vvithin you? doe they not grovv of your ovvne concupiscences, vvhich make vvarre in your bodies? Thus saith he: whereof the reason is, for that mens pas­sions are so different, and diuers, that many tymes they contradict one an other, for what the flesh desireth, regard of honour sometimes admit­teth not, and that which both honour, and the flesh requireth, respect of profitt otherwhiles reiecteth: much like as when a sicke man is pestred with contrary humors, or with a cold stomack, and a hote lyuer, which two as they torment, and afflict the patient, so also one of them, hin­dreth the cure of the other. And therefore whiles passionat men, eagerly hunt after the accomplishment of all theyr desires, and find themselues hindered with their mutuall contradiction, and conflict, they haue such a babilonicall confusion, and perpetuall garboile in the citty (as I maie say) of their owne breasts, that the saying of the Prophet Dauid may iustly be applied vnto them. Praecipita Domine, diuide linguas eorum, Psal. 54. quoniam vidi ini­quitatem, & contradictionem in ciuitate. Cast them dovvne headlong o lord, deuide their tongues, for I haue seene iniquity, and contradiction in the citty. Thus saith the royall prophet, giuinge to vnderstand, that where is iniquity, there is contradiction, and disquiet of mind.

2 The second reason of the infelicity of the wicked, is the anguish and torment of mind, that accompanieth euery passion or vice, which will easely appeare, if for example sake, we consider the nature and condition of some three, or foure of them. And first to beginne with couetousnes, how restles, and insatiable is the hunger and thirst, that the couetous, and auaricious man hath after riches, who the more he hath, the more he desireth: and as Valerius saith; Not possessing his vvealth, but being possessed by it, Valer. Max. li. 9. cap. 4. is a miserable slaue of his ovvne money, to whom a man cannot wish a grea­ter harme, then that he may liue long to torment himselfe, who though he desire all, yea and haue all that he desireth, yet in effect hath nothing. For as the prodigall man wanteth many thinges, so the auaricious man wanteth all thinges, not enioying that which he hath, and thirsting after all thinges els: whereof the preacher saith thus.Eccles. c. 6. Est & aliud malum quod vidi sub sole, &c. There is an other euill, or mischeefe vvhich I haue seene, or noted vnder the sinne, and the same very frequent, or common amongest men, to vvitt: a man to vvhom God giueth riches, and substance, and honour, and he vvanteth no­thing of all that his soule desireth, and yet God doth not giue him povver to eate ther­of, but some stranger shall deuoure it, this is vanity, and great misery. Thus saith the preacher.

3 In like manner the ambitious man insatiably gaping after honours, [Page 26] and dignities, is vexed with enuie at euerie other mans prosperitie, not receiuing, saith Seneca, so much contentmēt by seeing manie men behind him, as disgust by seeing any one before him, whereby he is drawne in to manie dangerous practises,S. August. li. 8. confes. c. 6. and attempts: and as S. Augustine saith. Per multa, & magna pericula, ad plura, & maiora peruenit: by manie, and great dan­gers, he passeth to more, and greater, vntill at length he runne headlong to his owne ruine, whereof wee see dailie experience, besides infinit examples of ancient times, needeles to be alleadged.

4. But who can expresse how hipocriticall, base, and ridiculous is the passion of ambition, for though the ambitious man desire nothing more, then honour, yet he would seeme most of all to contemne it and commonlie so contradicteth himselfe in his owne actions, tha [...] euerie man discouereth his humour. And whereas he seeketh to com­mande all men, he is forced to be euerie mans slaue, crouching, an [...] creeping to euerie one, fawning, and flattering, bribing, dissembling and committing infinit indignities, to rise to dignitie. And therefor [...] S. Barnard fitlie calleth ambition,D. Ber. ep. 126. Psal. 4. negotium ambulans in tenebris, as th [...] Psalmist saith, a busines vvalking in the darke. For the filthy vice of am­bition (saith he) lieth lovv, but looketh vp to the highest, and yet vvoul [...] not it selfe be seene: it is the mother of hipocrisy, it lurketh in corners, louet [...] darkenes, and cannot endure the light. And no meruell: for if it be on [...] discouered, it becommeth ridiculous: And so falleth it out to be true, whic [...] the Apostle saith:Philip. 3. Gloria in confusione eorum, qui terrena sapiunt: Theyr glor [...] is their confusion, vvho seeke after earthly thinges. Thus saith S. Barnard i [...] substaunce, of ambition, which also in an other place he calleth a subtle euill, D. B [...]r. in Psal. 90. ser. 6. a secrett poison, a priuy plague, a forger of lies, and deceites, th [...] mother of enuy, the fountaine of vice, the nurse of sinne, the moth that eatet [...] and consumeth sanctity, and piety, the blinder of hartes, and finally such a pe­stilent passion, that it engendreth, and breedeth sicknes of the ver [...] medicines, and remedies, that are applied to the cure of it, corrupting and abusing all thinges, euen the holiest, to the furtherance of her designements.

5. Furthermore, who can expresse the folly of the ambitious man who neuer knoweth when he is well, and ventereth his life, and stat [...] many times, either he knoweth not for what, or for that which in effect he hath already:Pl [...]tar. in Pyrrho. the which Plutark representeth notably in Pyrrh [...] king of Epyrus, who hauing greatly enlarged his dominions with th [...] conquest of the great kingdome of Macedonie, beganne also to design [...] with him selfe the conquest of Italy, and hauing communicated hi [...] deliberation with his great counselour Cineas, he demaunded his aduise [...] [Page 27] whereto Cineas answered, that he greatly desired to know what he ment to doe when he had conquered Italy? Mary quoth Pyrrhus, the kingdome of Sicily is then neare at hand, and deserueth to be had in consideration, aswell for the fertility, as for the riches, and power of the Iland. Well quoth Cineas, and when you haue gotten Sicily, what will you then doe? Then quoth Pyrrhus Africk is not farr of, where there are diuers goodly kingdomes, which partly by the fame of my former conquests, and partly by the valoure of my souldyars, may easily be subdued. I graunt it, quoth Cineas, but when all Africk is yours, what meane you to doe then? When Pyrrhus, saw that he vrged him still with that question, mary then, quoth he, thou, and I wilbe merrye, and make good cheare. Whereto Cineas replied, if this saith he, shalbe the end of your aduentures, and labours, what hindereth you from doing the same now? Will not your kingdomes of Epyrus and Macedony suffise you to be merry, and make good cheare? And if you had Italy, Si­cily, Africk, and all the world, could you, and I be merrier then we are, or make better cheere, then we doe? Will you therefore venter your kingdomes, person, life, honour, and all you haue, to purchase that which you haue already? Thus said Cineas to Pyrrhus, reprehending his immoderate ambition, who knew not when he was well, neither yet what he would haue, seeing in conclusion he desired no more, then that which he had already, which in the end cost him deare: for following his owne ambitious, and vnbrideled appetite, to amplify his dominions, as he gott much, so he lost much, being able to conserue nothing any time, and at length hauing entred the towne of Argos, by force, he was killed with a brickbat, throwne downe by a woman from the topp of a house.

6. Therefore I conclude aswell of ambitious, as of auaricious, and coueteous men, that they may well be said to be those, of whome the Psalmist speaketh, when he saith. Errauerunt, &c.Psal. 106. They vvandred vp and dovvne in the drie desert, and found not the vvay to the citty vvhere they desired to dvvell, but for very hunger and thyrst, faynted and gaue vp the ghost.

7. And what shall I say of the intemperate man, whose belly,Philipp. 3. as the Apostle saith, is his God, who breatheth, and belcheth out, nothing but surfett, and sinne? Who eateth not to liue and serued God, but liueth, yea, and serueth God to eate, referring all thinges spirituall, and temporall, to the belly: more like a beast that is fedd for the shambles, then a reasonable creature: and what be­nefitt reapeth he thereof in the end, but infinit diseasses, and [Page 28] either vntymely death in his youth, or a lothsome life in his age, loa­den with dropsies, tormented with gouts, and consumed with cattarres, whereby he payeth the penalty of his owne excesses: In which respect, the prouerb saith truly, that more die by surfett, then by the svvord.

‘8 Seneca describeth notably the infelicity of the riotous glutton in this maner. From riott saith he, and excesse in diett, proceedeth palenes of face,Seneca ep. 95. trembling of the sinewes soaked in wine, and leannesse of body caused by surfetts, more miserable then that which followeth of famin. Thence proceed the vnstaied, and staggering stepps of men, pining away in paine, and realing as though they were drunck. Thereof groweth the dropsy dispersed throughout all the skinne, the swelling of the belly accustomed to receyue more then it can well containe. Thence followeth the ouerflowinge of the gall, discoulored countenaunce, consumptions, rotting inwardly, crooked fingers, with stiffe ioyntes, numnesse of the arteries, and shaking palsies. What should I speake of the giddinesse of the head, of the torments of the eyes, and eares, of conuulsions caused by enflamed braines? Or yet of the passages, by which we purge, tainted with inward soares, and vlcers, besides innumerable sortes of feuers, so­me entring with violence, others creeping in by easie infection, others assailing with horror and trembling of all the members? What shoulde I reck on vp infinit other diseases, that are punishments of riott, from the which those are free, who suffer not themselues to be transported with sensuall pleasures, and delightes.’

9 Thus saith he. Whereto is to be added, a Christian consideration of the eternall paine, due by the iustice of God, to the vvorkes of darknes, as the Apostle termeth the sinnes of intemperaunce,Rom. 13. to wit, dronkennes, and frequent feasting, and bankettinge. Abijciamus (saith he) opera tenebrarum, &c. Let vs cast of the vvorkes of darkenes, let vs put on the armour of light, let vs vvalke honestly, as in the day light, not in banketting, and dronkennes, not in bedding and lasciuiousnes, not in contention, and aemulation, but put vppon you our lord Iesus Christ, and doe not pamper your flesh, accordinge to your desires. Thus saith the Apostle, who also in an other place recknoneth commessationes, & ebrieta­tes, that is to say, frequent banketting, and dronkennes amongst the workes of the flesh,Gall. 5. concluding, Qui talia agunt, regnum Dei non consequen­tur. They vvhich doe these, and like thinges, shall not attayne vnto the kingdome of God.

10. Moreouer, who can sufficiently expresse the miserable state of a sensuall, and dissolute man, who giuing himselfe ouer to beastly lust, be­commeth no better then equus, Psal. 31. & mulus, quibus non est intellectus, a horse, and a mule vvhich haue no vnderstanding? In which respect, the prophet Hieremy [Page 29] saith of such men. Equi amatores & emissarij facti sunt, &c. Hiere. c. 5. They became like to stallions, or stoned horses, vvhen they are in loue, for euery one of them vvent n [...]ying after his neighbours vvife. Thus saith the prophet, describing very aptly the insatiable, and beastly passion of sensuall, and lasciuious men, who also as we see by experience, haue commonly sowre sauce to their sweete mea­te: for besides innumerable inconveniences, which they daily incurre (as losse of reputation, danger of punishment by law, quarrels, braules, murders, and mischeefes) they beare the pennance of their incontinency, by such horrible, and filthy diseases, that many of them rotte aliue, and are no lesse lothsome to them selues, then to all other men.

11. And who is so miserable, or so mad, and frantick, as he that is surpri­sed with the passion of loue, wherewith he wrestleth, and languisheth day and night, consuming himselfe with needelesse cares, phrentick fea­res or ielousies, framed in the forge of his owne idle conceits, and yet he contenteth, and pleaseth himselfe with his owne torment, saying with Phaedria in Terence. Nunc me miserum sentio, & taedet, & amore ardeo, & prudens, Terent. in eunuch. act. 2. scen. 1. [...]ciēs, vitus, videns{que} pereo, nec quid agā scio. I novv find my selfe to be miserable, I am vveary and cloid, I burne in loue, and perish, vvitting, knovving, liuing and seeing my r [...]yn, and yet knovv not vvhat to doe?

12. Againe, is there any more miserable then the enuious man, who as a poet saith. Alterius rebus macrescit opinis: grovveth leane vvith other mens fatt, Horat ad Lollium. epi. 1. Virgil. de liuore. & [...]oena semper est, and is alvvaise a punishment to himselfe? In respect whereof we may well say with Horace.

The tyrants of Sicilly neuer inuented a greater torment then enuy. And the like may also be said of anger, which is nothing els, but breuis f [...]! saith the poet a short madnes, for it depriueth the soule of iudgemēt, it distempereth, and wasteth the body, it maketh a man vntractable, and [...]rksome more like a furious beast, or a mad man, or a person possest with a spirit then a man of reason, and vnderstanding. In somuch, that (as Plu­ [...]) noteth he spareth neither God nor man, but sweareth, blasphe­meth, curseth, raileth, reuileth, killeth, murdereth, and committeth all mischeefe.

13. Therefore what felicity, quiet, or peace of mind can he be said to haue that is tyrannised by these passions, whereof any one were suffi­cient to make a man miserable, and much more all of them, and com­monly they all predominate, and reigne in wicked men: In which respect the prophet saith most truly; Impius quasi mare feruens, Esai. 57. quod quiescere non po­test. The vvicked man is like to a svvelling sea, vvhich cannot rest.

[Page 30]14 And therefore Plutarke affirmeth with reason, that vice suffiseth of it selfe to make a man miserable (as I haue noted in my first part of this treatise.) And Cicero teacheth, that sinne is the greatest punishment, that God doth lay vppon man in this life for sinne;C [...]c ro de Harus. resp. Tu cum furiales, &c. ‘When thou saith he to Clodius, furiously criest out in the assemblies of the peo­ple, ouerthrowest howses, burnest the temples of the gods, makest no difference betweene thy wife, and thy sister, carest not what woman thou corruptest, when thou ragest, and reuilest, then doest thou pay the penalty ordained by the gods for the wickednes of men: for the body, in respect of the frailty thereof, is subiect to manie casualities, but the darts of the gods, doe strick the mindes of wicked men: and therefore when thou art drawne by thy eies into all deceite, & mischeefe, thou art more miserable, then if thou hadst no eies at al:’ Thus saith Cicero. And the like saith Plutarke of Tigellinus, one of Neros fauourits: which maie also be confirmed out of the Apostle,Rom. 1. who saith, that God gaue ouer the ould Phi­losophers to a reprobat sense, permiittng them to fall into all vice and wicked­nes in punishment of their pride, and ingratitude to him: For sinne is a iust punishment of sinne, not onlie in respect of the eternall damnation, whereto it draweth men, but also for the torment of conscience, vexa­tion, and anguish of mind, wherewith it is accompanied: As I haue am­ply declared in the first part of this treatise, and therfore omitt to spea­ke further thereof in this place.

15 An other reason of the vnquiet, and peacelesse mind of the wic­ked is, that their appitites commonlie are so inordinate, and their wills so vnbridled, that they can endure no restraint, or check thereof in anie thinge whatsoeuer. In so much, that though they haue neuer so much contentment in al other thinges, yet if in some one, they see themselues crossed, or loose the least part of thir pleasures, they so torment them­selues, that they take no pleasure in anie thinge els: much like to litle children of a froward, and curst nature, who if they be broken of their wills, or if, of many of their puppets, some one be taken from them, they crie out mainelie, and cast away all the rest, and so doe passionate men sometimes for verie trifles. Whereof we haue a notable example in the holie scripture, in Aman, who abounding in honour, welth, and plea­sure, and seeing Mardocheus, the poore Iew let him passe without doing him reuerence,H [...]st [...]r. 5. was so vexed therewith, that he assembled his wife, children, and freindes, and after he had made them an ample relation of all his good fortunes, his riches, his magnificence, and greatnes, and of his familiaritie with his king Assuerus, and Hester the queene, he added that he should account all that nothinge, so long as Mardochaeus the Iew, [Page 31] should sit before the pallace gate, and not doe him reuerence as others did: and thereuppon seeking to haue his will also therein, and to be re­uenged of poore Mardochaeus, he was hanged on the gallowes, which he had prepared for him.

16 Loe then how impotent, & exorbitant wicked men are in their pas­sions, and how miserable they are thereby, for seing no man is so potent on earth, that he can haue his will in all thinges, but wanteth it, and is crossed many times in his designements, & desires, those must needes be most afflicted therewith, who neuer vse to restraine their owne wills, or passiōs, but alwaies giue full scope thereto, as wicked men cōmonly doe. Besides that almighty God so disposeth out of his iustice, for their iust punishment, that some secrett disgusts doe commonly ouerway their publike pleasures, & therefore that which the prophet said of the great A [...]yrian king, may welbe applied vnto euery wicked man, be he neuer so glorious and prosperous: Mittet, saith he,Isai. 10. dominator dominus in pinguibus eius tenuitatē, & subtus gloriā eius succensa ardebit cōbustio ignis. Our lord the Ruler vvill extenuat his fatt, and vnder his glory shalbe kindled a burninge flame of fire.

17 Lastly such is the very nature, and condition of the pleasures, and pro­sperity of this world, that no true happines, or contentment, can possibly be had therein, whereof I may make the worldlinges themselues iud­ges, if they will but ponder, and duly consider their owne experience, concerninge the contentment they haue, or can haue, in honour, riches, or any earthly delights, which are so farr from giuinge any true repose, and satisfaction to the mind of man, that euen when they are possessed, & had in the highest degree, they either kindle a greater desire of them­selues (which breedeth a continuall thirst, and torment) or els they cloy, & weary their possessors, & force them to seeke solace in other thinges.

18 Xerxes, saith Cicero, flovving in all abundance of vvordly vvealth, honour, povver, and pleasure, vvas so farre from being content therevvith, that he offered great revvards to vvhosoeuer could inuent any nevv pleasure, and vvhen it vvas found, he vvas not satisfied; Neque enim, saith Cicero, vnquam finem inuenit libide. For mans lust could neuer yet find any end.

19 Besides that, if we regard the vncertainty of all worldly prosperity, and contentments, yea with what danger to all, and vtter ruine to many they are purchased, possessed, and conserued, we may easely iudge, how litle true felicity there can be therein. Whereuppon Valerius saith admi­rably well. Caduca, & fragilia, puerilibus{que} consentanea crepundijs sunt ista, &c. These thinges vvherein consist the force, vvealth, and pleasure of man, are transitory, frayle, and like to childrens puppets, they abound sometimes vppon a suddaine, and are againe as suddainly lost, they take no roote, nor assured rest in any place, or person, but being tossed to and fro, vvith euery puffe, or blast of fortune, hoyse men vp on heigh [Page 32] vvhen they flovv, and aftervvards ebbing agayne, either leaue them destitute on d [...] ground, or drovvne them in the deapth of misery, and therefore they ought not to b [...] esteemed, or yet to be called goods, especially seing that, besides the mischeefs vvhic [...] they dravv vppon vs, they redouble in vs a painefull thirst of them selues.

20. Thus saith he, most truly, yea and this might be the better born [...] with in them, if they were not also the meanes to corrupt our mindes and to replenish vs, with all kind of vice, and sinne. And therefore th [...] Apostle saith:2. Tim 6. Eccles. 11. Qui volunt fieri diuites, incidunt in laqueum diaboli: They vvhic [...] vvill be rich, fall into the snare of the deuil. And the preacher: Si diues fue­ris, non eris immunis à peccato: if thou be rich, thou shalt not be free from sinne. I [...] which respect our Sauiour compared riches to thornes, Matth 7. Ma [...]. 4. Luc. 8. Matth. 19. Mar. 10. Luc. 18. Prou. 10. and said also that it was, as hard for a rich man to enter into the kingdome of heauen, as for [...] camel to passe through a needles eye.

21. This was wisely considered by Salomon when he prayed to almighty God, to giue him neither riches, nor pouerty, but only thinges compe­tent, and necessary for his maintenaunce, lest perhaps by plenty, an [...] abundance, he might forgett and deny God, or by pouerty be forced t [...] steale, and blaspheme him. ‘And although he was aduanced by almighty God to the greatest honour, wealth, and glory that euer mortall ma [...] had, and became a very mirrour of humane power and prosperity, ye [...] how litle true felicity, and happines he found therein, we may learn [...] partly by the example of his foule fall from God by reason thereof, an [...] partly by his owne testimony. Who saith thus. I magnified my workes and built houses, I planted vineards, I made gardens, and orchards, an [...] furnished them with all kind of trees.Eccl. 2. I made fish ponds to water m [...] wood of yong trees. I had slaues and handmaides, and a great family droues of cattell, and great flocks of sheepe, more then all that euer wer [...] before me in Ierusalem. I stored, and heaped vp siluer, and gold, and th [...] substance, and wealth of kinges, and prouinces: I had musitians bot [...] men, and women, and all the delicacies of the sonnes of men: I ha [...] bowles, and goblets for wine, and exceeded all my predecessors in riches and wisdome, and I denied nothing to my eyes, that they desired, neithe [...] did I restraine my hart from the vse, and fruition of all the pleasure, an [...] delectation, that could be reaped of all that which I had prepared, per­swading my selfe, that it was my part (that is to saie my felicitie) to vs [...] and enioy the fruites of mine owne labour. But when I seriously consi­dered all the workes which my handes had wrought, and all the labour [...] where in I had bestowed so much vaine toile, and paine, I saw vanity and affliction of mind in all, and that nothing is permanent vnder th [...] sume.’ Thus saith the wisest, and most fortunate king of the world tha [...] [Page 33] euer was, or is euer like to be, who speaking of his owne experience deserueth to be beleeued.

22. Therefore, I may iustly say with the Psalmist, to all such as put their felicitie in worldly pleasures. Filij hominum, vsquequo graui corde, Psalm. 4. vt quid di­ligitis vanitatem, & quaeritis mendacium? O yee sonnes of men, hovv long shall your hartes be heauy, and dull? vvhy doe you loue vanity, and seeke after lyes? That is to say, why doe you sett your affection vppon the goods, and pleasures of the world, which are nothing els but vanitie, and lies, being not onlie vaine, and friuolous, short, transitorie, and much sooner lost then had, but also false, and fraudulent, like to the cupp of Babylon guilt on the out side, and full of poison within, appearinge and seeming to be profitable, pleasant, and glorious, but being indeede alwayes dangerous, and manie times most pernicious. Wherevppon Pyndarus the greeke poet,Plutarc. was wont to saie, that euerie good in this world, is accompanied with two euills, and euerie contentment seconded with a thousand sorrowes, and those farre more irkesome, and dolefull, then the pleasures delightfull: For, more are wee greeued with losse, then contented with gaine, more affli­cted with sicknes, then delighted with health, more offended with iniu­rie, then pleased with honour, and which is worst of all, extrema gaudij, Pro. 30. saith Salomon, luctus occupat, forrovv euer succeedeth ioy. In which respect the Philosopher Hermes, or Mercurius Trismegistus, had great reason to giue to God, as he said, ingentes gratias, exceeding great thankes, that whilst he meditated vppon the nature of the true good, God did infuse into him this certaine iudgement, that mundus est congeries malorum, the vvorld is nothing els, but a heape of euills.

23. Therefore I conclude with a certaine contemplatiue man,Ludouic. Granat. Dux pec. lib. 1 part. 3. who saith of the world, much to this effect. What els is the world but a ma­gazin of woes and sorrowes, a schoole of vanities, a markett of deceits, a laborinth of errors, a dungeon of darkenes, a way besett with theeues, a tempesteous sea, a garden full of weeds, and poisonfull hearbes, a foun­taine of cares, a sweet, and pleasant poison, and a delectable phrensy? what good is there in the world, that is not false, and counterfet? what euill, that is not truly euill? it killeth thee, to betraie thee: it flattereth thee, to deceiue thee: it exalteth thee, to cast thee downe againe: it ma­keth thee merrie, to redouble thy sorrow: all the ease, and comfort it giueth, is mixt with labour, and paine: the securitie it promiseth, is without foundation: the hopes vaine: the ioyes false, and fained: and the sorrowes true, and insupportable: in so much, thas (as S. Barnard saith) if it were not for the hope that wee haue here of the other life, there would be litle difference betwixt the world, and hell.

[Page 34]24. This being so, I leaue it to the consideration of any prudent, an [...] vnpassionate man, what peace of mind, or true happines, euill men ca [...] haue in the pleasures and contentments of this world, or rather ho [...] miserable they are, euen in the verie height of their supposed felicitie seeing it is not onlie accompanied with much miserie, but also dot [...] wholie alienate them from almighty God, who (as I haue proued) i [...] the fountaine of all happines, our cheefe, and onlie good, our beginning and our end,D. Bern. ser. de miseria human. in whome onlie we may haue true repose. For (as S. Bernar [...] saith) he made all thinges, he hath all thinges, and he is all thinges: Quodcumque bo­num cupis, quodcumque pulchrum quaeris, &c. VVhat good soeuer thou desires [...] vvhat beautifull, or faire thinge soeuer thou seekest, vvhat soeuer svveet, or dele­ctable thing thou requirest, thou shalt find, and enioy it all in him, &c. If thou desir [...] povver, he is povver, if thou desire fortitude, he is fortitude, if iustice, he is iust [...] ce, if vvisedome, he is the fountaine of vvisdome, if charity, he is charity, if bea [...] ty, he is beauty it selfe, if honour, glory, peace, and contentment of mind, he [...] true glory, the highest honour, eternall peace, the cheefe good, and all good Thus he.

25. And therefore, euen as wee see, that the marriners compasse bein [...] touched, or rubbed with the load stone (which hath a naturall sympath [...] with the north pole) can neuer rest, or repose, vntill it looke directl [...] northward, and that then it stayeth, and fixeth it selfe without any far­ther motion, or trepidation: euen so mans soule (being made to the ima­ge of God, and to the onlie end to serue him, and by the meanes thereo [...] to be vnited with him) hath such a naturall inclination, and instinc [...] euer mouing it to the end, whereto it was created, that it cannot hau [...] any perfect repose, vntill it be vnited with him, and in the meane tim [...] it euer laboureth, and can neuer be fully satisfied with worldly thinges which as S. Bernard saith very well,Bernar. de­clamatio. in verba euan­gel. Ecce nos reliquimus, &c. may occupy, and possesse the soule of ma [...] but neuer fill, or satisfy it: for nothing, saith he, that is lesse then Go [...] can fill that vvhich is capable of God. And he addeth farther, that therefore euerie man doth naturally desire. Summum bonum, the cheef [...] good (that is to saie God) and that no man can haue rest, vntill he a [...] riue to it. But vvicked men (saith he) doe miserably erre, and vvander, vvh [...] finding not the next vvay, Psal. 11. ambulant in circuitu (as the psalmist saith goe rounde about, vvhiles they hunt after the lesser goods, desiring alvvayes th [...] cheefe good, and neuer obtaining it, though it be nearer them, &c. And [...] litle after, vis peruenire, saith he, incipe transilire, &c. VVilt thou attai [...] vnto the cheefe good, beginne to leape ouer the lesser goods, for othervvise th [...] shalt be miserably entangled, and detained vvith the desire, and loue of earthl [...] thinges.

[Page 35]26. Thus saith S. Bernard: shewing how it falleth out, that although all men doe naturally tend to felicitie (which is God) yet most men doe not obtaine it, because they erre in the way, or meanes that leadeth vnto it, pursuinge continually the lesser goods, in steede of the cheefe good, and thirsting after apparent goods (yea very trifles, and toyes) in steede of the true good; Like one that running a race for a prize of inestimable valew, followeth euerie butterfly that crosseth his way, till at length he fall into some deepe ditch, where he is drowned in durt, and looseth both the prize, and his life: for so doe worldly men, who hauing the incōpa­rable ioyes of heauen, and God himselfe proposed vnto them, for re­warde of their good course in the race of this life, runne at randome (as I may saie) after euerie butterflie of worldlie pleasure, till at length they fall headlong into the pitt of eternall perdition.

27. And yet neuertheles, they might enioy both the temporall goods of this world, and the eternall, if they would not abuse the first, but vse them onlie as a meanes to the latter, that is to say, for the seruice, and ho­nour of God, for the which they were principallie ordained: whereas they putting their onlie felicity in their worldly wealth, loose their true felicitie, liuing in a continuall obliuion of their end, and of their duty to God their creator. For euen as we see that hoggs and swyne (when their keeper doth cast downe from the tree store of accornes to feede them doe neuer so much as lift vpp their heades, or eyes to haue any co­gitation of him, but grunting, and grumling one against an other, attend onlie to their feeding: euen so these worldlinges, notwithstanding the continuall benefits, which almighty God doth most bountifully powre downe vppon them, doe neuer so much as eleuate their eyes, or mindes from the earth, and delights of this world to thinke vppō him, and much lesse to be thankefull vnto him, but grumling one against an other, and thinking all the world to litle for themselues, attend onlie to their pre­sent pleasures, fatting themselues as hoggs, and swine doe for the slaugh­ter, that is to saie, daily encreasing, and heaping damnation vppon them­selues. And though they know well that they must die, and cannot be ignorant, if they be Christians, that then they are to yeld a strait account of their life past, and of euerie idle word, yet they liue as rechles, and careles thereof, as if they were sure to liue for euer: and which is more, are content for verie toyes, and vaine trifles, not onlie to venter, and loose the eternall ioyes, but also to purchase to themselues eternall paine.

28. Therefore I conclude this point, concerning mans felicitie, with the saying of the Psalmist. Beatus vir cuius nomen Domini spes eius, & non [Page 36] respexit in vanitates, Psal. 39. & insanias falsas. Blessed is the man, vvhose hope is the name of our lord, and hath not regarded, and esteemed vanities, and false madnes, that is to say, worldly wealth, honours, and pleasures, which so bewitch men with false shewes of transitorie delights, that they depriue them of the true felicitie of euerlasting ioyes, whereunto God created them, and draw them to the endlesse infelicitie, and miserie of eternall paine, prepared for the diuell, and his Angels.

That ciuill society is subordinat to religious, or ecclesiastical society: that is to say to the Church. And by that occasion it is declared, hovv much religion hath benne honored, and respected in profane common vvelths: and the eminent dignity of the Church of Christ is touched by the vvay. Also certaine conclusions are dravvne out of all precedent chapters, and some groundes laid, for the better examination of false religions, to vvit of Paganisme, Mahometisme, Iu­daisme, Lutheranisme, and Caluinisme. CHAP. VI.

Plato. dialo­go. 1 de rep. vide Marsil. F [...]cinum in Argumento dial. 1. de rep.1. HAuing hetherto proued, that religion is the end of common welth, I thinke it conuenient, aswell for the further confir­matiō thereof, as also for the better explication of this whole question, to shew how common welth serueth, or is referred to religion, as the meane, or way to the end. Whereby it will euidentlie appeare, that religion is not ordained for common welth, but common welth for religion: and that whereas man is naturallie enclined, both to religion, and also to ciuil society, his inclination to the latter, is subordi­nat to the former, that is to say, that he is by nature, inclined to liue in common welth, to the end he may the better performe the acts of re­ligion.

2. The reason of this may well be gathered out of Plato, who teacheth, that men are assembled, and doe liue togither in ciuil societie, to the end, that all mankind may giue that due worship to God, which euerie man oweth him, and one man alone can not sufficientlie performe, nor yet manie together, except they liue in ciuil society. To which purpose it is to be considered, that the worship which is due to God from man, can­not be so compleat, and perfect in one man, or in a few, as in manie for as Salomon saith.Prouer. 14. In multitudine populi, dignitas regis. The honour of the king, is in the multitude of his people:) And if it be requisit, that manie shall con­curre to the worship of God, then it is also necessary, that they liue in order, and be gouerned by magistrats, and lawes, for otherwaise their [Page 37] multitude would breede confusion: and where manie are vnited with one communion of lawes, and magistrates, there is ciuil society. Ther­fore seeing manie men, can not duly worship God, and performe the acts of religion, except they liue in ciuil society (which is common welth: [...]it followeth that common welth is most requisit, and necessa­rie, to the perfection of religion.

3 Moreouer, whereas the office, and acts of ciuilitie, and religion, are distinct, and different, the one from the other, and yet are exercised in one multitude, and communitie of men, there must needes be also in the same communitie, distinct and different orders, proper to the nature, aswell of religion, as of ciuilitie: that is to say, as man is, in respect of ciuil societie, gouerned, and guided for the good of common welth by lawes, and magistrats, ordained to that end: so also he must, in regard of religion be directed by other different magistrats and lawes, conuenient to the office, and end of religion: in which respect Cicero saith.Cicero lib. 2. de leg. Sine ijs qui sacris publicè praesint, priuatae religioni satisfieri non posse. Men cannot satisfy their priuat religion, or deuotion, except there be some, that haue publike charge of the things that belong to religion. And this cannot be imagined, but in a societie, proper to religion, that in one communitie of men, we find two societies, whereto nature hath ordained vs, the one ciuil, or politi­cal, and the other religious: whereof the former is called common welth, and the other, is now by Christians properly tearmed the Church: both of them euidently distinguished, the one from the other, by diffe­rent magistrats, and lawes in all common wealths.

4 Now then forasmuch as the religious societie, or the Church, hath the seruice of God, and deuine things for her proper and peculiar end, and that the ciuil societie, or common welth doth of her owne nature, and condition, respect only humane and temporal matters, it must needes follow, that the religious societie is farre more perfect, and worthie, then the ciuil, yea, and that the ciuill societie is subordinat vnto the re­ligious, such being the course of nature, alwaies to proceede by the inferiour to the superiour, and by the lesse perfect, to the more perfect, as by the meane to the end, and this is most euident in all thinges, which are of one kind.

5 The Elements are aswel in dignitie, as place, superiour one to an oth [...]r: The orbs, and spheres in like sort are subordinat to the highest, and moued by it: The sciences are all, as it were, subiect to Metaphisick, which therefore, Aristotle calleth the godesse of sciences, A [...]ist [...] l [...]b. 1. me [...]aphys. and (to omit multitudes of examples in a matter euident) the same may be noted in the societies, inferiour to common welth: for, humane nature is led, [Page 38] as it were, by degrees and passeth from the lower, to the higher, or more worthy: as from the societie of the master, and the seruant, to the familie: from the familie, to the towne, or corporation: and from thence, to some kind of common welth, as to the more perfect, for the more ease, and better comoditie of man: And therefore by the like rea­son, humane nature resteth not there, but tending euer to the best, and to her proper end, it passeth from all sortes of common welth, and ciuil societies, to the religious, or ecclesiasticall societie, as to the high­est, and most perfect, whereby man (who was ordained for the wor­ship, and seruice of God) may discharge his dutie towards him, and attaine to eternall felicitie.

Caesar com­ment. de bel­lo Gallico l. 6.6 Thus then we see, not onlie that religion is the end of common welth, but also that the religious societie, or the Church, is farre more excellent, and worthy, then anie ciuil societie, by the same law of nature, that the soule is superiour to the body, reason to sense, heauen to the earth, and deuine thinges to humane.

7 The force of this naturall law, and the transcendent dignitie of religion, hath benne alwayes most manifest, euen in the common wealths of the Gentils. For, although true religion, could not haue any place, and much lesse any commaunde amongst them, (whiles they were drowned in the depth of Idolatrie) yet their natural propension to true religion, appeared euidentlie in the honour and respect, that they bore to their errour, and superstition; as (to omit other manifest arguments, and proofes thereof) it was euident in the great authoritie, and dignitie of the priesthood, which was exercised in the different religions of diuers countries; whereof I thinke good to lay downe some examples.

8 We read in the Commentaries of Caesar, that certaine priestes called Druydes (because they dwelt most in the woods) were of such autho­ritie amongst the Brittaynes in our countrie, and the Gaules now called Frenchmen, that they were, not onlie exempt from all kind of taxes, or impositions, seruice in warre, and all other greueances, but also had in their handes the education, and instruction of all the youth and the decision of all ciuill and criminall causes, and other controuer­sies, either publike, or priuate, punishing such as refused to stand to their iudgement, with depriuation of all participation of their sacri­fices: which was held for the most greueous penaltie that might be, and he which incurred it, was reputed to be so wicked, and infa­mous, that no man would conuerse with him, or speake to him: and such was the power of these Druydes, that they made warre, some­times [Page 39] amongst themselues, for the office of cheefe priest, when it was vacant.

9 Also amongst the Egiptians, priesthood was of such high estima­tion, that no man could be king, except he were priest: And in di­uerse partes of Greece, as Plutarcke affirmeth, [...]aptista Ful­gos. lib. 1. Strabo. priesthood was held equall in dignitie, with princelie estate, or kinglie maiesty. In Aethtopia, the kinglie authoritie was so subiect to the priestlie power, that when the priest denounced to the king, that it was the will of God, that he should kill himselfe, he neuer refused to doe it: in so much, that for manie descentes, and generations, the kinges of Aethiopia killed them­selues, by the sentence, or decree of the priests, preferring the reueren­ce, and respect of religion, before the loue of their liues.

10 And who can sufficientlie expresse, the great care, and respect, the Romans had of religion? Of whom Cicero saith: Nec Numero Hispanos, Cicero de Harusp. resp. nec rebore Gallos, &c. VVee doe not surmount the Spaniards in number, nor the French in strenght, nor the Africans in craft, nor the Greekes in the sciences, but vvee goe beyond all nations in religion, and pietie. Thus he. And this is euident throughout all the course of their common welth, and empire.Onuphrius de Romana Repub. Romulus their first king, thought it vnfit, that any other but himselfe, should haue the care, and charge of the temples of the gods, and of their sacrifices, and ceremonies. Which custome, passed also from him as hereditarie, to the kings his successors. Numa, who succeeded him,Plutarc. in Numa. Titus Liuius Dec. 1. lib. 1. did not only thinke himselfe greately honoured, with the title of cheefe bishop, but also ordained all that maiesticall forme of cere­monies, sacrifices, priestlie, and pontificall dignities, which the Ro­mans euer after most curiouslie obserued. And such was the priuiledge, and dignitie of their priesthood, that Iupiters priest was (as Plutarcke witnesseth) Viuum, sacrumque perfugij simulachrum: Plutarc. in quaest. Rom. q. 111. A liuing and holly image of refuge, that is to say, his verie person, was a sanctuarie. For, vvhosoeuer did fall dovvne at his feete, he vvas that day free from stripes or other punishment, and if he vvere alreadie tied, or bound, he vvas present­lie loosed.

11 The cheefe bishop (who was called, Pontifex Maximus, and had the cheefe charge of all things belonging to religion) was subiect to no man, nor accountable for his doings to any: and which is more, the supreme authoritie of the common welth rested in him, & the infe­riour bishops, as Cicero witnesseth, saying that it vvas most notably, Cicero ord [...] pro domo sua. and deui­nely ordained, by the ancient Romans, that the Bishops should haue the cheefe com­maund in matters, that pertained asvvell to the common vvelth, as to the religion of the gods.

Thus saith Cicero, whereof there may be alledged diuers examples, bu [...] two, or three shall suffise. Metellus being cheefe bishop, forbad Posth [...] ­mius the Consul, (who was also a prieste) to goe to Africk with his Ar­my, to the end he might attend, to his priestly charge, as occasion shoul [...] require:Valer. Ma­xim. li. 1. c. 1. wherein the consul obaied him, and so the cheefe dignitie of the common vvelth yelded, saith Valerius, to religion. Cn. Tremellius the Tribune of the people, was fined, because he had so litle respect to Aemilius Lepidus, the cheefe Bishop,Lucius Flo­rus epito. lib. 47. as to contend iniuriouslie with him: whereuppo [...] Florus obserueth; that sacrorum magistratuum ius potentius fuit. The authoritie of the sacred, or holly magistrats, vvas more potent, then the authoritie of the Tribunes, who where held equall with the consuls, and instituted of pur­pose by the people to counterpeise them.

12 I might add hereto the soueraigne, and supreeme authoritie of the Augures, ouer all temporall magistrats in all matters of the common welth, were it not that I shall treat of it at large, in the eight chapter, where I shall haue occasion to lay downe some examples thereof, and namely of the two consuls.Chap. 8. nu. 1. 2. 3. P. Claudius and Lucius Iunius condemned to death, for disobaying the Augures. For such was the reuerend regard of the Romanes to religion, that the violation, and contempt thereof, was not only alwaies ignominious, but also sometimes capital to the greatest princes, and supreme magistrats of the common welth; In which res­pect,Valerius Maxim. li. 1. c. 1. Valerius Maximus, saith. Omnia post religionem ponenda semper nostra ciuitas duxit, &c. Our citty hath alvvaies thought, that religion is to be preferred before all thinges, yea euen in men of the highest dignitie, and maiestie: and ther­fore our Empire, hath alvvaise most vvillingly submitted it selfe, and obaied in matters of religion, esteeming, that it should in time attaine to the soueraignetie of humane gouernment, if it did vvell, and constantly, serue the deuine povver. Thus saith Valerius, of the time of the Romane consuls, and common welth.

13 And what respect was had to religion afterwards, it may appeare sufficiently,B [...]a Ful­g [...]. lib. 1. c. 1. by that which wee read of the time of the Emperour Alex­ander Seuerus: As that there was an appellation from him to the bishops, and that they reuersed his sentences, when they saw cause: And (to omit other arguments of this matter) there is in Nicephorus, Niceph. eccl. hi [...]. l [...]b. 1 [...]. c. 22. extant a letter of Iulian the Apostata to Arsacius, an Idolatrous bishop, or high priest in Galatia, wherein he admonisheth him, to be euer mindfull of his owne dignity, and that therefore, he should not goe to visit the gouernours of the prouince, but verie seldome, nor suffer any priest to goe forth to meete them, when they should come to the cittie, nor to be seene in the theaters, nor to haunt Tauerns, nor that any souldiar, of what condition [Page 41] soeuer he were, should goe before any priest in the temple, for as soone, saith he, as any temporall magistrat doth sett his foote vvithin the dore of the tem­ple, he becommeth a priuat man, for thou hast the cheefe authority or commaund, in the temple, as thou knovvest, and so also the deuine decrees doe require.

14 Thus wrote the Emperour Iulian: Whereby we may see, what con­ceit the pagan Emperours themselues held, of the grauity, and dignity of priesthood, and consequentlie of the excellencie of religion. The like may also be obserued amongst the Turkes, where such honour,Munster. in Cosmogra­phia. pag. 47 and res­pect is borne to the clergie, that whereas, all other sorts of men, of what dignitie, or degree soeuer they be, are counted no better then slaues to their Emperour: the priests are counted free men, and neuer pay, either taxe, or tribut, and the cheefe bishop,Melāchton. in praefat. Alcoran. Cispin in tractatu de Mahomete. Theuet Cos­mogra. li. 17. c. 7. Leonclauius in pandect. hist. Turc. ca. 34. Postel. de la iustice des Tu [...]cs. or patriach (who is called Muphtij) is of such absolut authority, that no man what soeuer (not the Empe­rour himselfe) intermedleth in the affaires belonging to his charge, where as he neuerthelesse assisteth, when he thinketh good, in all the counsells of state. And although the other ordinarie counsellers of the Emperour (who are commonlie foure in number) may be, and are oftti­mes changed: yet he can neuer be changed, or excluded: yea, and if he contradict any decree of the counsell, or law of the Emperour, and affir­me it to be contrarie to the Alcoran, or law of Mahomet, it is presently anulled, and held to be of no force. Finally such is the respect that the Emperour beareth him, that as oft as the Muphtij commeth vnto him, he riseth out of his seat, and laying his hand vppon his breast, boweth his head downe to the ground to doe him reuerence. Thus much I haue thought good to note by the way, concerning the high esteeme that In­fidels of all sorts, haue had of religion, and priesthood.

15 Seeing then superstition, and Idolatrie hath had such power to cap­tiuat the minds of men by reason of the natural instinct, and inclination that all men haue to religion, what may be thought of the force, and power of true religion, accompanied with the light and power of Gods grace? Shall it not be much more potent to moue men to embrace, estee­me, and honour it aboue all earthly things? And shall not the priesthood, and prelacy belonging thereto, be more worthily respected, and reue­renced, then an earthly power? This appeareth euidently in the law of God, giuen to the Ievves by Moyses in the ould testament,Deuter. 17. where it was ordained, that it should be death to disobay the commaundements of the high priest, and almighty God also said to the Prophet Ieremy. Ecce [...] te hodie, &c.Ieremi. 1. Behold I haue constituted and ordained thee this day aboue [...]ations, and kingdomes, that thou maist pluck vp, and destroy, and dissipat, and build, and plant, &c.

[Page 42]16 What meruell then, that the priesthood of our Christian Churc [...] (which is the kingdome of Christ, Isai. 49. & 60. Agga 2 Hieron. in Agga. and the pillar of truth, as the Apostl [...] calleth it (whereof the prophets also foaretold, that it should in glori [...] exceede the sinagogue of the Ievves, which was but a figure of it wha [...] meruel, I say, that in authoritie and honour, it excelleth all earthli [...] power,S. Ignatius ep. ad Smyr­uen. S. Chrisost. Ho. 4. & 5. de ve [...]b. Esaiae vidi dominum & li. 3. de sa­cerdotio. and principalitie? In which respect the holie martyr, S. Ignati [...] disciple to S. Iohn the Euangelist, said of our Christian priesthood that it i [...] Summa omnium honorum, qui in hominibus consistunt: The cheefe of all honour [...] vvhich are in men. And S. Chrisostome calleth it Principatum ipso regno, &c. [...] principality more venerable, and greater, then the kingdome of it selfe, because th [...] princelie power, doth not exceede the boundes of the earth, wher [...] as the power of the Christian priest, extendeth it selfe to th [...] heauens: and the Prince saith he, hath authority onlie ouer the bod [...] but the priest hath power ouer the soule. Thus reasoneth S. Chri [...] stome in his excellent treatise, which he wrote of the dignity of prie [...] hood.

17 This then being so, it cannot be doubted, but that our Christia [...] Church, wherein this pristhood is exercised, is that religious, and eccl [...] siastical society whereto all other societies are by the law, and course [...] nature subordinat, and subiect, which will be more cleare then th [...] sunne heareafter, when I shall treat purposelie of Christian religion, a [...] of the Catholike Church in particuler: for here I speake but of religi [...] in generall.

18 Neuerthelesse, for the conclusion of this point, I will say furth [...] heere concerning the dignity of our Church, that if wee consider t [...] excellent institution of it, (as that it is a most exact, and exquisit Mona [...] chie notablie tempred of all kind of common welths) and wa [...]g [...] withall the deuine wisdome of the lawmaker, that is to say, our Sauio [...] Christ. the equity, and sanctity of his lawes: the terrour of the iudg [...] ments and penalties extending to the eternal punishment of body, a [...] soule: the inestimable worth of the heauenlie, and euerlasting reward the dignitie, and grauitie of the magistrats: the authoritie of the supre [...] Senat, or Parlament: (I meane the generall councels:) the vener [...] ble maiestie of the head,Matth. 16. and his ample power to bind, and lose: t [...] boundes of his dominion propagated from the east, to the west, t [...] stabilitie, and perpetuitie thereof, which hellgates shall not ouerco [...] (hauing alreadie continued in a perpetuall succession,Ibid. of more then T [...] hu [...]dr [...]d, and forty bishops from the Apostle Saint Peter not with stand [...] the enuie and hatred of Heretikes, and the violent impugnation most wicked, and potent Emperours.) And if with all we consid [...] [Page 43] the hollie inspiration of the deuine spirit, which moueth, and gouer­ [...]eth all this misticall bodie, the giftes, graces, and miracles, wherewith it [...]s adorned, the admirable force, and vertue of the Sacraments: the pro­found wisedome, and knowledge of Doctors: the Mellifluous eloquēce of preachers: the immaculat chastity of virgins, the inuincible forti­ [...]ud of Martyrs: the innocent life of confessors: and the most sweet sa­ [...]our of all vertues, that redoundeth of these heauenly flowers: finally, if we ponder also, the communion that this Ecclesiastical society hath with the heauenly hierarchy (whereby we become, Ciues sanctorum, Ephes. 2. & do­mestici Dei, fellovv cittizens vvith saints, and houshould seruants of God.) We cannot doubt, but that it is the lady, and mistresse of all societies, the Queene of Common welths, and Empresse of all kingdomes, and Em­ [...]ires. In which respect, it his honored, & adorned in the holly scriptures, with most excellent titles, of the house of God, the gate of heauen, Gen. 28. Psal. 86. Isai. c. 60. the citty [...]f God, and such like: whereof also almighty God, said by the Prophet. [...]onam te in superbiam saeculorum, &c. I vvill place thee for a pride (that is to [...]aie, for an honour, and glorie) to vvorlds, or ages, a ioy to generation, and genera­ [...]on, and thou shalt sucke the milke of nations, and shalt be fedd vvith the Papp [...]f kings, &c.

[...]9 And againe: Filij eorum, qui te humiliauerunt, curui venient, &c.Ibid. The [...]hildren of those, vvhich humbled thee, shall come crouching vnto thee, and shall [...]dore the foote steps of thy feete, and thy gates shalbe open continually, they shall [...]t be shut day, or nigth, to the end, that strength of nations, and their kinges, may [...]e brought vnto thee: for the nation, and kingdome, vvhich shall not serue thee, shall [...]erish. And in an other place: Erunt reges nutricij tui. Kings shalbe thy foster fa­ [...]hers, and Queenes thy nurses, they shall adore thee, Idem. c. 49. vvith their face bovved dovvne [...]ppon the earth, and shall lick the dust of thy feet, and thou shalt knovv, that I am [...]y lord. Thus said the prophet foretelling the dignitie, maiestie, and [...]lorie which now wee see, in the Christian Church, whereof I [...]hall haue occasion to speake amply heereafter, in the third part of this [...]reatise.

[...]0 This therefore, is the societie, whereto euerie man is by nature [...]nstituted, and ordained: This is the huge, and immense ocean, to [...]hich all the springes and riuers, as I may say, of humane, and ciuil so­ [...]ieties, of families, citties, and common welths, of kingdomes, empires, and states, doe naturally direct their course. This, I saie, is that eternall kingdome, and monarchie of our Sauiour Christ, which being spread [...]uer the whole world, doth not onlie remaine alwaise, one, and the selfe same (retaining her authoritie, and dignitie in all Chri­ [...]tian common welths, though neuer so different in their forme, na­ture, [Page 44] and institution) but also comprehendeth them all, and as it were fostreth them like a louing mother in her bosome, linketh, and combi­neth them in a spirituall vnion one with an other, adorneth, and per­fetteth them, and finally (if they swarue not from her) bringeth them to true felicitie, conioyning them, and euerie part of them with God, by the meanes of true religion, which is found onlie in her, and is the end, for the which all common welths, and euerie particular man is or­dained.

21 And now to conclude this question concerning religion in generall, thou hast seene, good Reader, that I haue hetherto treated of the neces­sity of religion, in common welth, in respect first of the whole world, secondly of euerie man in particuler, and lastly of common welth it sel­fe: and therefore I thinke good, before I passe further, to draw certaine conclusions out of the premisses, whereby the ignorance, errour, and impiety of the pollitikes, may be the more manifest.

Chap. 2. & 3.22 Seeing then, that religion floweth, (as I haue proued) from the fountaine of nature it selfe, and is the bond, or linke, wherewith man and all other creatures subiect to him, are tied, and linked with their creator, and that the vertue and force thereof is such, that not onlie all humane thinges doe by the helpe thereof, remaine in the protection of almighty God, but also man himselfe is thereby vnited with him, and becomm [...]th a most happie, yea deuine creature (first here in this life, by grace, and after in the next by euerlasting glorie:) what man can be so wicked, or senseles, as to thinke, that any humane, or worldlie thing, may be preferred before it, or yet compared with it? Who is so blind, that he seeth not the absurditie of those, which thinke it to be a hu­mane deuise, consisting onlie in the opinion of men? What els may be thought that they pretend, but the destruction of man, the subuersion of the whole world, and the ruine of nature it selfe? For if there were no religion, or if all men should contemne it as they doe) what connexion could there be of man, and of the world with God? What m [...]anes, or way to true felicitie? Should not the world, by the breach of the com­mon bond, fall to confusion, and man be ouerwhelmed with remediles miserie?Chap. 4. per totum.

23 Furthermore, seeing I haue also proued that religion is the end not onlie of man, but also of common welth, and that all true political feli­citie, cōsisteth principally therein: what els doe they which ouerthrow, or deface religion but subuert common welth and depriue it of all true happines, and consequently draw it to infelicitie, and vtter desolation? And lastly seeing the end, wherto any thing is ordained, is farre more [Page 45] noble, & worthie, then the meanes that leadeth to the end: it is most eui­dent, that religion, being the end of common welth, is farre more wor­thie, and excellent, then all humane pollicie: and that the axiome of the law is most true to wit, summa ratio est, quae pro religione facit, it is the cheefe, and highest reason, vvhich makes for religion? Where vppon it followeth, that religion is the verie rule, whereby all policie is to be directed, and the touch stone, wherewith it is to be tried: and that when pollicie is correspondent to the rule of religion, then it may trulie be counted good, and true pollicie because it is conforme to the end, whe­reto it was ordained: and when it deflecteth, or dissenteth from it, then it is bad, and false pollicie, as disagreeing from the true end, whereto all true policie tendeth. As for example, the health of man, is the end of phisicke: and therefore whatsoeuer is holesome, and good for mans healthe, the same is medicinable, and agreable to the rule of phisick: and on the other side, whatsoeuer is vnholesome, or hurtfull to health, the same is contrarie to the true rule of phisicke.

24 Therefore whereas Politikes do accomodat all religion to state (as though state or pollicie were the end, and rule of religion) who seeth not that they are as absurde therein, as the phisitian, that should not seeke principallie the health of his patient, but the commendation of his medicine, or art, and would labour to wrest his patients complexion, and disease to the nature, and operation of his medecin, and not applie the medicin to the cōplexion of the patient, or to the nature of the dis­ease? O are they not as wise as the shoomaker, who would seeke to fitt the foote to the shooe, and not the shooe to the foote? Or as the carpenter, who would frame his squire, and rule to his tymber, and not his tymber to his rule? Co [...]ld any thing be more praeposterous, absurd, or ridiculous? No truelie; and yet so doe the politiks, in the states whe­re they gouerne framing religion to the rule of their state, that is to say, the end to the meane; the sicke mans health, to the medicine; the squire, to the tymber; and the foote to the shooe.

25 Now then to proceed to the declaration of what religion it is, which is the end of common welth, and consequentlie most conuenient for state, thow shalt vnderstand, good Reader, that forasmuch as diuers re­ligions partlie haue bene, and partelie are professed in diuerse common welths as paganism [...] amongst the Greekes, and Romaines in times past: Ma­h [...]m tisme amongest the Turkes, and Persians, and Af [...]icans at this day: Iu­da [...]me amongest the Ievves in sundry partes of the world: Christianisme amongst the Chr [...]stians, and lastlie [...] the different sects of Christians, who haue seperated themselues from the Catholike Church in diu [...] [...] [Page 46] of Christendome at this present) I will therefore treat seuerallie of all these, and finallie proue, that the religion, which doth vnite man, and common welth with God, and beatifie both, is the Christian faith: And that of those religions, which differentlie professe the faith of Christ at this daie, the ancient Catholike Roman religion, is not onlie the true religion, but also most politicall, that is to say, most agreable to true reason of state: And finallie that the doctrine of the sectaries, pro­fessing the name, and faith of Christ, namelie of Lutherans and Caluinists, is no lesse contrarie to true reason of state, then to the veritie of our ho­lie scriptures.

26 To this purpose, I thinke good, first to lay downe, tvvo infallible groundes, and positions, whereby I meane to examine the religions aboue mentioned, and to performe in part, that which I haue vndertaken. The one is, that no false religion can be the end of common welth, nor vnite the same with God, nor yet benefit, and much lesse beatifie it. This may appeare, by the verie naturall instinct, that wee haue to religion: For, seeing that the religion, which is the end of man, and of common welth, is the same whereto nature moueth and inclineth vs, it must needes be, a good, and true religiō; it being euidēt, and grāted by all men, that as all naturall inclinations (such I meane as are conforme to the law of nature) are good and true,S. Tho. 22. q. 26. ar. 6 c. so also all those thinges, whereto they moue, and encline vs, are true, and good in like manner: For bonum & verum, Aristot. M [...]aphy. that is to saie, good and true are inseparable, seeing what soeuer is good, the same is true, and what soeuer is true, it is also good: & if nature should encline vs to any thing that were euill, or false, it should both erre it selfe, and also induce vs to errour: which were most absurd to say, for thereuppon it must needes follow, that God the author of nature, and truth it selfe, should be the author of euill and falsity, which all phi­losophers deny with our deuines:Cicero de le­gib. li. 1. and therefore Cicero saith of nature, that natura duce errari nullo modo potest: If vvee follovv nature vve cannot erre, whereuppon it followeth, that the religion whereto nature inclineth vs, must needes be a good, and true religion: for if it were false, it could neither be good, nor yet naturall, and much lesse the end whereto nature moueth man, and common welth.

27 Furthermore a false religion cannot be the meanes to vnite man and common welth with God, who being veritie it selfe, and also most iust, hateth, and punisheth nothing more then falsitie, especiallie in those thinges which concerne his worship, and seruice. And therefore our Sauiour Christ said, that those which worshipp, and adore God, ought to adore him, in spiritu & veritate, in spirit and truth: were uppon it also fol­loweth [Page 47] that all false religion, is most pernicious to common welth, both because it deuideth the same from God (vppon whom dependeth all the good and felicitie thereof:) as also for that it draweth his wrath and vengeance vppon it, no lesse then vppon particular men: as shall appeare by manifest examples hereafter in the third part of this treatise: and thus much for the first grounde.

29 The second position or grounde shalbe: that the religion, which consi­steth either in the worshipp of a false god, or yet in precepts, customes, or beleefe inducinge to vice, and corruption of manners, must needes be a false religion, and destroy common welth. For as in the first, (I meane the worship of a false god it impugneth the author of nature (who as I said before is veritie it selfe) so in the latter (to wit in the induction to vice) it impugneth the lawe of nature. which leadeth to all vertue: in which respect the Stoicks, teaching, that the felicitie of man, and com­mon welth, consisteth in vertue, taught also, that to liue verteously, Cicero de Fini [...]. li. 4. is no­thing else, but to liue according to the rule, and lavv of nature. And therefore the religion which leadeth, and induceth to vice, must needes be against nature, and consequently against reason, and true pollicy, that is to saie, not onlie false but also pernicious to state: False, because all truth is con­forme to nature. Pernitious to state, because state, or common welth standeth by vertue, & is ruinated by vice, as I will euidently proue here­after. And in the meane time,Chap. 9. per totum. hauing laid these two infallible groun­des, I will thereby examine the religions aforesaid, and first beginne with Paganisme, as it was professed by the Romans, who in their kind, were most religious, or rather superstitious, and placed a great part of their pollicy, in the exact obseruation of their religion: which neuertheles I will manifestlie shew, to haue bene both false, and contrary to true reason of state, and consequently pernicious to their common welth.

The absurdity of Paganisme, is shevved in the religion of the auncient Romanes, and that the same vvas no lesse contrary to true reason of state then to true reli­gio: not only for the vanity of their gods, and the impiety of their sacrifices, and ridi­culous ceremonies: but also for the bad effectes of vice, and all kind of vvickednes, vvhich it produced in their common vvelth. CHAP. VII.

1 BEing here to discipher aswell the impietie and vanitie of Pa­ganisme, as the dammage that ensued thereof to the Ro­man common welth, I cannot but first make reflexion on the imbecillity, and vanity of man, when he is void of gods grace, seing that so wise a people, as the Romanes were, and as it seem [...]h, [Page 48] so well disposed, and inclined to vertue, were neuertheles so blinde, and withall so impious, as to embrace for some hundreths of yeares, such an absurde, ridiculous, and sacrilegious religion as they did, and with such notable detriment to their common welth, as did, and must needs grow thereof. Which no man can denie, that dulie considereth the multitude, turpitude, and abiection of their gods, honoured with such detestable sacrifices, rites and ceremonies, that their beliefe, and the practise of their whole religion, could not possiblie produce in time, any other effect in their common welth, then contempt of God, and of religion, that is to say, Atheysme, and extreame dissolution of life, and manners, to the vtter ouerthrow of their state.

2 That this may euidentlie appeare, I will first treate of their gods: Secondly of their sacrifices: And lastlie of the effects of their whole religion. And first for their gods, and goddesses, what could be more contemptible then manie of them, whose names, and functions, did ra­ther deserue derision, then deuotion, and might moue men rather to contemne them, then to reuerence them: As Hercules [...] scarre-flee (whose deuine office, was to dryue flies awaie: And the goddesse called Cloacina, Lactant. li. 1. cap. 20. Ouid fast. 4. Lactant. de falsa relig. li. 1. ca. 20. because she was found in a sinke: And the rustie goddesse, na­med Rubigo, to whom they worthilie sacrificed a dogge: And the dombe goddesse, called Muta: Also the dungehill god Sterquilinus: And their sweeping goddesse Deuerra, who with her beesome (together with two other gods called Pilumnus and Intercido, the one armed with a pestle, and the other with an axe) defended women newly brought a bed, from the great god of the woods, called Siluanus: whereof the ceremonie was most ridiculous: for three men being sent about the house in the night, the first strooke the threshould of the dore with an axe,D. Aug. de ciuit. Dei. li. 6. c. 9. the second with a pestle, and the third with a beesome, and so shee that lay in childbed, was held to be secure from the god Siluanus, who, as they feared, would otherwise haue entred into the house, and donne her some great harme.

3 But what should I say of an infinit number of trifling gods, whom they worshipped, assigning a particular god, almost for euerie thing? As,Id [...]m ibid. cap. 7. Forculus for the god of the dore; or gate: Limentinus the god of the threshould: and Cardea the goddesse of the hinges: so that they had two gods and a goddesse, appointed to keepe one dore, which one dogg would haue kept much better. And what a number of gods had they about a maried coople?S. August. Ibid. c. 9. first the god Iugatinus, to ioyne them togither: then the god Domiducus to bring the bride home, then the god Domitius, and the goddesse Manturna, to keepe her at home, besides Venus, and [Page 49] Priapus, and a great manie of beastly gods, and goddesses, to assist them for procreation: whose names I forbeare to relate, because they import nothing but matter of lust, and lasciuiousnes.

In like maner, they had a goddesse of meate, called Edulica: an other of drinke, called Potina: and for corne they had so many, as it would be te­dious to tell their names: for besides Ceres, and Proserpina, who had the cheefe chardge thereof, there was a god, or a goddesse for the eare of the corne, an other for the stalke, an other for the ioyntes, or knots, an other for the blade, an other for the graine, an other for the huskes,Ibid. li. 4. c. 8. an other for the blouth of it, an other for the groweth, an other for the ri­peninge, and to be breefe, they had in like sort, for euerie other trifle some trifling god, or goddesse. And yet if their folly had stayed there, it had bene more tollerable: but who can expresse sufficiētly their madnes, in that they did not onlie assigne a god, as I haue said, for euerie toye, but also made gods of the verie diseases, passions, vices, and sinnes of men: which as S. Augustin saith verie well, could not be called Numina, sed crimina colentiu, not the gods, but the crimes of those that worshipped them: For besides the goddesse Febris, that is to saie, the Ague,Cicero de leg. lib. 2. and Fortuna mala & detestata, bad, & detestable fortune to the which they dedicated temples and ordained sacrifices they had also a god called Pallor, palenes, and an other called Pauor, feare, also a goddesse of slouth, which they cal­led Murcia: and, least coueteousnes might want some deuine patrons, to protect and nourish it, they made gold, siluer, brasse and money gods,Arnobius li. 4. contrae gentes. D. Aug. de ciuit. li. 7. cap. 21. Lactant. de falsa relig. lib. 1. ca. [...]1. yea and worshipped pleasure, and lust, vnder the names of Volupia and Libentina: and which is more beastly, they adored the verie priuie parts of man in the ceremonies of Bacchus, & were also no lesse absurd, in theyr worship of their god Prya [...]us. whereof I omit to recount the particulars, and oc­casion not to offend chast eares, but he that list to see it, may read Lactan­tius, in his booke, de falsa religione.

[...] But what should I say of all the rest of their gods and goddesses, such I meane as had bene mē, & womē? As their great god Iupiter, Saturne, Mars, Venus, Berecinthia (called the mother of all the gods) Hercules, and diuers others, were they not all of thē, true patternes of impiety, & wickednes?

6 Iupiter hauing expelled his father, Saturne, out of his kingdome, married his owne sister, Iuno, & was also so dissolute of life,Ludouic. vi­ues in Com­ment. in li. 4. S. A [...]gust. de ciuit. Dei. c. 10. that he gaue occasion to the poets to faine of him, those monstrous tales of his excessiue lust, where with their poems are replenished, & therefore no meruaile, if his daughter Venus (who was also a principall goddesse of the Romans) were as Euemerus declareth the first that set vp a bordell or stewes, & taught [...]he Graecian women, and specially them of Cyprus, to make gaine of their [Page 50] owne bodies: whereuppon grew the custome of the Cypriots, where [...] Iustin writeth,Iustin. li. 22. to witt, to prostitute their maides at the sea coast for so [...] dayes before their mariage, to paie their offring to Venus for their ch [...] stity, all the rest of their liues.

7 And what may we thinke of Saturne Iupiters father? Doe not Hesiod [...] and Diodorus testify,Ludouic. vi­ues vbi su­pra ex He­siodo Eue­m [...]ro & Diodoro. that he was also a very wicked man, and that he d [...] priued his owne father of his kingdome, as he himselfe was after depr [...] ued of his by Iupiter his sonne? In like sort doe not all authors agree, th [...] Mars the great God, and protectour of the Roman Empire, was taken adultery with Venus? Which ministred to the poets ample matter, f [...] their further fictions? Also Berecinthia or Cibele, called the mother of t [...] gods, was not shee starke mad with the loue of Atis, as shalbe decla [...] more particularlie after a while?

8 And what neede I speake seuerally of euery one of the gods? Seeing [...] merus a Siciliā,Vide Ludo­uic. viuem in Commēt. in li. 6. S. Aug. de Ci­uit. Dei, ca. 7 Euseb. de praeparat. E­uang li. 2. ca. 4. who wrote their history, (which he collected with gre [...] industry, out of the anciēt records of their tēples) declareth thē all to ha [...] bene so impious, and beastly, that he was held by some in those times, [...] no better thē an Atheist, & an enemie of the gods, for writing the tru [...] & yet his history was generallie called, Sacra historia, the holie history.

9 But perhaps some may thinke, that the Romans hauinge receiued th [...] gods, and their ceremonies from Greece, were deceaued by the comm [...] opinion of the Grecians, who had adored them for gods long before, a [...] that their owne proper gods (such I meane as they thēselues deified) w [...] of more worth, or of better fame at least: Which neuertheles, was [...] thing so,Titus Liuius Decad. 1. li. 1. Plutarc. in vita Romu­li. Vide Ludo­uic. viuem vbi supra. in li. 5. c. 23. Lactant. lib. 1. cap. 20. Plutar. in Romulo. Vi­de Ludouic. viuem vbi supra in li. 4. c 8. La [...]tant. vbi supra. as may appeare by their deification of Romulus their first fo [...] der, who was a parricide of his owne brother, a breaker of leagues, & lawes, humane, & deuine, and such a tyrant, that the Senators whome had made, killed him in the senate: and yet neuertheles, though th [...] thought him vnworthy to liue, they held him worthy of deuine h [...] nour, & by a decree of the senat, made him a god. So also, Tiberinus of) ba, a notable theefe, and robber, being by the iust iudgement of G [...] drowned in the riuer Albula (which hath bene euer since called Ty [...] was made a god by Romulus. So also, Flora, a common strompet, was re [...] ued, & declared for a goddesse by the Romans, & honored with an ima [...] and with such beastlie feastes, called Floralia, that I am ashamed to spe [...] of the particularities thereof, which may be seene in Lactantius.

10 This Flora was also called Larentia, and was nurse to Romulus, hau [...] bene so incontinent, that she was called Lupa (which in those daies not onlie signifie a shee wolfe, but also a common queane) whereupp [...] grew the fable, that Romulus, and Remus were nourished by a shee wo [...]

[Page 51]11 But besides this Larentia, there was also an other of the same name, & [...]uality, & honored, by the Romans for a goddesse, vppon this occasion,Plutar. in Romulo. S. Aug. de ciuit. Dei. li. 6. c. 7. as [...]lutarke writeth. A priest of Hercules, saith he, being idle, and disposed to [...]ort himselfe, inuited his god to play at dice with him, vppon cōdition, [...]hat if the god did winne, the priest should make him a great banket in [...]is temple, and seeke him out the fairest woman that could be found, & [...]f the priest did winne, the god should bestow vppon him somewhat of [...]reat valew, fitt for a god to giue. This bargaine being made, or at least [...]euised in his owne braine, he cast the dice, first for himselfe, and after [...]or the god, and acknowledging himselfe in the end to haue lost his [...]ager, he prepared a sumptuous bankett, and sought out Larentia (be­ [...]ng famous for her beautie at that time) whome he hired to lie in the [...]emple all night, which shee did, and they say, shee was admonished by Hercules, that shee should make choise of one to be her freend, whom [...]hee should meete first in the morninge, at her going out of the temple, [...]nd so it fell out, that it was one Tarrutius, a verie old man, exceeding [...]ich, and without children, who lead her home to his house, and within [...] while died, and made her his heir of all his goods, and possessions, [...]hich shee leaft after her death, to the common welth, in recompence [...]hereof, shee was made a goddesse, and the feasts called Larentinalia [...]ere ordained for her honour, and seruice.

[...]2 Whereby we may see, what manner of gods the Romans had, aswell [...]f their owne choise, as by tradition from the Grecians: and if we consi­ [...]er withall, with what ceremonies, feastes, & sacrifices these gods were [...]onored, and serued, we shall find some of them, so ridiculous, & others [...]o impure, beastly, and impious, that wee may both wonder at the blind­ [...]es of the Romans, and also easily conceaue, what bad effects their reli­ [...]ion must needes worke in their common welth.

[...] As concerninge their foolish and ridiculous ceremonies, I shall not [...]eede to produce any other wittnes, then the graue philosopher Seneca, Seneca apud Aug. de ci­uit. Dei lib. 6. ca. 10. [...]ho hauing derided the Egiptian rites, addeth: Huic tamen furori, &c. Yet [...]is madnes lasteth but a while: It is tollerable to be madde once a yeare. ‘ [...]ut if you come to the Capitoll of Rome, and see what passeth there, you [...]ilbe ashamed to see such publike folly, & fury all the yeare lōg: one stā­ [...]eth there to tell Iupiter what a clock it is: an other to make all the other [...]ods obey him: one is his seargeant, & an other is his ointer: some there [...]re, whose office is to dresse the heads of Iuno, and Minerua, standing farre [...]rom their temples, and images, and only counterfeiting to doe it, with a [...]aine motion of their handes, & armes, whiles others hould the looking [...]lasse: some also inuite the gods to their law dayes: some present them [Page 52] memorialls, and enforme them of their causes: and the ould Arche [...]nta­lon, being already so discribed, that he is cleane out of date, and no longer fitt for the stage, playeth his part euery day in the Capitoll before the gods, as though they would take pleasure to behould him, whom men deride and cōtemne. All kynd of tradesmen are there idle as though they were entertained to worke for the gods: yet, they may be borne with, for that they offer them not any vile, or infamous, but onlie superfluous ser­uice. But what say you of the women that sitt in the Capitoll, and thinke that Iupiter is enamored of them, & yet are not afraid of Iunos frowninge lookes?’ Thus saith Seneca: who being himselfe a Painym, worthly skor­neth (as you see) the childish superstition of the Romans, and their ridi­culous religion.

14 But what? Was not also the solemne ceremonie of the Lectisternia most vaine, friuolous, and irreligious? When to pacifie the wrath of the gods, in time of great plague, and pestilence, they made them great ban­kets in their temples, and prepared beds for the gods and goddesses? Whereof Liuy declareth the origen,Liu. lib. 5. Dec. 1. an. vrbis. 356. saying that there was a great plague in Rome, a litle before it was taken by the Gaules, and that for the remedy thereof, the Romans had recourse to the bookes of the Sybils, where they found (as it seemed to them) that they should appease the gods with bankets for eight dayes together, and make three festiuall beds in the temples, for Apollo and Latona, Hercules, and Diana, Mercury and Neptunes: by which meanes saith Liuy, the wrath of the gods was pacified, and no maruaile if their choller were asswaged after so much good cheare, and so good entertainment for so manie dayes together.

15 But what could be either more vaine, or more impious, yea, and dis­honorable to their gods themselues, then their stage playes, instituted specially for their honour, to be vsed in their greatest solēnities? Wherein nothing els was represented, but their dissentiōs, quarrels, warrs, thefts, and adulteries, & nothing heard but contumelies, railing, and reuilinge speeches against them, as though the gods (if they had bene any thing at all) could haue bene delighted with their owne shame, and reproch, or could haue thought themselues to be honoured by their dishonour?

16 Such were the playes called Megalesia, dedicated to the honour of Berecinthia, the mother of the gods, and celebrated the twelfte of Aprill: the occasion whereof, I thinke good to relate, as also the storie of the great goddesse Berecinthia, not much vnlike to a comedy, seeing I speake now of stage playes.

17 This Berecinthia, being called also Cibele, and Idea, was daughter to Minos, one of the most ancient kinges of Phrigia, who vppon a prophecy [Page 53] (which seemed to threathē him some great harme by her) exposed her,Diodorus Sicul. li. 4. Bibliothecae. Vide Ludo­uic. viuem. Comment. in li 1. de ci­uit. Dei. ca. 4 as soone as shee was borne, to be deuoured of wild beastes, vppō the moun­taine called Cibelius, wherevppō she was afterward called Cibele, but being foūd there by a sheppards wife, & brought vp by her, as her owne daugh­ter, shee grew in time, to be a woman of a very rare beauty, & falling in loue with a younge man called Atys, had a child by him. Afterwards her father, hauing heard the great fame of her beauty, and discouering with all that shee was his daughter, sent for her home, and when he vnder stoode that shee was corrupted by Atys, he caused both him, and her nurse to be killed, whereuppon she fell starke mad with sorow, and loue of her Atys, and ranne out of her fathers house, wandring about the country with a tabber, & pipe, and her haire about her eares, vntill shee died. And within a while after, it chanced, that all Phrigia, being greatly afflicted with famine and pestilence, the oracle commaunded the Phri­gians, for remedie thereof, to worship Atys, and Cibele: which they did first vppon the hill called Berecinthius, where vppon shee was called Bere­cinthia: and after vppon mount Ida, and therefore shee was called Idea, and out of an erronius conceit of the people, that shee was mother to Iupi­ter, Iuno, Neptune, and Pluto, shee was called at length the mother of the gods. This mad gadding goddesse, was as madly serued, by as mad mini­sters as her selfe: for her priests (who because they vsed to drinke of the riuer Gallus in Phrigia, were called Galli) became phrentick, and madd, as oft as they dronke thereof: and with kniues, cut their owne faces, and other partes of their bodies, running vpp, and downe, and biting one, an other in honour of their goddesse, to expresse both her madnes, and their owne. But to declare how shee came to be honored of the Romans, it is to be vnderstood, that manie yeares, after that she was thus deified, and adored in Phrigia, it chaunced in the second warr of Carthage, that the Decemuiri of the Romans, found a prophesy in the bookes of the Sibils, Liuius dec. 3. li. 9. which as it seemed to them) promised the Romans great victories, and expulsion of their enimyes out of Italy, in case they procured that the mother of the gods should be brought to Rome from Phrigia: whereup­pon Embassadors were sent to demande it of king Attalus, who then raigned there, and they were commaunded by the way, to passe by the oracle of Delphos, to enquire what hope they might haue of good speed [...] the oracle tould them, that they should obtaine their demaunde, and admonished them, to haue a speciall care, that the most vertuous man in all the citty of Rome, should be sent to meete, and receiue her. The Em­bassadours went from Delphos to Phrigia, and easelie obtaine their re­quest of Attalus, who directed them to the mountaine of Ida, where [Page 54] this great goddesse had her habitation. And there no doubt they expe­cted to find some great matter, or rather some great maiestie in the mother of the gods, who they vnderstood should driue their enimies out of Italy, and repair their wracked common welth, yea and should not be receiued, or entertained by any other, but by the verie best man in the citty of Rome.

18 But when they came thither, they found nothing els, but a huge great stone, called in that country the mother of the gods, which they tooke vp with great honour, and reuerence, and carried to Rome, aduer­tising first the Senat of their returne, where vppon Scipio Nasica. (who was esteemed at that time the most vertuous man in the citty) and all the matrons of Rome, were sent to receiue this great stone goddesse, in the name of the senate, and of the people: which was performed the twelfth of Aprill, with verie great pompe, and solemnity, in the consulat of Scipio Africanus, and Publius Licinius: and thirteene yeares after, Iunius Brutus dedicated a temple to her, and instituted the playes called Megale­sia, in honour of that dedication, which playes were such, as they must needes haue irritated the gods to the destruction of Romans if they had not bene all as stony, stupide, and senselesse, as their mother, for not only the players vsed all kind of reprochfull tants, and iestes, towards Berecinthia, and her louer Atis, but also all the streets, and euerie house in Rome, during those feastes sounded fotrh nothing els but their shame, and infamie: besides that the most honest, and ciuill citizens of Rome, Heredian. in Comodo. vsed all that time, to goe desguised from house, to house, and to speake most dishonestly, and filthily, all that they could de­uise.

19 Therefore to conclude this story, what could be either more ridi­culous, or more impious in the Romans, and their religion, then to deifie, whome they diffamed, and dishonoured, and to defame, and dishonour those, whome they deified? The like also may be said of their other stage playes, whereof we haue sufficient examples in Terence, and Plautus, wherein their gods are described to be theeues, rauishers of women, adulterers, and most wicked men, which is so notorious to euerie boy in grammer schooles, that I shall not neede to saie any more thereof in this place. Neither yet doe I thinke good to speake of their most impure, and beastly ceremonies in their feastes, called Saturnalia, dedicated to Sa­turne, S. Aug. li. 2. de Ciuit. Dei ca. 6. Num. 9. and Fugalia, instituted in the honour of the goddesse of mirth, which (as S. Augustin saith) might truly be called Fugalia pudoris & ho­nestatis, driuers avvay of honestie, and shamefastnes. And no lesse beastlie were their Floralia, whereof I haue said some what before: and their [Page 55] feastes dedicated to Liber, or Bacchus, of which there were two sortes: the one called Bacchanalia, Liuius. Doc. 4. li. 9. celebrated at the first onlie by women in the day time, who hauing tipled well vntill they were dronke, ranne vpp and downe, as though they had bene surprised with some deuine fury: but afterwards men also concurred in the celebration of the feast in the night, vntill at length, such horrible impietie was practised therein, of adulteries, incest, sodomie, witchcrafts, murders, subornation of false witnesses, and diuers other mischeefes, that, the same being discouered by a Spanish woman, there were seuen thousand men, and women,Ibid [...]m. either put to death, or banished, or forced to flee, and the Bacchanalia vtterly abolished.

20 But the other sort of Bacchus feastes, called Sacra liberi patris, the feasts of the father liber, were neuer suppressed, though they were replenished with all kind of beastlie impuritie: and celebrated, not in secret, or pri­uat houses, but publikelie in townes, and abroad in the country in the high wayes, for a whole moneth together: wherein such filthie, & lasci­uious spectacles were represented, & such beastlie ceremonies practised, that I am ashamed to thinke thereof, and much more should be to rela­te the particulars, which could not but incense, & kindle in the behoul­ders, vnquencheable flames of lust: though neuertheles, the most chast matrons were manie times compelled to plaie their partes therein, and as S. Augustin saith, to doe that in publike, vvhich common queanes, Augustin. de ciuit. Dei. li. 7. ca. 21. should not be suffred to doe in the presence of matrons.

21 And therefore omitting to speake further, of the feastes, and ceremonies of that kind, I will conclude with their inhumane, horri­ble, and abominable rites, consisting in their bloodie ceremonies, and sacrifices of men, which Seneca reproued, and abhorred in them, saying:Seneca, apud S. Aug. de ciuit. Dei. li. 6. c. 10. Se ipsi in templis contrucidant, &c. They kill themselues in their temples, and pray to theyr gods, vvith their vvoundes, in such sort, that no man can make any doubt but that they vvere starke mad. And if there vvere but fevv of them, it might be borne vvith all: but their best defence, or excuse from madnes, is their multitude of mad men. Thus saith he. And Arnobius testifieth that the custome of sacrificinge men, was vsed amongst the Romans, euen to his time, saying that the Romans were then wont to sacrifice Greekes, Arnobius contra gen­tes. and Gaules, of either nation a man, and woman: Hodieque saith he, ab ipsis La­tia [...]is Iupiter homicidio colitur, &c. and euen at this day, Iupiter latialis is vvorshipped by them vvith the murther of men, and satiated vvith the blood of malefactors, vvhich is a sacrifice fitt for the sonne of Saturne. Thus farr Ar [...]obius. Whereby it is euident, that although such sacrifices of men, hauing alwayes before, bene mose vsuall amongst the Romans, Greekes, [Page 56] Carthaginenses and Gaules, were first prohibited by a decree of the Senate, about a hundred yeares before our Sauiour was borne,Plinius li. 36. anno vr­bis 657. S [...]eton. in Augusto. La­ctant. de fal­sa religio. li. 1. c. 21. Euse­bius. and afterwards againe, by an other decree of Augustus Caesar: yet neuertheles they ceased not of a long time after, as it appeareth also by the testimony of Lactan­tius, and Eusebius, who witnes; that men were sacrificed to Iupiter Latiali [...] vntill the yeare of our lord 300. which was about the thirteenth yeare of the Emperour Dioclesian.

22 This shall suffice for their gods, and sacrifices, though much more might be added, which I omitt for breuities sake. And now to saie some­what of the effects thereof, who can be so absurde to thinke, that such a religion could either be a true religion, or yet profitable to the common wealth, seeing it must needes breede in the professours thereof not onlie extreame corruption of manners, but also contempt of all religion, and verie Atheisme? For first to speake of the corruption of manners: who seeth not, that the more religious, and deuout the people should be to such wicked, and beastly gods as these, the more wicked, & beastly they should become themselues? Seing it is naturall to eueri one, to desire and endeuour to imitate the deuine nature, which we truly acknowledge to be most happy, and most perfect: and cannot with any reason imagin any other way, or meanes, to attaine to perfect felicitie, and immortalitie, but by being like to almighty God, who is the fountaine of beatitude, and the true paterne of all perfection.

23 And this the crafty serpent, and ancient enimie of mankind, knew so well, that he tooke an especiall occasion thereby, to perswade our first father Adam, Genes. 3. to transgresse the commaundements of God. Eritis (saith he) sicut dei: you shalbe as it vvere gods. And by the same meanes also Lucifer himselfe fell:Isay. 14. Ascendam (saith he) & similis ero altissimo: I vvil ascend, and be like to the highest. Therefore it is no meruaile, if euery one desireth to be like the God, he adoreth, and serueth: seing it cannot be thought, that there is any euill, or imperfection at all in the deuine nature, or that God doth any thing either vniustly,Lucian in Menippo. or vnaduisedly Which Lucian, an Atheisti­cal pagan, noteth verie well of such as professed paganisme in his time, alleaging himselfe for example, saying, that when he was a boy, and heard out of Homer, and Hesiodus, not onlie the seditions, and warres of the gods, but also their rapes, adulteries, and thefts: he beganne euen then to be greatly affected towards those vices, perswading himselfe, that if they had bene euill,Chap. 8. nu. 26. Aug. de ci­uit. li. 2. cap. 27. the gods would neuer haue vsed them, as I haue de­clared in Lucians owne wordes, in my first part, vppon the occasion of an absurd law of Aristotle.

24 Therefore S. Augustin, speaking of those gods of the Romans, and [Page 57] of the effect that their exāple must needs woorke in the cōmon welth, saith, Haec ignominiosa deorū facta &c. Those ignominious acts of the Gods whether they were shamefullie, & wickedly fained, or more shamefullie, & wickedly committed, were publikelie represented to the eies, & eares of the people, who seeing such things to be pleasing to the Gods, & cōmitted by them, easilie beleeued that they might both be offred to their seruice, and also imitated. Thus saith he.

25 Furthermore this religion of the Romans, did not onlie seeme to promise to the professors thereof, a similitud, or likenes of God, but also diuinitie it selfe, by the meanes of vice, for what els could the common people conceiue, but that diuinitie was the due reward of vice & wickednes, seeing that most wicked men, & women, (name­ [...]ie Saturne, Iupiter, Mars, Bacchus, Hercules, Romulus, Tiberinus, Venus, Lau­ [...]entia, Flora, & such other, (as had benne tyrannts, adulterers, theeues, common queanes, & strumpets) were honored as Gods & goddesses, whiles on the other side Coriolanus, Camillus, Scipio, Cato, Brutus, & other Romans, famous for their vertue, were neither Deified after their [...]eaths, nor yet could whiles they liued, long continue in the grace, and [...]auour of the people, but were some of them banished, others other­ [...]aise disgraced, & some of them forced to bereaue them selues of [...]heir liues; yf then a good, & vertuous life, might seeme to merit [...]eification, who woold not think that these vertuous men, had better [...]eserued to be made Gods, then those notable villaines, whose filthie [...] beastlie sacrifices, & detestable feasts, gaue sufficient testimonie [...]euen to the most ignorant) of their turpitude, and impietie? who [...]hen was imbued with paganisme, and had not reason, rather to make noise to satisfie his lust, and loose the bridle to all vice, with Iupiter, [...]no, Venus, and the rest of those gods, and so hope in the end to be, [...]ade a god; then to liue vertuousslie with Camillus, Scipio, Cato, and [...]ther such, and reape no other benefit, therebie in the end, but danger, [...] least of banishement, or disgrace?

[...]6 Moreouer, was not the dedication, and deification of the vices, [...]nd sinnes them selues, a wonderfull prouocation to vice, and sinne? [...]speciallie seeing that the corruption of humane nature ys such, that [...] doth not commonly so much seeke a iust cause to sinne (which yt [...]an neuer haue) as some apparant pretence thereof, couered with [...]me cloake of vertue. And what better colour could anie man haue [...] commit notable villanies, then not onlie to doe gratefull seruice to [...]me god, or other, but also to doe a deuine act, I meane some sinne, [...]at was held to be a God? Who would trouble himselfe, to restraine [...]s lust, and concupiscence; to bridle his affections, and to conquer [Page 58] his passions, and to haue no God for his patron, when by satisfying hi [...] lust, and taking his pleasure, he might hope to haue the protection o [...] two goddesses, Volupia, and Libentina? for by those names were plea­sure, and lust deified, as I haue signified before. Could any man haue a better pretence, or a greater occasion to sinne, then to serue these god­desses, to be like them, to be gratefull to them, yea, and to doe an ac [...] that was reputed to be deuine? Where vppon it must needes follow [...] that the more religious those were, who professed that religion, the more impious, and wicked they were, and that the common wealth according to their religion, was then most religious, when it flowe [...] with all intemperance, vice, and wickednes.

27 But here perhaps you will demaunde of me, whether the Roman were in deede so vicious, and wicked, as I presume by their religio [...] they were,D. August. de ciuit. dei. li. 5. c. 15. specially seeing that S. Augustin, greatly commendeth them for their vertue, and thinketh that in respect thereof, God gaue them the empire of the world. Whereto I answer, that although some o [...] them did now, and then some notable acts of morall vertue, yea, an [...] that a kind of ciuill iustice, florished in their common welth (for th [...] which S. Augustin affirmeth that God rewarded them with tempora [...] dominion, as I haue signified in the first part of this treatise) neuertheles it cannot be denied, but that they were generally most wicked, a [...] may appeare by the testimony of Cicero, Cicero apud Aug. de ci­uit. dei. lib. 2. cap. 21. who pitifully lamenteth th [...] vtter decay of vertue, and the generall corruption of manners in h [...] dayes, imputing thereto, the fall, and ouerthrow of their commo [...] welth. Nostris vitiis saith he, non casu aliquo remp. verbo retinemus, reipsa ve [...] iampridem amisimus. VVe retaine our common welth only in name, and ha [...] long since lost it in deede by our vices, and not by any casuality, or chaunce. Sal [...] also confesseth the same,Salust. apud D. August. ibidem. ca. 18 complaininge exceedingly of the coueteou [...] nes, riot, cruelty, discord, and all kind of wickednes in his tyme. An [...] although he seeme to attribute it in some part, to the ouerthrow o [...] Carthage, (the feare whereof, while it stood, was, as he thought, som [...] bridle vnto them) yet it is manifest inough, by their owne historie [...] that before that time, they were generally most wicked, as may appear by the feastes called Bacchanalia, Liuius Dec. 4. li. 9. suppressed at length for the abominable impiety which was excercised therein, by an incredible number o [...] men, and women: insomuch that aboue seauen thousand, were executed or banished for the same, in the yeare 568. after the foundation o [...] Rome, as I haue declared before: And this happened, forty yeares before the destruction of Carthage, Num. 19. which was razed in the yeare 608.

28 And againe, aboue one hundred yeares before the prohibition o [...] [Page 59] the Bacchanalia, there was discouered a horrible conspiracy, amongst the very matrons of Rome, to poison the cittie,Liuius Dec. 1. li. 8. Eutrop. li. 2. for the which three hun­dred, and seauenty of them, were executed, after they had poisoned a great number of men of all sorts, and qualities; Whereby it may easely be gathered, how maligne, and impious the people were generally at those daies, seeing that the feminine sex, naturally endued with mode­sty, mildnes, pitty, and compassion, was seazed with this furious, and extrauagant impiety, cruelty, and thirst of humane blood, without any other cause, then the malignity of their owne natures. And this pas­sed, whiles the Romans were held to be most vertuous, to wit, in the yeare, after the foundation of Rome, long before they had extended theyr dominion out of Italy. Besides that,An. vrb. 423 if we consider the tyranni­call oppression of the people by the nobility, presently after the expul­sion of the kinges, the continual seditions, where with the common wealth was perpetually garboiled, from that tyme, vnto the Monarchy of Augustus Caesar, their detestable ingratitude towards the worthiest patrons, protectors, and propagators of their common welth, as Corio­lanus Camillus, both the Scipij, Cicero, and diuers others,Plutarc. in their liues. and finally the insatiable ambition, and horrible cruelty, of diuerse of their gouuer­nours, namely of the Decemuiri, Appius Clodius, and his fellowes, of Ma­rius, Sylla, Carbo, Cinna, Liuius Dec. 1. li. 3. and lastly of the Triumuiri (of all which I omitt to relate the particularities here, because I shall doe it heareafter at lar­ge, vppon an other occasion) if, I say, we consider all this,Chap. 11. sub fin. we shall eui­dently see, that all kind of wickednes reigned amongst them in the hi­ghest degree, from the very beginninge of their common welth. So that though they excelled other nations in some vertues, pertaininge to the gouernement of their state, and especially in a kind of ciuill iu­ [...]tice, and exact military discipline, yet they were otherwise most vi­cious, and wicked: whereby yt well appeared that the politicall ver­ [...]ues, wherein they surpassed other people, were no true vertues, pro­ceeding of no other ground, but of vaine glory, and an extreame desire of honour, ioined with a great loue to their common welth,Chap. 13. nu. 5. as I shall haue occasion to signify farther hereafter.

[...]9 In the meane tyme thou seest good reader, that I haue euidently proued in this chapter, twoo thinges: the one that their religion was [...]o abominable, that the practise of it could not but make them most [...]orrupt, vicious, and wicked: & the other, that the same was manifest [...]n them by the effect, to wit, by their notorious corruption of manners [...]ice, and all kind of iniquity: which will yet be much more euident, when I shal haue proued that their religiō cold not but produce also in [Page 60] them meere Atheisme (that is to say, contempt of God, and of all reli­gion) and consequently redouble their wickednes, and impiety.

30 But because this chapter ys alreadie growne long, I will remit the discourse thereof to the next, wherin I will first discouer the supersti­tious vaintie and absurdity of their diuinations (which were also a par [...] of their religion) and then will shew how pernitious the same were t [...] their state, and lastlie I will treat of Atheisme, and proue that the same must needes growe of their religion, to the inestimable dommage o [...] their common welth.

That the profession of the Augurs, and Southsaiers amongst the Romans, an [...] all their manner of diuination, was friuolous, vaine, and most pernitio [...] to their common welth: Also that their religion could not but breed [...] Atheisme in verie manie of the professors of yt, and was also in that respect contrarie to reason of state: to which purpose yt ys declared, how Atheism [...] destroieth common welth. CHAP. 8.

1 AMongst the ridiculous toies, and superstitious vanitie [...] belonging to the religion of the Romans, none was ethe [...] more friuolous, or preiudiciall to their state, then thei [...] southsaying, or maner of diuination, to know futur [...] euents by the flight of eagles, by the voice of birdes, by the feedin [...] of certaine chickens, which were kept in cages, by the falling of thunderbolts, by shooting of starres, by looking vppon the intrailes o [...] the beastes which they sacrificed, and by diuers other foolish obseruations, reduced to an art, or science, professed by those that wer [...] called Augures, and Aruspices: of whom the latter made their coniecture by the entrailes of beastes, by thunder bolts, and by all kynd o [...] strange and prodigious euents, and the former, to wit, the Augur [...] deuined by birdes.

And to these diuiners, there was such respect borne, and so muc [...] credit giuen, that all the cheefe actions in the common welth, depended vpon their resolution: in so much, that nothing of moment wa [...] resolued, or executed, but they were first consulted with. For whe [...] the Consuls, or other officers were to be choosen, or the magistrate [...] to goe to their prouinces, and charges, or warre to be denounced, o [...] peace made, or a battaile fought, or anie such important matter to b [...] executed: if then the Augurs, or Southsaiers, opposed them selue [...] vppon pretence, that either the chickens would not eate, or that som [...] crow had not fauourablie chanted, or that some thunderbolt had no [...] fallen aright, or perhaps (as once it fell out) some mouse had gnawe [...] the gold of the temple, or finallie that some strange, or vncoue [...] [Page 61] matter had hapned: then, I say, neither the election of officers was held for good, nor the gouernours were to goe to their prouinces, nor the magistrates to vndertake their charges, nor warr to be denounced, nor peace to be made, nor yet battaile to be giuen, though the enemie were neuer so weake.

2 Here vppon Cicero saith, that the authoritie, and power of the Augurs, Cicero de leg. li. 2. was such, that they could ratifie or annullat the election of the highest officers, dimisse, or dissolue assemblies, depriue magistrats of their offices, ordaine, or forbid the senat to treat with the people, yea, and that, nihil domi, nihil foris, per ma­gistratum gestum &c. nothing was done by anie magistrate, at home, or abroad, which could be ratified without their authoritie. Liuius Dec. 1. lib. 4. And hereof the experience was seene manie times. As when the frist tribunes of the souldiers were chosen, to witt, Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, Lucius Atilius, and T. Caecilius, these were by the decree of the Augurs, forced within a while to re­nounce their office. The like also happened to the two consuls Scipio, Cicero de di­uinatio. li. 2. and Figulus, and to omit diuers other examples, which might be alleged in this kind. P. Claudius the consul was condemned, and executed, because he went to sea contrarie to the opinion,Valer. maxi. li. 1. c. 4. and resolution of the southsaiers; insomuch, that Lucius Iunius his companion, aswell in offi­ce, as in his nauigation, killed himselfe, to auoid the ignominie of like punishment.

3 But who seeth not the absurditie of this? For, if there were any force, or power in byrdes, beastes, or senseles thinges to foreshow, and pronosticate the vncertaine euent of mens actions, it must needes be said, that the same proceeded, either of some natural propertie in them, or of some deuine institution, and operation aboue nature. But that this cannot be ascribed to any naturall cause, it is euident inough; seeing that those, who were most addicted to these diuinatiōs, found so litle probabilitie, or ground of naturall reason, to maintaine the repu­tation thereof, that they referred them whollie to a deuine operation. In which respect, there was emongst the Romans a solemne priesthood, and colledge of Augurs, who were called. Iouis optimi maximi sacerdotes interpretes & internuncij: The priestes, interpreters, and messengers of the grea­test, and best God Iupiter, and Diuorum Augures, the Augurs of the gods: who, as Seneca testifieth,Seneca na­tural. q li. 2. 45. & 46. taught that the birds were moued by a deuine instinct to foreshew, good, or bad successe: and that the thunderbolts were cast out of the cloudes by a speciall prouidence, and disposition of the gods, to signifie future euents, good, or bad. But how ridicu­lous this their opinion, and doctrin was, it may appeare diuers waies.Cice [...]o li. 2. de diuina­tione.

4 First by the fabulous origen, and begining thereof which Cicero re­counteth, according to the opinion, and tradition, of the greatest, and [Page 62] ancientests deuines, to wit, the Hetrusci or Tuscans, who deriued it from one called Tages, who they say was plowed vp out of a furrow by chaunce, as one was tilling, and plowing the ground in Hetruria. And this Tages, say they, being like a child in bignes, and shape, but like an ould man for witt, and iudgement, taught all the art of diuination, or southsaying to the people of that countrie, whereat Cicero, scoffeth in good earnest, and with great reason.

5 But what beginninge soeuer it had (which was most like to be some illusion of wicked spirits) the very maner of their diuination, suffi­cientlie bewraieth the vanitie thereof, seeing that (to omit many other impertinent toies,) they kept alwaies, chickens in a cage, and when they would know the successe, or euent of any thing, they let them out, and gaue them certaine liquide sopps to feede on, and if they refu­sed to eate,Idem ibid. li. 1. & 2. it was taken for an ill signe, and if they fled away, it was much worse, but if they did eate greedilie, it was held for a very good pronostication, and specially if any of the sopps fell out of their mou­thes vppon the ground, which was called, tripudium solistimum, and counted for the best, and most fortunat presage, that might be.

6 But who seeth not the foolerie of this? For what wonder was it to see hungry chickens, eate hungerly, or that some part of the liquid sopps, fell from their mouthes vppon the ground, when they tooke more then they could swallow at once, as commonly they would doe, when they were hungry? Where vppon it must needes follow, that the diuination could not but be very good,Idem li 1. de diuinatione. if it were taken, when the chickens were fasting, and therefore Flaminius, answered well to the Augurs, when they forbad him to fight with Hannibal, because the chi­ckens would not eate: then (saith he) I see well wee must fight only when they are hungry, and not when they are full.

7 The like folly Seneca noteth in their obseruation of thunderbolts, whereof they said, there were three kindes: The first of those which Iupiter cast alone, and those were taken for very good signes: the se­cond were such as he cast with the counsell of twelue gods, and those were very ominous and vnfortunate: and the third were those, which certaine superiour gods cast downe of their owne accord, and that kind of thunderbolt was held to be most pernicious, and to portend some greater desaster, where vppon Seneca saith, quid tam imperitum es [...] &c.Seneca, na­tu [...]al. qua­stio. li. 2. c. 42 & 43. What is so foolish as to beleeue, that Iupiter, some tyme with his thunderbolt striketh trees, pillers, yea, and his owne images, and leaueth wicked men vn­touched: or that he hath not witt, or iudgment inough, to cast his boults himselfe, but that he must haue the aduise of other gods: or els that those thunderbolts [Page 63] should be counted fortunate, which he casteth alone, and those desastrous and vnlucky which he casteth with counsell, and aduise? Thus saith Seneca. Who neuertheles, though he reiect this kind of diuination, referring it only to the inuention and deuise of men, yet draweth out of it, a notable morall lesson for princes, whom he admonisheth by the example of Iupiter, to doe good alwayes by themselues alone, and whensoeuer they are to hurt any, to take the aduise of many, Hoc discant reges, saith he. Let kinges learne this, that Iupiters owne iudgement suffiseth not, Ibidem. when he is to strike any thing with his thunderbolt. Thus saith he drawing like the good bee, the holesome hony of a good document, out of the venemous herbe of vaine superstition. But to proceede.

8 The contrariety & repugnance of their diuinations, sheweth also euidently that there was no deuine operation in them, but that they were most fond, and friuolous: For whereas the Greekes, and other na­tions, had their Augurs, and Southsaiers, aswell as the Romans, their manner of diuination, was farr different, and many times very con­trary, as Cicero declareth. The Romans held, that the thunderbolts which fell on the leaft hand were the best, where as other nations,Cicero li. 2. de diuinat. accounted the same for the worst, and most vnfortunate, esteenning those to be the best, which fell on the right side: And the very same difference, and contrariety of opinions, may also be obserued amongst them, con­cerning the flying, and chaunting of birds: and what meruaile? Seeing that many times in some one consultation, the pronostications were cleane repugnāt, one to an other,Idem ibid. as when twoo beasts were sacrificed at once, or one after an other, the entrails of the one, were very faire promising great good, & the other very foule, threatning great euill. As it fell out before the conflict, wherein the famous. M. Marcellus was slaine, & Crispinus his felow consul mortally wounded,Liui. Dec. 1. lib. 10. by the souldiars of Hannibal. In the warr also, which the cōsul Lucius Papirius made with the Samnits, it hapned that the chickens would not eate (which signi­fied that he should not fight) and yet at the same time a crow gaue a signe of battaile.

9 But what neede I alleadge other reasons to proue the vanity of de­uinations, seeing that experience did sufficiently shew by the vntruth thereof, that they were either alltogether casuall, or els that they pro­ceeded from the father of lies, as it appeared in the foresaid warr, which Papirius had with the Samnits, wherein the Augure being con­sulted concerning the issue of the battaile, belied his chickens, denoun­cing vnto Papirius, tripudium solistimum (that is to say, telling him that the chickens had eaten so greedily, that the sopps fell out of their mouthes [Page 64] which was counted the best signe that might be) when neuertheles they had eaten nothing at all,Liui. li. 1. Dec. 1. & yet Papirius, giuing battaile had a nota­ble victory. And king Deiotarus, who, as Cicero testifieth, would doe no­thing without the consent,Cicero de di­uinat. li. 2. & counsell of the Augurs, had all the fa­uourable presages, that could be wished, when he went to assist Pompey in the ciuil warres, as also Pompey himselfe, was assured of the victory by all the Augurs, & Southsaiers of Rome, & yet they were both ouer­throwne, & Deiotarus lost his kingdone, & afterwards Pompey his life.

10 Also a principall Southsayer, pronosticated to Iulius Caesar very ill successe if he passed into Africk before winter,Idem ibid. which neuertheles he did with very good fortune to himselfe, & great dommage to his ene­mies. And before the famous bataile at Cannae, betwixt Hannibal, and the Romans, Arnob. con­tra gentes. the Southsaiers promised victory to Paulus Aemilius the consul, who neuertheles lost his life, & almost all his army, with the greatest disgrace, and detriment to the common welth, that the Romans euer receiued.Idem. ibid. And M. Attilius Regulus, not with standinge the fauou­rable predictions of the Southsaiers, & Augurs, was ouerthrowne, taken prisoner, cruelly tormented, & murdred by the Carthaginians. Fi­nally many other examples may be alleadged, to shew that many times the deuinations of the Augurs & Southsaiers, either had no successe, or els fell out cleane contrary to their predictions: so that it may wel be said, that when they proued true, it was either by chance, or els be­cause almighty God for a iust punishment of the superstition of the Romans, suffered them to be deluded by the deuill, who being author of these deuinations, did sometimes, for continuance, & encrease o [...] their authority, more cunningly insinuat himselfe into them: fore­shewing such presages, as might be verified, with the euents, wich he foresaw, were most like to follow: whereby he drew them also very oft, into great calamities, as may appeare by the examples alleadged, And as for the meanes how the deuill may foresee,Chap. 36. nu. 8. or know thinges to come, I haue sufficiently declared them, in the first part of this treatise.

11 This then being so, let vs consider a litle what benefit the common welth of the Romans, might reape by these deuinations. Can any man with reason imagin, that it could be profitable, or conuenient to their state, that their most important consultations, and affaires of peace and warre, should depend, not vppon the mature counseil, and deliberation of wise men, and oportunities of tyme, and place, but vppon such vaine toyes, and trifles, as these were, and vppon meere chance? For seeing there was not any deuine ope­ration in these pronostications (as it is euident) what else may [Page 65] be imagined therein, but either casualitie, and chance, for the most parte, or els otherwhiles some diabolicall illusion, as I haue said, which could neuer tend to anie good, but to miserie, ruine, and destruction in the end? And therefore trulie, if we consider how seriouslie foolish, or rather how solemlie mad, the wise Romans, and Greekes were, to gouerne their greatest affaires by thinges so vncertaine, and casual, we cannot but see, and acknowledge, how weake, and vaine al humane wit, and vn­derstanding is, without the light of Gods grace: especiallie, seeing that the wiser sort, aswell of the Romans, as Greekes, saw the vanitie of those diuinations, and yet thought them conuenient to be continued in their common welths.

Cicero and Seneca reiected, and derided them, as you haue heard,Cicero lib. 1. de diuinat. and the Philosophers Xenophanes, Dicaearchus, Cratippus, and Panaetius (as Cicero te­stifieth) did the like: and the wise Cato was wont to say, he meruelled that two Southsaiers, did not laugh one vppon an other, whē they mett, to thinke how they cosened the world. Therfore would a man thinke it possible, that anie of these should thinke it necessarie for the common welth, to retaine the vse of these diuinations, which they held to be so ridiculous? Neuertheles Cicero, after he had sheewed the vanitie of them, by many notable arguments, concludeth, that,Idem l. 2. de diuinat. ad magnas tamen reip. vtili­ [...]ates, retinendum ius augurum, & collegij autoritas: yet in respect of the great pro­fit of the common vvelth, the right, and povver of the Augurs, and the authority of theyr colledge, is to be maintained. and in his lawes he ordayneth thus.Li. 2. de leg. Au­guribus qui non paruerit, capitale esto. He vvhich doth not obey the Augurs, let him be punished vvith death. And therefore speaking also of the consul P. Clau­dius, who was condemned, and executed, because he disobeyed the Au­gurs, he saith. Parendum fuit religioni, Idem de di­uinat. li. 2. nec patrius mos tam pertinaciter repudian­dus. He should haue obeyed religion, neither vvas the custome of his contrie to be so obstinatlie refused. Thus saith he.

But what trow you might be the great profit, and publik commodi­tyes for the which Cicero, and the rest of the Romans, thought the vse of these diuinations necessarie? Marrie forsooth, because they were per­swaded, that it might redound to the preiudice, and discredit of all their religion, yf this custome (which had bene religiouslie, and generallie obserued for so manie hundreths of yeares) should be abrogated. Which reason might haue bene of some consideration, if these graue wise men had not thought, and knowne, that the same was altogether vaine, su­perstitious, and consequentlie irreligious. Yea, but say you these men perhaps were Atheists, and beleeued that there was no God, and there­fore holding that religion was necessarie for the common welth, only [Page 64] [...] [Page 65] [...] [Page 66] for reason of state, they had reason to permit and tolerate some such va­nities, as were crept in to their religion, and generallie receiued, rathe [...] then to abolish them, with the disgrace of their whole religion. Where­to I answer that albeit this reason might passe amongst Atheists in some cases, (as when the permission of such vanities could not draw with i [...] anie great detriment, or inconuenience to the state) yet in this case, thei [...] follie could not be excused: for that, retaininge as they did, all the vse, & practise of their faiyned religion, for the benefitt of their states, they per­mitted neuertheles, and vsed such thinges, as were contrarie to all reason of state, and pernitious to their common welth: as it was, to suffer thei [...] most weightie, and important matters to be gouerned, as I haue said, by chance, and, as it were, by dice-play, or drawing of cuts. seeing that th [...] crying of a Crow, or the flying of an Eagle, or the falling of a thunder­bolt, on the right side, or on the least, or the sacrificing of a beast, with faire, or foule entrails, or such other like thinges, where on the deuiners grounded their predictions, were no lesse casuall, euen in Cicero his owne opinion, then the chance of the dice, or of lots or of cuts, or such like.

13 Therefore when the Romans suffered their affaires to be guided by such casualties, they were as wiselie occupied, as a certein prince, who, as I haue heard, vsed for his sport, and recreation, to determine of the suits of his subiects, by playing at crosse, and pile, with his fauourits, to resolue which memorial should be graunted, and which denied: though to say trulie, the follie and fault of the Romans, was farr greater, then his, in re­spect that it redownded to the damage, not so much of perticuler per­sons, as of the whole common welth, and state: which was sett thereby, as a man may say, vpon six & seauen: wheras it is a knowne rule of state, and was punctuallie practised by Tiberius Caesar, Chap. 32. num. 11. (as Cornelias Tacitus wit­nesseth) Non omittere caput rerum nec se in casum dare. Not to omit the first occasions or oportunityes of things, nor to expose himselfe, or his actions to chance, as I haue declared in the first part of his treatise, where I haue also largelie shewed how vnfit it is for a wise man, to leaue anie thing to chance, which may be assured by wisdome, and counsel.

14 What reason then had Cicero to thinke, that it could be profitable to the common welth, that the election of magistrats, the resolution of peace, or warre, the giuinge of battaile, and the execution of other im­portant designemēts, should depend vpon the casuall crying of a Crow, or the flight of an eagle,Liuius Dec. 1. li. 1. or such like? Had it bene anie profitt to the Rom [...] common welth, that Lucius Papirius, of whom I haue spoken before being readye to giue battaile to the Samnits, and requested by his sonne to for­beare, because the chickens of the Augurs would not eate, had it, I say, [Page 67] bene good, or conuenient for the common welth, that he should haue forborne that battaile, wherein he slew aboue thirtie thousand enemies and tooke nintie seauen ensignes,Cicero de diuinat. l. 2. and three thousand eight hundred & seauentie prisoners? Or had it bene good for Caesar, to haue stayed his iourney to Africk all winter, as the Southsayer aduised him: whereby his enemies might haue ioyned all their forces, and strength, which he by his diligent passage preuented, to their ouerthrow, & his owne great honour, and benefit? Or was it anie profit to the common welth, that Pompey being most superstitious in obseruing the diuinations of Augurs, Idem Ibid. and Southsayers, was by their fauorable predictions, and promises of victory, encouraged, as I haue signified before, to giue battaile to Caesar, by whom both he, and the common welth. were vtterlie ouerthrowne? Wherein we may well note the speciall prouidence of God, who out of his iustice permitted that this superstition of southsaying, and deuininge (wherewith the Roman commō welth, had bene so manie hundreth yea­res infected) hould amongst manie other causes, concurre to the vtter rui­ne thereof: and that Pompey, who superstitiouslie obserued all kind of di­uinations, was ouercome, and ruined by Caesar, who vtterlie despised, and contemned them. For so hatefull are those superstitious, vanities to al­mightie God, that he destroied the nations, which dwelt in the land of promise, partlie for the same,Deut. 18. as he signified to his owne people in Deute­ronomy, saing, Quando ingressus fueris terram, &c. VVhen thou shalt be entred in to the lād, vvhich thy lord thy God vvill giue thee, bevvare that thou doest not follovv the abominations of those nations, and let there be none found in thee, vvho shall goe about to purge, or purifye his sonne, or daughter by fyre, or consult vvith Southsayers, or obserue dreames, or deuinations by byrds &c. for thy lord doth abhorre all these abo­minations, and vvill destroy all those nations for the same, at thy entrance.

15 Thus sayd almighty God to the children of Israel, signifying, how exe­crable all those kinds of deuinatiōs are in his sight: & therefore no mer­uaile, if the Romans paid some part of the penaltie thereof, euen by the meanes of the same, it being most conforme to the iustice of God, to pu­nish sinners, by the sinnes whereby they offend him. So that we see, that the religion of the Romans also in this point of their deuinatiōs, was not onlie most hatefull to God, voyde of all verity, and full of superstitious vanities, and folly: but also most preiudiciall to their state.

16 Now it resteth, that I shew, how their religion also produced A­theisme, and consequentlie bred, in that respect, irreparable damage to their common welth. Therefore whereas it appeareth, by the dis­course of the precedent chapter, that all the religion of the Romans, was not onlie vaine, friuilous, and ridiculous, but also absurd, and impious: [Page 68] it is now further to be considered, that although in some of the simple sort of the common people, it wrought perhaps no other effect, then su­perstition, and corruption of manners (their simplicitie, and credulitie mouing them to the first, and the example of the vicious liues of their Gods, leading them to the latter) yet in the wiser and more considerat sort of men, it could not but breede an extreme contempt of their Gods, and auersion from all religion. Wherevppon grew those poetical ficti­ons of the Warrs of the Gods,Homer. l. 20 Idem li. 5. & Pangassis a­pud Arnobi­um contra gentes l. 4, not amongst theim selues, (which Homer describeth at large) but also with men, and how they were wounded by them, as Iuno and Pluto, by Hercules: Venus and Mars, by Diomedes. Also here Iupiter transformed himselfe into a swan, into a bull, to a dragon, to a goulden shouwer, and to the shape of a man, to satisfie his lust with Lae­da, Europa, Proserpina (who was his owne daughter) Danae, and Aleme­na, all which, & diuers others, he corrupted by such deuises, as the poets fained: who if they had not contemned both those Gods, and all their religion, neuer would, nor durst haue inuented, and published such things of them, and so reproched, & reuiled them in their poems, as not onlie the satirical and comical poets did, but also other of the grauest, as Homer, Hesiodus and Euripides. Wherevppon neuertheles it followed, that the common people turned the same to religion, or, as it may more tru­ly be said, to a superstitious deuotion, conceiuing that they honored their Gods, by mocking and reuiling them. For whereas the simple peo­ple are wont to frame a conceit of other men, according to the simplici­ty of their owne good nature, and meaninge, and therefore cannot ima­gin, but that those, whom they admire for their wisdome, are also to be admired, and imitated for their vertue, and religion: it is no meruaile, though the common sort of painims referred to the honour of their Gods, all that which they vnderstood was written of them by the poets, who were held for the learnedst, and wisest men for manie yeares.

17 Herevppon it grew, that Timotheus the musitian, singing the praises of Minerua at Athens, thought he praised and honoured her greatly, in saying that she was mad, furious, and out of her wits. And in like sort the plaies instituted in honour of the Gods, and to pacifie their wrath, were full of contumelious and opprobrious speeches against them (as I haue declared before): whereby it appeareth that the vanitie, and ab­surditie of paganisme, did breede in the Wiser sort of men, nothing els but impiety, which became in time, the religion of the simple, in such sort, that scurrilitie was held for sanctitie, derision of the Gods, for de­uotion, and their greatest contempt and dishonour, for their greatest ho­nour, and seruice.

[Page 69]18 But what doe I speake of contempt of the gods, growing of paga­nisme, seeing it is manifest, that it bred in verie manie meere Atheisme. Which was well obserued by Plutarck in the Egiptians, whereby he also condemned at vnawares the religion both of the Greekes and the Romans, which he professed himselfe. The Egiptians (saith he) worshipping those beastes (to wit the Dogge, the Cat, the Oxe, the Ramme, the Storke, the Shornebud, the Crocodill, and other such like) did not onlie ex­pose all religion to contempt, & derision, but also ingender in the minds of men, a certaine vehement opinion, which drew the simpler, and wea­ker sort of men to meere superstition, and droue the wiser headlong to beastly cogitations, & conceits full of impiety, and Atheisme. Thus saith he of the Religion of the Egiptians, and reprouing in an other place, the general and common superstition of those times, he saith, that,Plutarch. de superstition. the igno­rance, or want of true knowledge of God, meeting with a rude, and hard nature, engendreth therein impiety, and Atheisme: and falling in­to a more mild, and facile condition, as into a more fertill ground, bree­deth superstition, and that thereof also springeth Atheisme, which not onlie taketh roote therein, but also excuseth, and defendeth it selfe there by: for that the ridiculous acts, affections, passions, and witchcrafts of the superstitious, moue many to thinke it better to beleeue, that there are no Gods, then such Gods, as take pleasure in such thinges. Had it not benne better, saith he, that the ould Gaules, should neuer haue had anie opinion, or conceit of God, then to thinke, as they did, that he was de­lighted with the slaughter and sacrifice of men? And had it not bene lesse hurtfull to the Carthaginienses, to haue receiued their lawes of Diagoras, and Critias (two notable Atheists) then of those who ordained that they should sacrifice their owne childrē to Saturne? Thus saith Plutarke, taxing the abuses, no lesse vsuall, and familiar to the Romans and Greekes (though he name them not) then to the Gaules, or other barbarous people: seeing their superstition (I meane of the Greekes, and Romans,) was most ridicu­lous, absurd, and impious, aswel for the inhumaine sacrifices of men, as other beastly, and abominable ceremonyes,Chap. 7, nu. 21. as may appeare by that which I haue signified before, concerning the religion of the Romans, which neuertheles was farre more moderate in all kind of impiety, then that of the Greekes.

19 Therefore it is no meruaile, if an infinit number of Atheists, did spring in time of Paganisme, out of these two fountaines, whereof Plutarck speaketh, to wit, ignorance of the true God, and the execrable superstition, of false, friuolous, and impious religion. Wherein it is to be noted, that I take Atheists, not only for those, who denie that there [Page 70] is a God, but also for such, as denie the particuler prouidence of God in the affaires of men: who are no lesse to be counted Atheists, then the other. For he which houldeth that God is the first cause, and mouer of the heauens, & consequently of all thinges else: & yet doth not acknow­ledge him for his owne creator, cōseruator & Iudge, he may truly be cal­led an Atheist, that is to say a man without a God: for though he beleeue that there is one beginning, and one first cause (that is to say, one author of nature, or one God) yet he beleeueth not in him, but graunteth a God to the heauens, and none to him selfe: confessing that there is one only God, but dening that he is his God, and so he is truly a theos, with­out a God, that is to say, an Atheist. Besides that, denying the prouidence of God, Cicero de natur. Deo­rum li. 1. and the communication af his grace, he denieth that vvhich is most proper to the deuine nature, and so consequntly denieth God, as Cicero concludeth verie well in his booke de natura Deorum.

20 Thus then we see, what fruite the religion of the Romans must needes yeld, to wit, extreame corruption of manners, and meere Athei­sme, and therefore now I will shew, how preiudiciall, and pernici­ous such a religion is to common welth, to the end, that we may know the tree by the fruite, the mother by the child, and the cause by the effect. And because corruption of manners springeth aswell from Atheisme, as from false religeon: I will first declare how Atheisme destroyeth common welth, and after speake of the other.

21 Is it possible, that the religion, which' causeth the contempt of God, and Atheisme, should be good for common welth? No trulie. For if religion be necessary for the establishment of state, (as I haue proued, and all men confesse it to be) then the religion, which destroyeth religion, must needes be pernicious to state. Lawes are not onle conuenient, but also most necessarie, and profitable to common welth, yet the law that should ouerthrow both it selfe, and all other lawes, would also ouer­throw, and destroy common welth. For such a law, or religion might well be compared to a candle, fixed to some principall post of a house, which consuming it selfe, burneth the whole house in the end.

22 This will be euedent, if we consider what a one an Atheist is in a common welth, who hauing neither bridle of conscience, nor feare of God, hath commonlie no respect at all, either to his word, or to his promise, or to his oath, or to any lawes, humane, or deuine, whē he may with security, satisfie his owne desire, and pleasure: perswading him­selfe, that the soule dieth with the body, and that consequentlie, it shall neither be rewarded, nor punished, for any thing donne in this life: as the holie Ghost signifieth notablie in the booke of wisdome, [Page 71] describing the opinion, & humour of Atheists in these wordes.Sap. 2. ‘Wicked men hauing bad thoughts, or cogitations say with in them selues, the time of our life is short and tedious, and there is no ease, or pleasure in the end of man, neither hath anie man bene knowne to haue returned from hell for we were borne, or created of nothing, and hereafter we shalbe, as though we had neuer bene borne: for our bodie shal be dead ashes, and our spirit shalbe dispersed like the thinne ayre. Therefore come, and let vs enioy the goods which we haue, and vse the creature without delay, as in our youth: let vs fill our selues with precious wine, and ointments, let vs not loose the flower of our time, let vs crowne our selues with roses before they wither, let there be no meadow, or pleasant field, which our riott shal not passe ouer. Let vs leaue euery where signes of our mirth, for this is our part, this is our lott. Let vs oppresse the poore iust man, let vs not spare the widow, nor the ancient man, nor beare respect to the hoarie haires of old age, let our strengh be the law of our iniu­stice, &c.’

23 Thus saith the wise man, in the person of Atheists, and how tru­lie, it may appeare by the doctrine of Epicurus, and his disciple Mecrodo­rus (which I declared in my first part) who taught, that a wise man,Plutar. cōtra Colatem. Epicureum. should not bind himselfe to the obseruation of lawes, for respect of conscience, or feare of God, but onlie to auoid punishement: and that he should in all things preferr his priuate commoditie, and pleasure, be­fore the publike good: wherevpon it followeth, that whereas Atheisme infecteth the common welth, there is no more ciuill societie amongst the parts, and members thereof, then amongst brute beastes. For whiles euerie one seeketh his owne priuate good, without respect of the pub­like, all become for the most part treacherous, & perfidious, one towards an other: whereby there is neither anie true friendshipp amongst them, nor care of couenant, or promise, nor respect of fidelity, nor regard of oath, nor consequently any common welth.

24 And to the end, that this may the more euidentlie appeare, let vs consider the necessitie of oathes in cōmon welth: such being the weake­nes, and imbecillitie of all humaine credit, that it needeth to be cor­roborated, & fortified in manie cases, with the authoritie of some thing, that is esteemed more firme & holie then it selfe. Herevppon the Apostle saith, that men vse to sweare, per maiorem se, Hebr. 6. by one that is greater then themselues, that is to say, by almightie God: for, the cor­ruption of mans nature is such, and the secrets of his hart so alostruse and hidden, that in matter doubtful, one man seemeth not to de­serue [Page 72] credit of an other, except God, the iust iudge, who seeth the harts of euerie one, and punisheth all falshood, be called to witnes, And there­fore S. Chrisostome saith.S. Chrysost. in act. Apost. ca. 3. Ho. 9. Iuramentum est fidei iussio, vbi mores fidem non ha­bent. An oath is a suerty vvhere mans manners haue no credit. And this may al­so be confirmed by the frequent, and overcommon custome of swearing in common conuersation, wherein men acknowledge their owne want of credit, thinking that they cannot other wise be beleeued, except they sweare.

Domin. Soto de iust. & iu­r [...] l. 8. quaest. 1. art. 5.25 There fore Dominicus Soto doth teach with great reason, that if we had remained still in the state of innocency, there should haue bene no vse, or neede of oathes: which may also appeare, by the custome tha [...] stil passeth amongst men, seeing that commonlie oathes are not exacted of such, as are knowne to be of sincere conscience, and entire credit. And the same,Idem ib [...]d. artic. 10. Plutarch. in problemat. Roman. quaest. 44. as Soto affirmeth, was also exactly obserued in the law of nature and Plutarke testifieth, that amongst the Romans, noble men were no [...] put to their oaths, but onlie in steede of torment, as when they were sus­pected, and charged with some great delict, in which case, as bondemen, or slaues were tormented, so were they forced to purge themselues by oathe, whose bare affirmation was otherwise held to be of sufficien [...] weight, and authority: whereby it appeareth, that the vse of oathes hat [...] growne in common welth of the imbecillity of humane fidelity, o [...] credit.

D, Tho 22. q. 89. ar. 1. Cor. Soto de iure & Iustit. l. 8. q. 1. ar. 1.26 Further more the force of an oath is such, that it hath the authori­ty of law, which the verie etimology of the latin word declareth: fo [...] (as S. Thomas geueth to vnderstand) Iuramentum a iure dicitur. An oath is so called (in latin) of lavv, because it was first introduced, or admitted as [...] law, and is with all holines, and reuerence to be vsed, and obserued, an [...] therefore some of the ould lawmakers,Plato de leg. Dialog. 12. vsed no other law to decide cau­ses, and controuersies, but an oath, as Plato testifieth of Radamanthus.

27 And such is the authoritie, yea, & necessity of oathes, that they con­firme, and perfit all lawes of nature, nations, and civil: for though th [...] law of nature requireth that euery man obey his lawful prince, and defend his country, yet princes doe commōly bind their subiects therevnto by oath, to fortifie thereby their naturall obligation. And allthoug [...] the law of nations bind princes, aswell enemyes as freendes, to obseru [...] leagues, confederacies, and couenants made amongst themselues, yet th [...] same seemeth not to suffise, except it be cōfirmed by oath. Also the ciui [...] law hath such neede, & vse thereof, that commonly it decideth no caus [...] with out it, and holdeth it for the consummation, and end of suites and controuersies,Hebrae. 6. as the Apostle obserueth, saying: Omnis controuersia finis [Page 73] ad confirmationem est iuramentum. The end of euerie controuersie, for the confir­mation thereof, is an oath.

28 Thus then we see, that Atheists, who contemne, and denie the au­thoritie of others doe ouerthrow common welth two waies: For first they take away that whereby law,Plato 12. de leg. (which Plato calleth the Anchor and soule of the common vvelth) is fortified, and confirmed: Secondly they de­stroy all humane fidelitie, and credit, which being of it selfe weake, and insufficient (as I haue declared) is strenghned, and as it were vphoulden by the force and authoritie of oathes, so that if oathes were not in vse [...]nd force, common welth could not stand. For seeing that fidelitie, as Cicero saith, is the foundation of Iustice, and Iustice the nerues, as it were,Cicero de of­ficijs li. 1. [...]nd sinewes, which doe compact and vnite the political body in it selfe, [...]t must needes follow, that, where there is no fidelity amongst men, there can be no iustice, and consequently no common welth,Chap. 31. nu. 18. & sequ. as I haue amply [...]eclared in my first part, treating of the fidelity that is necessary, aswel [...]mongst the subiects themselues, as betwixt the prince, and them. Where I haue also shewed by manie examples, how seuerely almighty [...]od punisheth perfidiousnes, and periurie in men; and therefore I thinke [...] needelesse to repeate the same in this place, and onlie wish to be no­ [...]ed, that the lawes of all countries, doe worthily ordaine verie rigo­ [...]ous punishment for periury, as most pernicious to common welth.

[...]9 The Aegiptians punished it by death,Alexand. ab Alexandro dieb. genial. and amongst the Indians the [...]ngers, and toes of periured persons, were cut of. Amongst the Romans [...]hey were for a time cast down headlong from a rocke, and afterward [...] was ordeined, that they should liue in coutinuall infamie, and shame, which is worse then death) and therefore Cicero saith in his lawes: Per­ [...]rij paena diuina, exitium: humana, dedecus. The diuine punishment for periurie, [...] destrution, the human is ignominie, or shame. Which is also the ordinarie [...]enaltie thereof at this time in all Christian countries.

[...]0 Therefore no maruaile if Atheists (who reiect, and despise the sa­ [...]red authoritie of oaths, and thereby supplant al humane fidelity,) were [...]euerelie punished amongst the Painimes,Plutarch. whensoeuer they were disco­ [...]ered, as may appeare in Plutark, testifiyng, that manie cities, and com­ [...]on welthes in Greece, made lawes against all Epicurians, Plato 11. de lege. who were held [...]r notable Atheists. And Plato in his booke of lawes, teaching that [...]ere [...]are two kind of Atheists, ordaineth seuere punishments for them [...]euiding the first kind into two sortes of men: the one of those, who [...]nough they held that there is no God at al, yet are so subtle, and craf­ [...]e, that they dissemble their opinion, being neuertheles most wicked [...] life, and manners: whome he thinketh worthy not of one, but of [Page 74] many deathes: The other sort of Atheists, is of those, who though they thinke there is no diuinitie, yea, and publikely speake and professe it, ye [...] are of so good disposition by nature, that they liue well, and vertuously and for such he ordaineth fiue yeares imprisonment, and if they amend not therewith, that then they shalbe punished with death. The secon [...] kind of Atheists, are such, as though they beleeue, there is a God, ye [...] denie his prouidence here on earth, and for such he assigneth perpetuall imprisonment, in such sort, that no free man, may euer haue access [...] vnto hem, ordaining also, that when they die, their bodies shalbe carie [...] out of the confines of the countrie, and left vnburied.

31 Hereby we maie see, how odious Atheists were to the Painims, i [...] times past, and that worthily: seing that, contemning God, as they doe they disolue, and breake the bandes, not only of religion, but also of a humane lawes, when they can doe it with their commoditie, and securitie: Whereby they seeke (as much as in them lieth) to extirpate, an [...] destroy al common welth, & therefore deserue to be held, for no other then monsters of nature, & publicke enemies to mankind. For althoug [...] some of them, being perhaps by nature enclined to vertue, are not altogether so pernitious to common welth, as those, whose Atheisme is accompanied with a vicious, & maligne inclination of nature yet the be [...] or rather the least euill of them, groweth in time most corrupt in manners, and consequently most pernicious to common welth.

32 For as Atheisme groweth of the extremitie of vice, (wherevppo [...] the scripture saith,Pro. 18. Impius cum profundum venerit, contemnit. The vvicke [...] man, vvhen he commeth to the depth of sinne, contemneth) so also on the othe [...] side, extremitie of vice, and sinne, groweth of Atheisme (be the Atheist [...] the first, or of his owne nature, neuer so well disposed) for being g [...] uen ouer by allmighty God, to a reprobate sense, he slideth from vice, [...] vice, and from sinne to sinne, vntill he fall headlong at last to the ver [...] depth' and extremity of sinne, and therefore the psalmist saith of al Atheists. P [...]al. 13. Corrupti sunt, & abominabiles facti sunt in iniquitatibus. They are corrupted, and become abominable in al iniquity.

33 Seeing then I haue alreadie declared how daungerous, and pestif [...] rous Atheisme (on of the children of Paganisme) is to common welt [...] I will now shew the like effect, of the corruption of manners, bein [...] the issue and ofspringe of both, whereby it wil euedently appeare, th [...] the religion of the Romans, being such, that it must needes fil their common welth with vice, could not but be most dammageable thereto.

That the corruption of manners, and the vice vvhich grevv of Paganisme could not but be very preiudiciall to the Roman common vvelth, to vvhich end, the necessi­tie of vertue for the conseruation of state, and the dammage that follovveth of vice is declared, vvith diuers politicall obseruations, and rules out of Plato to the same purpost: And to the end it may appeare, hovv the Roman common vvelth could stand, and encrease, to so great an empyre, as it did, vvith the exercise of that religion, it is signified, that as God out of his prouidence did conserue, and encrease their estate, to the end, that he might build his Church in tyme vppon the ruyns of their empyre: so also he punished the same most seuerely from tyme to tyme, for their impious religion, vvhich appeareth in this chapter, from the foundation of Rome, vntill the expulsion of their Kings. CHAP. IX.

1. THE dammage, and destruction, that vice bringeth to all states where it reigneth, wilbe the more euident. Yf we consider the nature, and condition of common welth, and the effects that vertue worketh therein. For seeing nothing is more requisite to common welth, then that the common & publike good be preferred before the priuate commodity of any one (which the verie name of com­mon vvelth doth sufficientlie declare) & againe seeing vertue doth whol­ [...]ye tend to a common good, and vice, or wickednes to some priuat com­moditie or pleasure, with the preiudice & damage of the weale publike it followeth necessarily, that nothing is more auailable to cōmon welth then vertue, nor anie thing more preiudiciall there to, then wickednes or vice: and therefore Aristotle teacheth,Aristot. poli­tic. lib. 1. that the true reason of ciuill societie, or common welth, consisteth principallie, in recte viuendi commu­nione, in the communion of those that liue well and vertuously, and that it was not onlie ordained: vt simul homines viuant, that men might lyue to­gether, sed vt honeste agant, but also that they may doe vertuously.

2 This wilbe the more manifest, if we compare vertue, with vice, and consider them in men, as they are mēbers of the common welth. There­fore whereas all morall vertue, is reduced to foure heades, to wit, Prudēce Iustice, Fortttude, and Temperance: experience teacheth that the prudent, & wise man, is not onlie profitable to himselfe, but also to others, yea, and to the whole common welth: the iust man doing wrong to no man but giuinge to euery one his owne (wich is the office of Iustice) is beneficiall to all mē: the valiāt man defendeth not only himselfe, & his frinds, when occasiō serueth, but also his coūtry: the tēperate mā, being modest, meke, & peaceable towards al, & cōmaunding his owne passions in al occasiōs, [Page 76] is gratefull to all men, and most sociable, & therefore most fitt for ciuil societie. So that, where all, or most men are wise & prudent, iust, valiant and temperat, euerie one louing, comfortinge, & helping an other: then must needes be, the best, and most florishing common welth: but when on the contrary side, sinne, and wickednes reigneth in all, or most men where, I say, magistrats, and subiects are generallie imprudent, vniust cowardlie, auaricious, ambitious, ryotous, and lasciuious, euery one cosening, and deceyuing his neighbour, robbing, and spoiling, and seekin [...] in all thinges his owne particular gayne, or pleasure, with the iniurie o [...] others, there the common welth being most wicked, is with all mo [...] miserable, or rather no common welth at all.

3 Further more who knoweth not, that wickednes, & vice, is, as I ma [...] tearme it, an internall disease, or pestilence, which corrupting the common welth, doth consequently ouerthrow it, no lesse thē externall force For euen as it may litle auaile vs to arme our selues from top to toe, t [...] resist the attempts of our enemyes, or to decke, or trym our person with rich Iewels, and sumptuous clothes, except we haue also care o [...] our inward healths: so it litle helpeth anie cittie, or common welth, t [...] be neuer so stronglie fortified against forraine force, and inuasion, or e [...] ternallie beautified, and adorned with gorgeous buildings, tropheis, an [...] triumphant arkes, if it be not also preserued from the inward sicknes o [...] vice, and iniquitie: which the comicall poet expresseth elegantlie, speaking of a citty, which seemed to be verie strong, being, with all replenished with vice:

That is to say, if the people be well manered, and vertuous, if perfidiousnes, fraud, extortion, coueteousnes, enuy, ambition, detraction, periurie, idlenes, iniuries, and lastly if all kind of pernicious wickednes be banished out of the towne, or cittie, I thinke it notable well fortified, bu [...] otherwise, a hundred walls wilbe to litle to preserue it. Thus saith he.

4 For this cause, all those which haue eyther written of commō welth or instituted anie,Diodor. si­cul. li. c. haue endeuored nothing more by their lawes, then t [...] exclude from thence all kind of vice, and to shake away, and preuent a [...] occasion thereof. Wherefore Zaleucus made a notable law, to forbid a [...] companie, and fellowship with wicked men, which law I wish were i [...] [Page 77] force, and vre in Christian common welths: seenig experience teacheth, that vice is no lesse contagious then the plague, and that manie toward­ly men, and of vertuous disposition, are onlie with euill companie most perniciouslie corrupted: for, Qui tetigerit picē, inquinabitur ab ea. He which toucheth pitch, shalbe defiled with it.

5 For the same cause, Aristotle forbiddeth,Aristot. li. 7. politic. ca. 17 Chap. 8. num. 13. in his written common welth, not onlie vnhonest and wanton talke, but also lasciuious pictures (as I haue declared before in the first part of this treatise): & to the same end, and purpose, lawes were ordained in times past in all good common welths, against other occasions of vice, and sinne, as against excesse in ap­parell, diett, playe, and al kind of delicacie, by which the gate is opened, and matter ministred to all wickednes, and as Valerius saith, verie Well: Animi, & corporis vires expugnantur, The force, and strength, asvvell of body, Valer. Max. lib. 9. c. 1. as of mind, is beaten dovvne, in so much, saith he, that, it is hard to say, vvhether is more pernicious to the common vvelth, to be taken by the enimye, or to be possest by pleasure and delicacy. And therefore King Cyrus, hauing with great difficultie, con­quered the Lidians, who were a most warlike, and valiant people, drew them by litle and litle, from labour, and the excercise of armes, to ydle­nes, sports, and pleasures, loose, and delicious life, and by that meanes, saith the storie: That industrious, potent, and strong nation, grovving vvithin a vvhile effeminat, both in body, and mind, vtterly lost their old vertue, provvesse, Iustin. li. 1. and glorie.

6 This was well considered by Licurgus the lawmaker of the Lacedemo­nians, who therefore prouided by his lawes, to take away the matter,Idem li. 1. & Plutar. in Licurgo. & occasions of vice in his common welth: for he forbad all vse of gold and siluer, and equally deuided the landes of the countrie amongst the peo­ple, he prohibited bankets in priuat houses, prescribed the maner, and charges, of publike feastes: allowed to yonge men but one garment for the whole yeare, not permitting one to be better appareled thē an other, and ordaining that the youth of the cittie, should be at a certaine age transported in to the country, & there accustomed to continuall labour, and exercise, and to sleepe vpon the bare grounde, and not to returne in to the cittie, vntill they were men.

7 These, and other such lawes, Licurgus ordained to the end, to shutt vp all the passage, and entrance to vice,Plutar. in Licurgo & Lisandro. & wickednes in the common welth of the Lacedemonians: and so long as they liued in that discipline, they flo­rished no lesse in moral vertue, then in armes, and dominion ouer other partes of Greece: vntill at length, hauing ouercome, and spoiled the Athe­nians, they brought in to Lacedemonia, the delicacy of Athens, together with the riches, and welth thereof. For with the possession of riches, en­tred [Page 78] auarice, and coueteousnes: and of the vse thereof, grew ryot, and excesse, of auarice, followed vsurie, cosenage, and deceit, periurie, iniu­ries, rapine, all kind of iniustice, and lastly tumult, and sedition. Of riott, and excesse, followed dronkennes, surfett, sicknes, diseases, idlenes, debt, pouerty, effeminate maners, and finallie all dissolution, and wickednes: whereby that notable common welth, fell to vtter ruine, & decay with­in few yeares.

8 The like may be obserued in Liuij of the Campam, a people in Italy, whose cheefe cittie was Capua, held for power, & magnificence, to be [...] equall with Rome, Liu. dec. 1. li. 7. ann. ab vrb. cod. 412 or Carthage, before the great warrs betwixt the Romans, and the Samnits. But such was the aboundant fertilitie of their territorie, and so great their owne delicacie, by the occasiō thereof that they grew in time, to be idle, & effeminate, & had neither power, nor courage to de­fend thēselues against the Samnits, their neighbours, in somuch, that they were faine, to giue thēselues, & their whole state to the Romans, vpō con­dicion, to defend them. And afterwards, when the Roman army, was sen [...] to Capua, Ibid. an. 413. to winter there, it was within a while so corrupted whith the pleasures, and delicacies of the cittie, and country, that it became indis­ciplinable,Idē dec. 3. li. 3. an. ab vr. cond. 539. and fell to conspiracies, and rebellion. And againe afterward [...] when Hannibal possessed it in the the time of his warrs with the Romans, one winter in Capua weakened his armie, more thē all his former warrs. For as Liui saith, Quos nulla mali vicerat vis, perdidere nimia bona, & volupta­tes immodicae. Superfluity of vvelth, and immoderate pleasures, ouerthrevv them, vvhom no force of enimy, nor misery could ouercome: in somuch that afterwards, Hannibal rather stood by the fame of his former victories, then by hi [...] present prowes. Thus saith Liui.

Valer. Max. li. 9. ca. 1.9 But farr more shamefull, and miserable, was the calamitie, and fall o [...] the Volsinians in Tuscan by the same occasion, of whom Valerius Maximu [...] recounteth, that they maintained themselues many yeares in great repu­tation, both of vertue, and valour: vntill at lenght they opened the gat [...] to all kind of pleasure, & consequētly to vice, whereby they fell in to the greatest, & most ignominious seruitude, that hath bene read, or heard of For they grew to be so effeminate, that their owne slaues, tooke courage against them, & first presumed to demaunde place, and voice in their se­nate: and after tooke vpon them to gouerne the common welth: maryed their maisters daughters: & ordeined that no wills, oa testaments should be made without their consents, & aprobation: forbad all assemblies, bu [...] of thēselues: made a lawe, not only that adulterie should not be punished in them, but also that no maid should be maried to a free man, but tha [...] some of them should abuse her first, and finally banished their masters▪ [Page 79] who crauing aide of the Romans, were after much miserie, which they had sustained, restored to their former states, & their slaues suppressed,Orosius li. 4. c. 5. an. vrb. cond. 480. & punished, according to their deserts.

10 I omit infinit other examples of ancient times, to speake of one in the last age, to wit, of the lamentable ouerthrow, and conquest of the Hungarians, who hauinge florished a long time in warr, and peace, and falling at length into excesse of drunkennes, and pleasure, and of the vi­ces that accompanie the same: did so farr degenerat, from their former vertue, that their nobilitie, and people would not leaue their banquet­ting, and drinking, to atend to their owne defence, against Soliman the great Turke: who therefore very easely subdued them, and brought them to that miserable seruitude, wherein the most part of them haue liued euer since. Whereuppon a noble man of that country, and court, at the same tyme, sayd pleasantly (as Surius reporteth) that he beleeued,Sur. comm [...] an. 1541. there was neuer so mighty, rich, and potent a kingdome so merily lost, as Hungary was.

11 Thus then we see, how pernicious to common welth those vices are, which many hold either for vertues, or at least necessarie supplemēts of humane felicitie, I meane riotous, and delicious life, and excesse of all kind of pleasure. What then shall we thinke of other vices, which all mē hold for wickednes, as fraud, & deceit, peiurie, murders, rapyns, and all kind of iniustice? Shall not they vtterly destroy, common welth? For, let vs conceyue a companie of men, cōsisting of cosenoers, periured persons, theeues, robbers, parricids, murderers, extortioners, adulterers, and such­like, who haue no other respect, but euerie man to his owne particuler commodity, or pleasure, can there be any ciuil society amongst thē, more then amongst as many beares, & tygers, or cats, and dogs?

12 This is so euidēt to common sense, that it needeth no further proofe: therefore I thinke good to conclude this chapter with certaine political condicions, which Plato, requireth to the perfect establishement, and fe­licity of all states, whereby we may see the force, & effect of vertue, and vice in common welth.

13 First he requireth, that all the members of the common welth, aswell magistrats, as subiects, doe seeke, and possesse, three kindes of goods, to wit, of fortune, of the bodie, and of the mind, in due,Plato Ep. 8. ad Dionis a­micos. and ordinate manner: that is to say, that they preferre the goods of the mind (which are religion, vertue, and knowledge) before all others: & then that they esteeme the goods of the bodie (to witt, beautie, strength, health, and suchlike) so farr forth onlie, as they may serue to aduāce the goods of the mind: and lastly, that no other acounte be made of the goods of fortune [Page 80] which are honour, dignitie, and wealth, then as ministers, and seruan [...] to both the other, that is to say, so farr forth, as they may be auaileabl [...] to the conseruatiō or encrease, first of the goods of the minde, & secōdly of the goods of the body: & what law soeuer, saith Plato doth effectuate this, it is a good and perfect law, and maketh a happie state.

14 An other condition is, that the citizens content themselues with moderate libertie, and the magistrats with moderate commaunde, an [...] authoritie: For, seruitude, and liberty, saith Plato, are both of them good, and necessarie for the common welth,Ep. 8. ad a­micos Dioni. Li. 3. de legib so long as they are conserued i [...] due measure: but if they grow to excesse, they are dangerous, and manie times pestiferous to state. For ouergreat seruitude, incenseth the minde [...] of the subiects against the prince, and state: and to much libertie, bree­deth insolencie, and contempt of the lawes, and of the prince.

Li. 4. de legib15 Also that they be contented with moderate wealth, as neyther to be ouer rich, nor too poore, because great inconueniences grow to comm [...] welth, aswell by excesse of riches, as by the extremitie of pouertie: for o [...] the first groweth pride, ambition, effeminacie, and riot: and of the latter, proceedeth theft, robbery, discord, & seditions, which ouerthrow com­mon welths.

Li. 5. de legib16 That they doe not apply themselues to vsury, and vnlawfull gaines, which are of their owne nature infamous, and vnworthie of mans ge­nerosity, yea, and dangerous to common welth: for that they corrup [...] mens manners, making them coueteous, deceitfull, & perfidious. Beside [...] that vsury impouerisheth, and in time, beggereth the common welth▪ drawing the substance, and riches thereof, in to the handes of a few, to the generall damage, and discontent of all men, whereupon aryse tu­mults, seditions, rebellions,

Ep. 8. ad Dio­nis amicos. De leg. li. 8.17 That euerie citizen, or member of the common welth, preferr th [...] publike, and common good, before his owne particuler: for nothing i [...] more contrarie to reason of state, and common welth, or sooner sub­uerteth it, then priuate commoditie, procured with publike damage.

Li. 4. de rep.18 That euerie man perswade himselfe, that foure vertues are most ne­cessarie for the happy direction of his life, in respect aswell of his parti­culer,Ibidem. as of the publike good. Those vertues are Prudence, Temperance Fortitude, and Iustice. And although Plato teach, that all these vertues are necessary in euery member of the common welth, yet he requireth tha [...] some of them be more eminent in some men, then in others: as Prudenc [...] in magistrats, and Fortitude in souldiars, and that there be a perfect mix­ture of Fortitude, Li. 3. de rep. and Temperance in euery man, to the end, that being ba­lanced [Page 81] with an equal temperature of both,Li. 1. de leg. he may neither feare to much or dare to much; but that by Fortitude, he may first ouercome him selfe [...]hich Plato teacheth to be the cheefe victorie) and after repell both pri­ [...]te, & publike iniuries, and by Temperance may abstaine from doing in­ [...]ry, and that as Fortitude may moue him to honest, vertuous, and noble [...]ploits, so Temperance may withhold him from vicious, wicked, and [...]se actions.

[...] And further he thinketh, the vertue of Temperance (aswell in dyet, as [...] other pleasures of the bodie) so important for the good of common [...]elth, that he affirmeth riotous, and lasciuious life to be a speciall cause [...] the destruction of Kingdomes, and states,Li. 3. de leg. because it consumeth both [...]e bodies, & substance of men, and maketh them effeminate. And there [...]re he forbiddeth the vse of wine to magistrats, to Iudges,Li. 2. de leg. when they [...]e to giue sentence, to souldiars in the campe, to slaues, and to weomen; [...]lowing it to none, but onlie at publike feastes, and with great mode­ [...]tion. And further he ordaineth punishemēt for the sinnes of the flesh, [...] for adulterie, fornication, incest, sodomie, and such like,Li. 8. de leg. giuinge nota­ [...]e rules of continencie, and chastitie,Chap. 30. whereof I shall haue occasion to [...]eake heare after.

[...] Moreouer he calleth the vertue of ciuill Iustice the solide, and sound [...]undation of common welth, and the principal propp, and stay, of state,Li. 4. de rep. [...]r that by the meanes thereof, God is dulie honored, & the prince obei­ [...], & euerie one hath his due: vertue is rewarded, vice punished, amity [...]nserued, fraud and iniurie abolished, and euerie on liueth in his voca­ [...]on, according to the rule, and law of nature, referring all his actions, ra­ [...]er to the publike, then to his own priuate good, whereby the common [...]elth, must needs florish, in great peace, and tranquillitie.

[...] And therefore Plato aduiseth, that euerie member in the common [...]elth, doe labour perfectly to vnderstand, and know his dutie in his de­ [...]ee, and vocation: to which purpose he describeth the office, or dutie of [...] sorts of men (as of priuate persons, magistrats, & princes) in diuers parts [...] his woorkes, thus in substance.

[...] That priuate men ought so readily, and willingly to obay the ordi­ [...]nces, and commaundements of the magistras, that it may appeare, they [...]e moued thereto onlie by their owne vertue, and not by compulsion, [...] necessitie of the law.

[...] That magistrats ought alwayes to haue in mind, that they are not [...]rdes, but ministers of the law, and tutors, or publike gardians of the [...]ommon welth. For the state (saith he) cannot stand long, Li. 4. de legib vvhere the lavv is [...]verned by the magistrats, and not the magistrats by the lavv.

[Page 82] In Gorgia24 Also that they endeuour to enrich the common welth, rather wi [...] the goods of the mind, then with the goods of fortune: that euerie o [...] of thē attended seriously to his owne chardge,Ep. ad Dio­nis omicos. without intermedlinge [...] the offices of other mē, & all of them specially respect, the publike goo [...]

25 That euill men be not admitted to publike offices, for he (saith P [...] to) vvho cannot gouerne himselfe, Li. 1. de rep. Li. 3 de leg. Li. 1 de rep. is not fitt to gouerne others. And lastlie that o [...] fices be not bestowed vppon them, that ambitiouslie seeke them, or ha [...] not sufficient wisdome, experience, and other talents well to dischar [...] them.

26 In the prince, Plato requireth these conditions following. That [...] labour as much to excell all other men in iustice,Plato ad Di­onem ep. 4 veritie, magnificenc [...] temperance, clemency, prudence, & religion, as indignity, & authority.

27 That he shew himselfe in deede such a one, as he would seeme [...] be,Ibidem. that is to say, that he be truly vertuous, & not verteous onlie in she [...] and appearance.

28 That he alwayes remember, & well consider, that all mens eyes a [...] fixed vpon him, and that therefore neither his vices, nor defects, be th [...] neuer so litle,Ibidem. can be long hid, nor that he can with meane vertue, satis [...] the expectation of all men.

29 That he assure himselfe, that the beneuolence and loue of his su [...] ierts,Ibidem. is most necessarie aswell for the good gouernement of them, as f [...] his owne security, and that the same can neuer be gott or conserued, b [...] by humanitie, and clemency.

30 That he seeke to ioyne perfect prudence, and wisdome, with the s [...] uerainty of his power.Ep. 2. ad Dionisium. For, as wisdome is weake, or lame without p [...] wer: so power is pernicious without wisdome, And therefore Plato do [...] not onlie aduise princes, to haue alwayes wise men about them, but al [...] exhorteth wise men to attend vppon princes, & to assist them with the [...] counfell: for, happy, saith he, is the familiaritie, or frendship that grovveth b [...] tvvixt vvise and potent men. But more happy is the vnion of wisdom [...] and power in one man, and therefore most happie is that commo [...] welth,Derep. dial. 5 where the prince is both wise, and potent, or as Plato speaketh vvhere philosophers reigne, or kinges become philosophers.

Li. 7. de rep.31 Furthermore he requireth, that the prince labour to almighty Go [...] whose place, and person he representeth amongest men, and this simi [...] tude or likenes, he saith cānot otherwayes be had, but by iustice ioyned vv [...] prudēce, In Theate. and sanctity of life. And therefore he aduiseth princes, first to compose thēselues,Li. 9. de rep. according to the modell of the deuine iustice, innocenc [...] and other deuine vertues: and then to frame their families, and subiect [...] according to the same rule, and paterne. And furthermore he propose [...] [Page 83] vnto them,In Gorgia, & in phae­dome. the consideration of the rigorous and seuere iudgement of [...]od, which they are to passe after their death, & that they are to be pu­ [...]ished for their sinnes, farre more greeuously then priuat men.

[...] Also, that they vnderstand, and consider well, the necessity of Gods [...]elpe, & assistance, for the gouerment of their states,Li. 7. de rep. seing that no man [...]n without it, well gouerne himselfe, and much lesse a common welth, [...]hich consisteth of so manie and different members, and partes, and is [...]biect to so manie casualities.

[...] That like to good pilots, they neuer withdraw their eie,li. de Ciuili, vel de reg. nor their [...]and, from the sterne. For as in a shipp, so also in common welth, [...]r state, a litle negligence may some tymes ouerthrow it.

[...] That they permit nothing in their states,Li. 4. de leg. which may breede [...]orruption of manners, although neuer so great encrease of power [...]r wealth, may in the opinion of men, be like to follow thereof, [...]or as in mans bodie, so also in common welth, the internal corrup­ [...]on doth easily ouerthrow it, though it florish neuer so much exter­ [...]ally for the time.

[...] Finally, that the scope of all their actions, & gouernement,Ibid. be to pro­ [...]re, partly by good lawes, & partly by their owne example, that all ver­ [...]e may florish in their common welths,Ibid. and that their subiects doe not [...]uermuch esteeme the temporall and false prosperity of this transitorie [...]fe. And not so much to desire, and endeuoure, that the state may long and, as that, so long as it standeth, it may be truely vertuous,In epinomi­de. and religi­ [...]us, for, Hic finis legum est, saith Plato, &c. This is the end of all good lavves, and [...] common vvelth, that vve may attaine to perfect happynes, Dei cultu, & vitae pu­ [...]tate, by the vvorship of God, and purity of life.

[...] Thus much I haue thought good to collect onlie out of Plato, con­ [...]erning the necessitie of perfect vertue, & religion in the commō welth, [...]or the happie state, & gouerment thereof: whereby it may appeare, how [...]reiudiciall, and pernicious, the religion of the Romans must needes be [...]nto their state, seeing that it could not but produce,Chap. 7. & 8 and engender there [...]n Atheisme, and all kind of vice, and wickednes, as I haue largely proued [...]efore in the twoo last chapters.

[...] But now, for asmuch, as there may aryse here, no small doubt, how it [...]ame to passe, that the Roman commō welth grew to so great an empire, [...]s it did, with the continuall vse of their religion, if it were so pernicious [...]o their state, as I haue here affirmed it to be: I must therefore for the sa­ [...]sfaction thereof put thee (good veader) in mind of twoo thinges,Chap. 17. which [...] haue āply proued in my first part. The one is, that the prouidēce of God [...]isposeth of princes states,Dan. 2. & (as I alleadged out of Daniell the Prophet) [Page 84] changeth times, & ages, translateth, & ordained kingdomes at his pleasure, where of I also shewed the experience, aswell in the accomplishment of Nabu­chodonosors vision,Chap. 17. nu 10. & sequ. and Daniels prophesye, of the foure Empires (to wit, the Assirians, Medians, Greekes and Romans, which were to succeede one an o­ther) as also in declaring the causes, why almightie God, giueth domini­on,Nu. 21, & sequent. and kingdome, rather to one man, then to an other, and for what sin­nes he punisheth princes, and common welths, and subuerteth their states.

38 The other point, which I proued, and wishe here to be remembred, is,Chap. 36. nu. 23. that almighty God, doth some times absolutely, determyne to destroy a prince, or state (as when he said of the people of Iuda, that though Moy­ses, and Samuel should pray for them, yet would he not spare them so al­so otherwhiles,Ierem. 15. he determineth, as absolutely to conserue a state for a time (as when he promised to Iehu, that his posteritie should succeede him in his kingdome to the fourth generation) in both which cases,4. Reg. 10. [...] shewed, that no endeuour of man, by good, or bad pollicy, could vphol [...] or ouertrow the state contrarie to the will of God; yea, and that in th [...] latter case (I meane when God doth absolutely determyne to conseru [...] the state) he serueth himselfe, euen of the bad pollicyes of wicked prin­ces,Chap. 36. num. 27. to produce the effect, which he designeth: though neuer the lesse i [...] the meane time, he punisheth the same otherwise, both in the prince, & in the state, with warrs, plagues, famins, and other afflictions, and in th [...] end (the time of his praeordination being expired) he powreth vpo [...] them, the extremitie of his wrath, and vengeance, to their vtter subuersion.

39 This I emplified in the kingdome of Israell, and will now also mak [...] manifest in the Roman common welth, and empyre, which notwithstanding the bad effects, that their absurde, and impious religion produce [...] (to wit Atheisme in verie manie, and extremitie of vice in the most par [...] was to grow, and stand so long, as almightie god had determined to vphold it, and as it was foretold by the Prophet Daniel, to wit, vntil a ston [...] should be cut out of a hill vvithout handes, Dan. 2. that is to say, vntill our Sauiou [...] Christ should be borne of the Virgin Mary) without the helpe of man [...] yea, and should haue planted the seate of his empyre, and kingdome vppon the ruyns thereof: though in the meane time, God executed his iustice vppon them for their Idolatry, and sinne, in such sort, that the continuall course of warrs famine, pestilence, seditions, & mutations, wher [...] with they were miserably, and perpetually afflicted, might haue vtterl [...] ruyned their state sundry tymes, if God had not preserued it for the en [...] aforesaied, as in his wisdome he had preordained.

[Page 85]40 And that this may appeare, let vs consider the punishement that God layed vpon them, from tyme to tyme, euen from the verie foundation of their cittie, first vnder their Kings, secondly vnder their Consuls, Dictators, Decemuiri, and other magistrats, and lastly vnder their Emperors, vnto the time of Constantine the great, whē Christian religion was generally recei­ued: though neuerthelesse it is to be considered, that for the first three hundreth, or foure hundreth yeares after the foundation of Rome, their best histories are so breife, or rather barren of matter, by reason of the great antiquity, and rudenes of those tymes, that Liui, Liui. Dec. 1. and other Historio­graphers, complaine greatlie thereof. And therefore it is no maruaile,Dionisi. Ha­licar. antiq. Roman. li. 1. that we find no mention for manie yeares, of diuers great punishements of God, which appeared to be verie ordinarie afterwards, when their hi­stories were written with more diligence, and greater particularitie: and yet we may easely gather, by those generalities, which are mentioned, how continuate were their calamities, and miseries, euen in their verie begininges.

41 First then, for the times of their Kings (who were but seauen in all) it is to be vnderstood, that when the two bastard brethren,Liuius Dec. 1. li. 1. Romulus and Remus (sonnes of the vestall virgin Rhea Siluia) had killed their great vncle Amulius, restored their grandfather Numitor to his Kingdome of Alba, Plutar. in vita Romul. An. vrbis Romae 1. and laid the foundation of Rome: Romulus not brooking the companie, & fellowshipp of his brother Remus in his new intended Kingdome, em­brued his handes in his blood: and to the end he might the better people his new cittie, he offred by publike proclamation, free accesse, and habi­tation to all the malefactors, that would repaire thither, from anie place whatsoeuer, whereby it was replenished with in foure, or fiue yeares, with theeues, murderers, outlawes, and the outcasts of all Italy, and then partly by force, and partly by fraude, he spoiled the Sabins, An. vrb. 5. and other his neighbours of their daughters, contrarie to all lawes humane, & deuine, hauing inuited them together with their parents, to certaine publike feastes, celebrated in Rome, in honour of their Gods. Where vppon he had bloudie warrs some yeares with the Ceninenses, Antennates, Crustumiami, and the Sabyns, of whome he ouercame the three first, but the last, to wit, the Sabins entred Rome, beseeged, and tooke the Capitoll, gaue battaile to Romulus, greuiouslie wounded him, and slew a great part of his armie, when the daughters of the Sabins, which were maried to the Romans, in­terposed themselues betwixt the two armyes, & procured them to come to composition: whereby it was agreed, that the Romans and Sabins, should ioyne not onlie in amitie, but also in the societie, and fellowship of one common welth, and that Tatius the King of the Sabins, should [Page 86] reigne ioyntlie in Rome with Romulus.

Plutarc. in Romulo.42 But within a while Tatius was slaine (not without the priuity, and consent of Romulus, as it was thought) and shortly after (as Plutark testi­fieth,) there fell a prodigious raine of blood in Rome, pronosticating, as it seemed, a most cruell famine, and strange plague, which presently fol­lowed,An. vrbis 16 and killed great numbers of men, and women suddenlie to the astonishment of all men: and during this plague, the Camerini also made warr vpon the Romans, and after them the Vesentes, though Romulus had the victorie in both:Idem ibid. whereby he grew so insolent, and proud, that he became an insuportable tirant, which moued the senators in the end, to conspire his death,Ann. vr. 37. and to kill him in the senate, & to institute a new forme of gouerment of tenne men, who ruled by turnes, euerie owne fiue daies,Ann. vr. 38. which also gaue so litle repose, and contentment to the peo­ple, that it lasted but a yeare,

Liuius Dec. 1. li. 1. Pl [...]tarc. in Numa.43 After this Numa Pompilius was chosen king, who though he reigned fortie three yeares in continuall peace yet being most supersticious, and faning to haue familiarity with a certaine Nimph, or godesse called A­geria, introduced infinit superstitions into the Roman common welth, de­uising all that forme of religion, which they obserued euer after: and thereby infected them with a spirituall plague, farr wors then any tem­porall, seeing it exposeth them to the continuall wrath of God, which neuer ceased to scourge, & afflict them after his daies. In so much, that whereas he ordained, that the temple of Ianus should be allwayes shut in time of peace, it could neuer after, for the space of six hundred yeares be closed, but onlie once. And during the raigne of the kings his suc­cessors who were but fiue in number (to wit Tullus, Hostilius, Ancus Martinus, Tarquinius Priscus, Seruius Tullus, and Tarquinius superbus) the Ro­man state was perpetually garboyled with no lesse then a ciuill warre: seeing that sight was with their neere neighbors, yea their allyes, and kinsemen, I meane the cities so neare adioyning vnto them, that they contracted mariages, & kindred with them.

44 This may appeare by the warre betwixt the Albans & the Romans, vnder Tullus Hostilius, wherein vpon agreement of both armies, the de­cision of their quarrel, being remitted to a combat betwixt three bre­thren,Liuius Dec. 1. [...]i. 1. called Horatij on the Romans part, and three other brethren called Curiatij on the part of the the Albans, and the victorie falling to the Ro­mans, for that one of the Horatij (his two brethren being slaine) killed al the Curiatij, the victor Horatius returning triumphantly to Rome, slew his owne sister publickly in the streete, because shee wept for the death of one of the Curiatii, to whom shee was fianced, & promised in mariage [Page 87] whereby, I say, it may appeare, how ciuil, & domestical these their warrs were, which continued alwayes more or lesse, for the space of twoo hundreth fourty foure yeares, to wit, vntil the expulsion of the kinges.Eutrop. li. 1. In al which time, they could neuer dilate their dominion fully sixeteene mile from Rome, so that their warres were euer at their owne gates (and consequently accompanied with continuall effusion of their blood, ex­treame cares, feares, and sorow for the losse of parents, children, breth­ren, knisfolke, and freendes) which yet had bene more tolerable, if ambition amongst themselues, & the vnfortunate end of their kinges, had not ministred further matter to the encrease of their domestical ca­lamities.Plutarc. in vita Numae.

45 For of the fiue Kings, which succeeded Numa, three came to the gouernement by intrusion, and all fiue as Plutark testifieth, died either violentlie, or at least in banishement:Ann. vr 113. Liuius Dec. 1. li. 1. though others affirme it on­lie of foure of them, that is to say of Tullus Hostilius, Tarquinius Priscus, Seruius Tullus, and Tarquinius Superbus, of whom Tullus Hostilius in a time of great plague was burnt in his owne pallace, which was sett on fire from heauen with a thunderbolt.Ann. vr 175 Tarquinius Priscus being made by his predecessor Anius Martius, tutor to his children, and hauing after­wars defrauded them of the kingdome,Ann. vr. 219 was killed by a sheaphard in re­uenge thereof. Seruius Tullius hauing cuningly intruded himselfe into the gouerment, was in the end depriued thereof, and also of his life by his sonne in law Tarquinius Superbus, with the consent of his owne daughter Tullia, who caused her chariot to be driuen ouer her Fathers dead body, as it laie cast forth in the markett place, and finallie Tarquinius being the fourth of the aforenamed, & the last king of the Romans, was for his tirā­nie, and his sonnes (who rauished Lucretia) expelled the citty,An. vr. 244. and died af­ter in exile in Tusculum, within twelue miles of Rome. And such was the hatred, that aswell the people, as the senate had conceiued against kingly authority, for the tirannie of their former kinges, that they vtterly abo­lished the same, and instituted twoo consuls.

46 But what? did they enioye thereby anie more happines, peace, or rest then before? Nothing at all: for, such was their miserie afterwards, & so continual the entercourse, or counterchange of externall warrs, ciuill se­ditiōs, plague, famins, and other strange kinds of calamities, that the pu­nishment of God was most euident vpon them. And therefore seing the Roman histories are from this time forward, more particular, cleare, and abondant of matter, then in the former ages vnder the kings, and still the further they goe, the more particular, and plentifull: and that I find also such a perpetuall connexion, and concatenation of calamities, [Page 88] throughout the whole state of the Romans vntill the time of Constantine, the great, that I may by the relation thereof, with some litle addition of circumstances, now, and then, giue thee (good reader) a perfect epitome, of all the Roman historie, and imagining that I shall doe therein a worke gratefull, vnto thee, whether thou hast read the Roman histoires or noe, (for if thou hast read them, thou maist perhaps be content to renew the memorie of them, by a breife suruey of the substance of the whole, and if thou hast not read them, I make account thou wilt be glad to see in two, or three chapters, the summe of the most notable and remarkable matters, which the Historiographers of the Romans telate in large vo­lumes, for the space of aboue eight hundreth yeares) vppon this conceit, I say, I am content for thy pleasure, and profitt, to take the paine to giue thee an abridgement of the Historyes of the Romans during that tyme.

47 Neuertheles, I thinke good to auertise thee, that if thou be not so much delighted with historicall matters, and desirest to take a shorter course, then to read these three chapters following, thou shalt find the conclusion thereof, in the fourth chapter, from this (which is the thir­teenth of this booke) wherein thou shalt see, not only the inferences, that I meane to draw out of the whole, but also the substāce of the same breefely touched, to present vnto thee, the course of the deuine proui­dence, in conseruing, encreasing, and aduancing the Roman common welth, on the one side, and his iustice on the other side, in scourging, and afflicting it from time, to time, with such continuall, and exemplar pu­nishements, as the like perhaps hath not bene read, or heard of in anie state, that hath still stode, & beene conserued, and much lesse in any that hath bene so much amplyfyed, and encreased, as the Romayne empyre was.

A continuation of the same matter, to shevv the seuerity of Gods iustice in punish­ing the Romans, from the expulsion of the Kinges, vntil the first vvarr of Carthage, vvith a perfect Epitome, or abridgement, of the Roman history du­ring that tyme. CHAP. X.

1. THE verie first yeare of the cōsuls was no lesse, vnfortunate to them, then to the common welth. For Iunius Brutus, who ex­pelled the tyrant, and was one of the first two consuls, put to death two of his owne sonnes, and two of his wiues brethrē for conspiring the reduction, and restitution of the tyrant. He also depri­ued [Page 89] Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus his companion in the consulat,Liuius Dec. 1. li. 2. An. vrb. 245 and forced him to depart out of the cittie, only because his name was Tarquinius, whereas he him selfe was nephew to the tyrant (to wit his owne sisters sonne) and in steed of Lucius Tarquinius, was chosen P. Valerius Publicola: Finallie Iunius Brutus being slayne the same yeare in battaile, by Aruns Tarquinius, the tyrants sonne (whom he also slew) Spurius Lucrecius succe­ded him in his office, and died within a few dayes, in whose place Marcus Horatius was chosen.

2 So that there were fiue consuls in one yeare, of whome one was kil­led in battaile, an other depriued, and the third died in his consulat. Be­sides that the same yeare, there begāne an other most cruel warr, betwixt the Romans, & the tyrant Tarquinius, Liui. ibid. who was supported by Porsenna King of the Clusins in Hetruria, (now called Tuscan) & by the Satyns, which warr continued at the very gates of Rome three yeares, with so great danger to the Romans, that Liuij saith, Non vnquam alias ante tantus terror Senatum in­ [...]asit: The senate vvas neuer before that time seazed vvith so great feare.

[...] And in this warre passed the famous acts of Horatius Cocles, and Mutius Scaeuola, of whome the first defended the entrance of a draw bridge, a­gainst all Porsenna his armie,Idem ibid. vntill the bridge was cut downe behind him [...]nd then he lept into the water, and swamme to land. The other, to wit, Mutius Scaeuola, entered into the campe of Porsenna, killed his secretarie in [...]teede of him, and being taken, & threatned with torment, put his owne hand voluntarie in to the fire, and there held it vntill it was consumed, to shew how litle he feared torments, or death it selfe, protesting also, [...]hat three hundred yong Romans had vowed to attempt the death of Por­ [...]enna in like manner.An. vrb. 248 Wherevppon Porsenna being strooken with admira­ [...]ion of his vallours dismissed him, and made peace with the Romans: for [...]ssurance whereof, manie hostages were geuē him, amongst whom were [...]iuers maides of accoūt, and namely the famous Claelia, vnder whose cō­duct all the other maydes escaped away ouer the riuer of Tyber through [...]he enemies army, and although she was restored to Porsenna vppon his demaunde, yet for the great admiration he had of her courage, and other good partes, he not onlie dismissed her againe, but also at her request, dis­chardged al the bardlesse youthes that were amongst the ostages, for the which the Romans honoured her with an image, representinge her on horsebacke. And thus ēded their warre with king Porsenna. Presently af­ [...]er, there ensued no lesse dangerous, and bloudy warres with the Sabins, Aequi, Volsci, and the Arunci, & though the Romans, had diuers victories,Idem ibid. [...]et they bought them with much more blood on their owne part, and [...]specially in their warre, with the Arunci, An. vrb. 252 who miserably spoiled all the [Page 90] Roman territorie, ouerthrew their armie, and almost killed one of their Consuls. Besides that certaine townes that were colonies of the Romans, rebelled against them, and yelded to their enimies.

Ibidem.4 And thus continued their dangers, feares, & troubles, vntill the sam [...] were redoubled by a new league of thirty principall cities against them, in fauour of their former king Tarquinius, in so much, that they were for­ced to make a Dictator, An. vrb. 253. (that is to say, one soueraigne gouernour for th [...] space of six monethes) which they neuer did, but in some extreame dan­ger of their state. And though in this warre also the Romans had the vi­ctorie in the end, yet they had so litle repose thereby, that they were faine in respect of new dangers,An. vrb. 260 to make a new Dictator within a while, & in the meane time, the people also being consumed with pouertie, an [...] oppressed with debts, grew to be tumultuous aboue measure. For, whereas they had vntill that time, serued in all the former warrs vpon their owne charges, and by reason of the continuance thereof, and the ordinarie plagues, and famins had bene forced to borrow much money of the noble men, or Senatours, and not being able to pay either the v­surie, or the principal, were miserablie afflicted with imprisomēts, giues, and fetters, yea and some with whipping, & torments (their bodies being adiudged by the magistrats to their creditors for satisfaction of their debts) they assembled themselues on the holie hill three miles from Rome or as some writte vppon mount Auentin, Idem ibid. within Rome, & there fortified thēselues. And although Menenius Agrippa, being sent vnto them frō the senate, pacified them with a fable, which he told thē (of a muteny & con­spiracy of all the partes of mans bodie against the belly, wherby the whole bodie pined away) yet the senate was faine to grant them, fiue Tri­bunes, to be chosen out of the people themselues, to serue them for a coū­terpeyse against the Cōsuls, & to defend thē against the Senators who op­pressed thē, wherevpon there grew afterwards many great incōueniēces, & continuall troubles in the common wealth, as shall appeare hereafter.

An. vrb. 2615. This seditiō being appeased, there followed the very next yeare, an o­ther much worse, accōpanied also with an extreame famin, in which se­ditiō, the people banished the worthy Martius Coriolanus, notwithstāding his great seruice donne to the cōmon welth,Ibid. & his famous victories: who fled to the Volsciās, & being made by thē their captaine generall, beseiged Rome with a great armie, whereby the Romans were so terrified, that first they sent the priests of the cittie, & afterwards Veturia his mother, & Vo­lumnia his wife, with a great multitude of matrons, and other women to appease him, by whom he was entreated at last to raise his seige.

6 And before two yeares were fullie past (the warrs still continuing [Page 91] with the Volsci, Aequi, and Hernici) there arose new seditions, not onlie betwixt the senatours, and the people,Ann. vr 263 but also betwixt the two Consuls Proculus Virginius, & Sp. Cassius, of whome the latter aspired to a tiranny, by the propositiō of a law called Agraria, Idem ibid. (for the deuision of laudes amōgst the people) & was notwithstāding afterwards condemned, & executed. And yet neuertheles new tumults grew euery yeare for a lōg time, by the meanes of the Tribunes, feeding the humour of the people,An. 269. & irritating them against the Senat, with the propositiō of that law: & though some times they were forced to intermit their domesticall diuisiōs, & animosi­ties,An. 270. Ibid. to attēd to their defence against the forraine enimies (as in the cōsu­ [...]ate of Lucius Aemilius, & Coeso Fabius) yet within two yeares after, their se­ditions so reuiued, that Liuij saith. Non segnior discordia domi, & bellum foris [...]trocius fuit: The discord at home vvas no lesse, then it vvas vvont to be, and the vvarre abroad farre more cruell.

[...] In these warrs, which they had some yeares with the Volsci, Aequi, and [...]ejentes, first their consul Marcus Fabius, & after three hundred,An. 274. An. 277. Ibidem. & six Fabij [...]al of one familie hauing obteined of the Senate to be emploied in that warre were al in one battail slaine by the Vejentes, assisted by the Hetrusci, who made warre at the verie gates of Rome: and hauing taken the mount [...]aniculus, so spoiled the coūtry round abount, that the Romās were almost [...]amished, vntill their consul Sp. Seruilius, & A. Virginius after much losse, & diuers foiles, slew the greatest part of their enemies,An. vr. 278. & put the rest to light. This warr was no sooner ended, & their famine releeued, but the Tribunes beganne againe to make new stirres, propounding the law A­ [...]raria, aboue-mencioned, & irritating the people, not only against all the [...]enatours in generall, but also against euerie on of them in particuler: in [...]o much that they caused T. Menenius, who had benne Consul, to be [...]rongfullie condemned, & accused also Sp. Seruilius, consul the yeare be­ [...]ore, who hardly escaped.Ann. vr. 279

[...] This domestical storme being somewhat appeased, there arose an o­ [...]her the same yeare from abroad, by a new warre of the Vejentes, Sabini, [...]olsci, & Aequi, & presently after, the next yeare, the discord, & seditions,Ann vr 280 Ibidem. [...]etwixt the Tribunes, & the Cōsuls, & betwixt the people, & the senate, [...]rew to such violēce, that the officers of the Cōsuls were abused the en­ [...]gnes of Iustice brokē, the Consuls thēselues forced to saue thēselues by [...]ight, & the senat cōstrayned in the end, after 2 yeares tumultuous contē­ [...]ō, to exclude thēselues from the election of the Tribunes, & to grāt the [...]me wholy to the people, to the ēd they might prouide for the defēce of [...]he cōmon welth, against the Volsci, & Aequi, who renewed their former [...]arrs, wherin the Romās receiued a most shameful ouerthrow,An. vr. 283. vnder the [Page 92] Consul Appius Claudius.

9 And such was the entercourse of warre abroad, & sedition at home, that if I should vndertake to make particular relation thereof, I should doe nothing els, but write the whole story of the Romans; seing tha [...] whensoeuer there was anie litle peace, or repose, the same was (saith Li­uij) semper solicita certamine patrum, Ibidem. & plebis. Alwayes full of care, and trou­ble, by reason of the contention betwixt the Senate, and the people, an [...] as Dionisius Halicarnassus, Dionisi. Ha­licar. antiq. Roman. saith, Sic in orbem redibant vicissitudines, &c. Su [...] vvas the course, and counterchange of vvarre, and sedition, that they vvent round, [...] it vvere in a vvheele, in so much, that peace bredd sedition, & vvarre brought the [...] againe to compositien; which was also (as Eutropius, & Orosius note) so inter­mixt with frequent pestilence,Oros. l. 2 c. 12 Eutrop. li. 1. that their truces, which were verie rar [...] (saith Orosius) were made either by reason of some great plague, or ac­companied with it, whereby infinit numbers perished, as in the consu­late of Q. Seruilius, An. vr. 288. Eutrop. ibid. and Spurius Posthumus, when (as Eutropius saith) a grea [...] part of the people died of the plague. And againe foure yeares after, no [...] onlie the most part of the souldiarrs, and a great number of the commo [...] people,Ann. vr. 291 but also the two Consuls T. Ebutius, and P. Seruilius, and verie ma­nie Senators, died in like maner of the same contagion: though durin [...] these times, they had also great warrs, with their ancient enimies, yea, & with their owne slaues,Ann vr 294 Liuius Dec. 1. li. 3. and fugitiues, who being conducted by Herdoni [...] the Sabyn, assayled Rome, burnt the Capitoll, and killed Valerius the Consul whiles neuerthelesse the Tribunes of the people, continued their won­ted furie (as Liuij witnesseth) in stirring the people to sedition, and incen­sing them against the Senate.

10 And the next yeare after, as Eutropius and Orosius say, (though accor­ding to Liuij it should be twoo yeares after) the Aequi, Ann. vr 296 Idem ibid. & Volsci, discom­fited a great armie of Minutius the Consul, and beseiged him withi [...] twelue miles of Rome, vntill Q. Cincinnatus (being fetcht from the plough was made Dictator, who releeued him, when he was brought to great ex­tremitie: whiles also in the meane time they had benne miserably distra­cted, and deuided in Rome, by their turbulent Tribunes, seeking to extin­guish, or at least to diminish, the authoritie of the Consuls. Besides tha [...] they were terrified with most prodigious accidents of terrible earthqua­kes, strange noyses, and horrible sights in the ayre, and showers of grea [...] peeces, or gobbets of flesh, whereof part was seased on by the birds, er [...] they fell to the grounde, and the rest that fell lay many dayes vncorrup­ted: all with prodigious signes, and diuers others, which I omitt (threat­ninge as the deuines denounced ruin to the common welth for their se­ditions) being also seconded with famin, and continuall danger of for­reine [Page 93] warrs, suffised not neuertheles to temper, and intigate the mindes of the Tribunes, who propounded new lawes in fauour of themselues,Ann. vr 298 [...]ncensing the people continuallie against the Senate, & Consuls. Where­vppon their tumults still encreasing, & new contentions dailie growing (concerning the validitie of the new lawes) to the manifest, & extreame danger of the common welth: it was at last agreed, to send embassadours [...]o Athens, to fetch a coppy of Solons lawes,An. 300. Ibidem. and other ordinaunces of the Grecians, whereby they might reforme theirs. And although during the [...]bsence of their embassadours (which was not aboue two yeares) they enioyed some repose, aswell from tumults at home, as warrs abroad; yet [...]heir affliction ceased not, for as Liuij saith: Duo simul mala ingentia exorta, Ibidem. &c. Twoo great mischeifes grew amongst them, at once, to wit, famin, [...]nd pestilence, wherewith infinit numbers, not only of men,An. 301. but also of [...]atle were consumed, in so much, that. Vrbs, saith he, assiduis exhausta fune­ribus, multae & clarae lugubres domus, multiplici clade faedatus annus, Ibid. The city vvas exhausted vvith continuall deaths, manie noble houses vvhere replenished vvith [...]ourninge, and all that yeare vvas disgracefull, by reason of manie calamities.

[...]1 The next yeare, which was the three hundreth, and two, after the foundation of Rome, the embassadours being returned from Greece, An. 302. the Romans changed their forme of gouerment, chosing in steede of two Cō­ [...]suls, tenne gouernours called Decemuiri to whose chardge it was com­mitted, both by the Senate, & people, aswell to make new lawes,Idem ibid. as also to administer iustice, euery one of them in his turne, euery tenth day; who conspiring together the second yeare of their office, and binding themselues by oath to mantaine one an other, opprest the commō welth two yeares, and vsed great tirannie, committing all kind of iniustice:An. 305. in so much that one Virginius publikely slew his owne daughter, to deliuer her from Appius Claudius one of the Decemuiri, who, to the end he might deflower her, had not onlie caused a dependant of his owne to claime her for his slaue, but also had giuen sentence against her. Wherevppon there arose such a tumult of the people, and souldiars,Ibidem. that the Decemuiri were forced to leaue their office, and two Consuls were chosen after the old maner, and Appius Claudius being committed to prison, killed him­selfe: an other of the Decemuiri died also in prison, & the rest were banis­hed, and their goods confiscated.

12 During this tirannicall Decemuirat, the Sabins, An. 306. Ibid. and Aequi making warre in the territorie of the Romans, gaue them two shamefull ouer­throwes, and put the citie of Rome in no lesse danger, then feare.

13 And if I should proceede in this manner, to recount particulerlie, al their domesticall diuisions, & other calamities ensuing thereof, (where­with [Page 94] they were continuallie afflicted, whensoeuer they had anie litle truce, or surceasse from forraine warrs) I should occupie, and imploy the whole volume of this treatise in the relation thereof, & therefore I wish it for the present to be noted, that from the time of this Decemuirat, to the verie ouerthrow of their commō welth, by Iulius Casar (which was foure hundreth yeares after) their ciuill tumults, & consequently their afflicti­ons grew dayly greater, by reason that the Senate, after the deposition of the Decemuiri, were forced, for the further satisfaction of the people, no [...] onlie to renew their former officers called Tribunes, but also to encrease their number to Tenne: yea, & with in a while also to grant, that in stede of the two Consuls (who were chosen onlie out of the ancient nobility) there should be other magistrats,Ibidem. called Tribunes of the souldiars, who should haue the authoritie of Consuls, and be chosen partlie out of the plebeians,An. 310. and partly out of the patricians.

And so seditious, and furious commonlie were the Tribunes of the people, in stirring thē vp against the Senat, that the Senatours, were faine to seeke some times, the most dangerous remedies that might be, to wit, the occasion of some great warr, euen at their owne gates (I meane with their next neighbours not manie miles from Rome) Adeo vel infoelix bel­lum, Dec. 1. li. 4. saith Liuij, ignominiosae paci praeferebant. So farr they vvere faine to preferr an vnfortunate vvarre, before an ignominious peace. Which neuertheles suffised not mannie times, to quiet the turbulent humours of the people, and their Tribunes: in so much that otherwhiles, when they were most pres­sed by their enimies,Ibid. they had, as Liuij saith, Plus belli domi, quam foris. More warre at home, then abroad, whereby the senate was constrained to en­dure manie indignities.

14 This therefore being vnderstood, to haue passed continually in the Roman state, not onlie before the election of the Tribuni militum, (which was in the yeare of three hundred and tenne, after the foundation of Ro­me) but much more euerafter, I will henceforth for breuities sake, touch onlie their most notorious calamities,An. 310. and afflictions, whereby it shall sufficiently appeare, how seuere, and continuall was the scourge, and pu­nishment of God vpon them for their wickednes.

15 These Tribunes of the souldiars, being chosen, and composition made thereby for the present, betwixt the people, and the Senate, (to the end they might attend to the defence of their state against the Aequi, Volsci, and Vejentes) the said warrs were no soner ended with good successe to the Romans, An. 315. Dec. 1. li. 4. but succeded the vnfortunate Consulat of Proculus Geganius Macerinus, and L. Menenius Lanatus, Notorius, saith Liuij, for the manifold cala­mities, dangers, famin, seditions, and almost perpetuall losse of liberty, in so much [Page 95] (saith he) that if there had bene anie externall warre at that time, Vix ope Deorum omnium res sisti potuisset. All the Gods could hardly haue conserued the [...]are. The occasion was, that there being so great a famin, that manie drowned themselues in Tyber, to auoid the torment of hunger, Sp. Melius, hauing at his owne charges, greatlie releeued the people with corne, & victuall: aspired to make himselfe Kinge, and had so farr gained their good wills thereto, that the Senat was compelled to make Lucius Quintus Dictator, by whose meanes (with the helpe of Quintus Seruili­ [...] Master of the horse) Sp. Melius was in the end slayne,Ann. vr 316. and the peo­ple pacified.

[...]6 The yeare following beganne a most dangerous warre,An. 317. by the rebel­ [...]ion of the Fidenates: who were not aboue eighteene miles from Rome, & [...]ad at the instance of the Veientes, rebelled against the Romans, and killed foure of their Embassadours, which were sent vnto them, to vnderstand [...]he cause of their defection. In so much, that the Senate (vc in trepidis rebus, saith Liuij, as their custome vvas in time of feare, and danger) made a Dictator, Idem ibid. to wit Mamercus Aemilius, and though he ouerthrew his enimies, and had [...] notable triumph, yet his victorie was counterpeised,Eutrop. li. 1. with such [...]errible earthquakes, and plagues, that the Romans were in feare of [...]tter desolation, aswell to the cittie, as to the countrie: besides new warrs presentlie after with the Fidenates, and Vejentes, An. 317. & 318. who [...]pproched with a great armie to the walls of Rome, wherevppon, [...]repidatum, saith Liuij, non in agris magis, quam in Vrbe, An. 320. Liuius Dec. 1. li. 4. There vvas [...]o lesse feare in the cittie, then in the fields abroad. And therefore they made a new Dictator, to wit A. Seruilius, who repelled the enimie and toke [...]he cittie Fidenae.

[...]7 And other warrs arising the next yeare (wherevppon they were also forced to make a new Dictator) there followed an other pestilence,An. 321. An. 322, An. 327. which made great destruction both of men, and cattle, in the cittie, and country. And within foure, or fiue yeares after, the Veientes made new warrs, which were also accompanied with extreame drought, wherevppō fol­lowed verie great contagion, & death of men, and beastes:An. 329. and shortlie after, the Veientes gaue an ignominious ouerthrow to the three Tribunes of the souldiars, who gouerned that yeare:Ibidem. An. 332. and Rome it selfe was in such feare, that it kept watch, and ward vppon the walles, and was, as Liuij saith, more like a campe, then a cittie: and within three yeares after the Consul Sempronius was also shamefullie ouerthrowne, by the Volsci. An. 337. Not long after againe, an other armie of the Romans was defeated by the Lauricani, and Aequi, An. 342. An. 343. and the wonted seditions growing daily greater at [...]ome, passed also frō the people in the cittie, to the souldiars in the cāpe [Page 96] who killed M. Posthumius their generall; and presently after followed [...] great pestilence, and famine, whereby the citie was for a time left as [...] were, desolat, and desert whiles the common sort perished, and the Sena­tours and others of wealth & account, went abroad to seeke remedie a­gainst the hunger and contagion.

18 And thus continued for some yeares this successiue change of sedi­tions, plagues, famine, and warre (where in also the Romans amid som [...] victories,An. 350. receiued many disgraces, and ouerthrowes) vntill the great, & long seige of Vejentum, which dured tenne yeares, winter, and sommer, after seauenteene yeares warre, that it had made against the Romās: who though they tooke it in the end (to wit in the yeare three hundreth fifti [...] nine) vnder the conduct of M. Furius Camillus, yet had bene foyled, disgra­ced, & beaten by it, not onlie oft before, but also diuers tymes during th [...] seige; in which time also they were pestred with almost cōtinuall warrs by other their neighbours,Idem Dec. 1. li. 5. and with seditions at home more then euer, and finally with that notorious pestilence, which happened in the yeare three hundred fifty six, whereof I haue spoken in the seuenth chapter, fo [...] remedy whereof,An. 356, they made their first Lectisternium to pacifie the wrath of their gods.

19 And how pernicious their ciuill dissentions, and seditions in Rome i [...] selfe, were also to the common welth, it appeared shortlie after, whe [...] the famous Furius Camillus, An. 364. was wrongfully banished by the Tribunes o [...] the people: in punishment whereof, Plutark supposeth, that God sent th [...] Gaules to Rome, Plutarc. in Furio Camil An. 365. who the next yeare after, ouerthrew Fabius Ambustus, & his whole army, not farr from Rome, with great slaughter of the Romans, and entred the citie, sacked, spoiled, and burnt it, killed a great numbe [...] of Senatours in their owne houses, and put all to the sword, except suc [...] as fled to the Capitol, which they also beseiged, though they were in th [...] end expelled, & ouerthrowne by Camillus, who being banished (as I hau [...] declared) releeued, and repaired the wracke of his vngratefull coun­try.

An. 366.20 This dangerous, and terrible tempest being ouerblowne, new stor­mes of warrs presently arose from the Volsci, Aequi, Satrini, & Praenestini, o [...] whom some encamped themselues at the verie gates of Rome, wherevp­pon saith Liuij, Liuius Dec. 1. li. 6. Ingens in vrbe trepidatio: There vvas exceeding great feare, an [...] trembling in the cittie. And although the Romans ouerthrew, & conquered them all in the end, by the valour of Furius Camillus, and T. Quintus Cincin­natus (whereby also they enlarged greatly their dominions in Italy) ye [...] they were in the meane time continuallie molested, and vexed with their wonted calamities: as some times with disgraces in warres, some times [Page 97] with plague and famine, and otherwhieles, or rather continually,An. 372. with [...]omesticall diuisions, and tumults? partlie by reason of the pouerty of [...]he people, loden, and opprest with debts, and partlie by the ambition,An. vrb. 369 [...]rst of Marcus Manlius, who aspiret to make himselfe King,An. 379. 380. 381. 382. 383. and after [...]f Licinius Stolo and L. Sextius Tribunes of the people, who for fiue yeares [...]ogeter, hindred the election of all other magistrats, but them selues [...]nd forced the Senate in the end, to graūt that one of the Consuls, should [...]or euer after be a Dlebeian, and yet before this dissention could be [...]ully composed,Ann vr. 388 the Gaules returned againe with a huge army and came [...]ithin foure mieles of Rome, destroynig all the country roundabout, [...]ut were within a while defeated by Turius Camillus.

[...]1 Shortly after there grew a strange plague, of contagious diseases,Liuius Dec. 1. li. 7. An. vrb. 390 [...]hich continued some yeares, and destroyed infinit numbers of people, [...]nd amongst the rest, there died Turius Camillus, three Tribunes of the [...]eople, a Censor, and an Aedil, for remedy wherof, they absurdlie brought [...]n vse, their filthy staghe plaies, to pacifie the wrath of the Gods, as I haue [...]ignified in the seuenth chapter.

[...]2 Within twoo yeares after or somewhat more,An. 393. the earth opened vn­ [...]o the verie bowels thereof, in the midest of the greatest market place in Rome, and so remained some dayes, to the extreame terrour of all men; [...]heir deuines cōcelled them to throw in what soeuer was most precious [...]n the cittie, wherevppon the matrons cast in all their Iewells,Idem ibid. but no­ [...]hing auailed, vntill Marcus Curtius being armed on horsebacke cast him­ [...]elfe into it, which being donne it closed within a while; and before the [...]eare was fully ended, L. Genutius the Consul was ouerthrowne & slaine [...]y the Hernici.

[...]3 From this time forward, vntell the warr of the Samnits, that is to [...]ay, for the space of twentie two yeares,Ibid. the Romans were so contiunaly distressed, either with rebellions of their subiects, or defections of their [...]reendes, and confederates,An. 395. or new inuasions of the Gaules (who gaue thē [...]n other bloody battaile, at the verie gates of Rome) or finallie with their ciuill discord amongst themselues, that they were forced almost euerie [...]eare, to make a Dictator, in respect some times aswell of Domesticall,An. 405. as of foraine dangers: and although they had manie notable victories, yet [...]hey receiued with all so manie disgraces, with such losse of blood,An. 394. 395. 367, and such spoile of their territories, and such oppression of the people, that [...]t may trulie be said, they liued all that while in continuall affliction & miserie the particularities whereof, where to long to recount, & there­fore I wil passe to the warre of the Samnits.

24 In the yeare after the foundation of Rome foure hundred & twelue,An. 412. [Page 98] the Romans denounced warre to the Samnits in fauour of the Campani who not being able to defend themselues against the Samnits, Ibid. gaue t [...] the Romans, not onlie their cittie, Capua, (which was then hel [...] equall in greatnes, or magnificence with Rome) but also themselue [...] and their whole state, vpon condition that the Romans should defer [...] them.

25 The Romans therefore vndertaking this warre in defence of the Ca [...] pani, as of their owne subiects, had prosperous successe, and notable v [...] ctories, for three, or foure yeares, aswell against the Samnits, as the L [...] tins their neighbours, who breaking their ancient league, made warr [...] vpon them: in which time passed those famous actes of the two Consu [...] T. Manlius Torquatus, An. 415. and Publius Decius: of whome the first, to conserue th [...] authoritie, and integritie of militarie discipline, put to death his own [...] sonne, for accepting an importunate chalēge of combat without his order, though he valiantlie slew the enimie: and the other Consul Deciu [...] seeing his armie put to the worse,Liuius Dec. 1. li. 8. and like to be ouerthrowne, vowed and with manie ceremonies (which Liuy declareth) consecrated himself as a sacrifice to the gods, to obtaine the victorie, which his armie obtained, though he himselfe was slaine.

An. 416.26 But the next yeare after, one of their consuls being a Plebeian, an [...] the other though a Patrician, yet disgusted with the Senat (because i [...] would not grant him a triumph) cōspired together in fauour of the Tribunes,Idem Ibid. and people, and making one of themselues Dictator, ordained suc [...] lawes, that, as Liuy witnesseth, their common welth receiued more detr [...] ment, by the malignitie of their seditious Consuls, and Dictator at home [...] then good happ, or felicitie by their victories abroad. And these warr [...] cōtinuing yearelie, they were also infested with strange plagues, & mortalitie, especiallie in the foure hundred twentie and third yeare, after th [...] foundation of Rome, An. 423. at what time, an incredible, and most horrible conspiracie of the matrons of Rome, to poison the cittie was detected, by on [...] of their women seruants,Ibidem. after that verie manie principall men, and [...] great number of the meaner sort, had bene made away, dying strangelie, and suddainelie all after one manner: besides infinit others, wh [...] being more able to resist the force of the poison, languished miserablie, and pined away, vntill the matter being discouered (as I hau [...] said) and examined, three hundred and seauentie matrons (as Or [...] and Eutropius witnesse) were condemned,Oro. l. 3 c. 10 Eutrop. li. 2 and executed for it: no other motiue, or cause of their wicked act being euer discouered but onlie a phantastical, and malicious madnes, which had surprise [...] them.

[Page 99]27 A few yeares after this, the warre with the Samnits being renewed, [...]he Roman armie conducted by the twoo Consuls T. Veturius and Sp. [...]osthumius, was driuen to such a straite;An. 431. Liuius Dec. 1. li. 9. that they were forced to saue their liues, with losse of their honour, passing vnder the yoke (as it was termed) that is to say, vnder three lances set vp in gal­ [...]ows wise, spoiled of their armes, and clothes, with such conditi­ons also of peace, as it pleased their enimies to impose vpon them: for the assurance whereof, six hundred Roman Gentlemen were left for hostages. And this the Samnits held for a greater victorie, then [...]f they had put them all to the sword, as they might haue done, if they would.

[...]8 And from this time forward, they had continually for many yeares, [...]erie cruel and bloudie warrs, partly with the Samnits, and partly with other their neighbours, and though they had diuers [...] notable victories, yet they bought them manie times so deare, that they had small cause to reioyce thereat: partlie by reason of their owne losses, and partlie for the frequent plagues which occurred. In so much, that Eutropius spea­king of these times saith thus; It is to be vnderstood, that the peace, Eutrop. li. 2. and repose [...]f the Romans, vvas euer interrupted vvith externall vvarrs, and the vvarres a­gaine vvith infectious, and contagious plagues, so that they vvere on euerie side miserablie molested. Thus saith he, vpon the occasion of a most greuous pestilence, which ensued a victorie, that Quintus Fabius Maximus, An. 458. Liuius Dec. 1. lib. 10. had [...]gainst the Samnits, and Gaules, though with the losse of seauen thou­ [...]and Romans, and of his fellow Consul P. Decius, sonne to the other P. Decius, who vowed, and dedicated himselfe, as a sacrifice to the Gods,Num. 25. in a battaile against the Latins (as I haue signified before) whose example his sonne also followed in this battaile, and with his death purchased the victorie for the Romans, as they were perswa­ded.

29 The same yeare, this plague, and warre was also accompanied with manie prodigious euents, as that it rained earth, and manie were slaine in the armie of the Romans with thunderbolts: besides that the Gaules al­ [...]o intercepted, and slew a whole legion of the Romans, An. 461. Liuius Dec. 1. li 10. For the re­medy of this Esculapius vvas fetcht from Epi­daurus. whereof not one man escaped, and the warrs with the Samnits, stil continuinge with great [...]osse on both parts (though the Romans commonly had the victorie) there fell within three yeares after such a plague in Rome, and such a murrein, and destruction of catle in the countrie, for three yeares toge­ [...]her, that (as Liuy witnesseth) it was portento similis, like a monstrous wonder. And during the same time, the Samnits also ouerthrew the Consul Q. Fabius Gurges, who saued himselfe by flight, hauing lost three [Page 100] thousand of his souldiars,An. 463. Eutrop. li. 2. though within a while (after fortie nyn [...] yeares warres, and manie bloudy battailes as Eutropius witnesseth) the [...] subdued the Samnits, & destroyed their cheefe cittie called Samnum: An [...] about the same time, also grew such a sedition in Rome, that the peopl [...] tooke armes, and rebelled, requiring that plebeians might be admitte [...] to marry with the nobilitie.

30 Presently after, there followed new warrs with the Sabins, & the [...] with the Lucani, An. 470. Brutij, Toscani, and Galli, with whom the Samnits, had mad [...] league, with intent to rebell: and the Romans thinking to withdraw th [...] Gaules from them, sent Embassadours vnto them, whom the Gaules killed, and shortlie after discomfited also an armie of the Romans, and sle [...] their general Cecilius the Praetor,Epitome T. Liuius li. 12. seauen Coronels, and manie noble men besides twentie eight thousand common Souldiars, as Orosius testifieth.Oro. l. 3. c. 22

31 The next yeare after, they beganne an other warr with the Tarantins, who had also assailed, and spoiled a nauie, of theirs, killed thei [...] Captanes,Eutrop. li. 2. Oros li. 4. c, 1 An 471. and their most seruiceable souldiars, sould the rest, and abused also their Embassadours, who were sent to complaine of the iniurie And this warr so pressed them, that they were faine to arme their Inletarij, who being of the poorest sort, were such as had benne before ex­empted from warre, to the end they might stay at home, and attend t [...] procreation for encrease of the common welth.

Epi. Liu. l. 1232 By the occasion of this warr, the Tarentins called Pyrrhus King of Ma­donie, and Epyrus, into Italy, to assist them against the Romans, betwix [...] whome there passed three cruell, and bloudie battailes, whereof the R [...] mans lost the first, after a whole daies fight, vnder the Consul, Leuin [...] though the slaughter of their enimies was so great, that Pyrrhus said, Th [...] such an other victorie, Ibid. li. 13. vvould send him home vvithout souldiars. The Romans lo [...] in that battaile fourteene thousand,An. 473. Plutarc. in Pyrrho. eight hundred & fourescore foote men, and two hundred forty six horse, besides eight hundred and two horse and fote, which were taken prisoners, and those which escaped b [...] flight, were strangelie terrified, with horrible, & prodigious thunder an [...] thirtie foure of them killed with thunderbolts, and twentie two le [...] halfe dead, in so much, that it seemed the verie heauens fought again [...] them.

An. 474.33 The Romans wanne the second battaile, and slew twentie thousan [...] of their enimies, with the losse of fiue thousād of their part. In the thi [...] battaile,Idem ibid. An. 475. the famous Consul Fabricius (who discouered to Pyrrhus the trea­son of his phisician which had offred to poison him) ouerthrew him. And then Pyrrhus being called into Sicily to assist Agathocles king thereof [Page 101] departed for a time, and returning againe afterwards,Liui. li. 14. in Epito. An. 479. Eutrop. li. 2. An. 477. was ouerthrowne by the Consul M. Curius Dentatus, and forst to leaue Italy, fifteene yeares, after his first arriuall there, as Eutropius testifieth.

34 And in the meane time also, the Romans were cruelly infested, in the second consulat of Fabius Gurges, with a verie strange plague, which kil­led the children in their mothers wombes, and yong cattel in like sort in their dames bellies, so that it was feared (as Orosius witnesseth) that the succession, and ofspring both of men, and beastes,Oros. li. 4. c. 2 would haue vtterlie failed,

35 There followed shortlie after, new warres with the Tarentyns, Id [...] ibid. ca 3 An. 482. who rebelled with the helpe of the Carthaginensis, not withstanding that the said Carthaginenses, where then in league, with the Romans. But the Romans ouerthrew thē both, which the Carthaginenses reuenged afterwards with manie yeares warre, as shalbe declared after a while.

36 The next yeare after this warr with the Tarentins, An. 483. Idem Ibid. a whole legion of the Romans, hauing cruellie murdered all these people of Regiū (to whose succour they were sent) and possessing themselues of the towne, were beseeged by the rest of the Roman forces, taken, and sent to Rome, where they were al put to death, so that the Romans themselues killed so manie of their owne souldiers, that if they had bene slaine by the enemie, it would haue bene held for a publike, and common calamitie.

37 Presentlie after, followed manie prodigious signes,An. 484. and amongst the rest, a maruelous eruption of fire out of the ground, which burned for three daies together, consuminge the corne, and trees neere about it, and the yeare following, there passed a most bloudy fight, betwixt the Picen­tes, and the Romans, notwithstanding that when they were ready to ioyne battaile, there was vpon a suddaine, such a horrible earthquake, with such a roringe noise (which issued out of the earth) that as (Orosius and Eut opius doe witnes) it might well be thought, that the earth it selfe trē­bled, & mourned, for the aboūdance of humane bloud,Oros. l. 4. c. 4 Eutrop. l. 2. An. 485. that was present­lie to be shed in that battaile, wherein neuertheles, the Romans had the better.

38 The verie next yeare after, there were other no lesse prodigious signes, as to omitt diuerse others, aboundāce of bloud flowed out of the earth pretēding no doubt, the bloody warrs, which presentlie folowed.Idem Ibid. First with the Salentini and Brundusini, and shortlie after with the Cartha­ginenses. Besides that the Romans were also about the same time, misera­bly afflicted with twoo yeares pestilence, which did so depopulate the cittie, and country, that afterwards, when it ceased, they made a cense,Circ. an. 487 Oros. l. 4. c. 5. saith Orosius, not so much to see how manie were dead, as how many re­mained [Page 102] aliue.

39 But seing we are now come to the first warrs of Carthage, and that this chapter is alreadie growne long, I will prosecute the rest in the chapter followinge, and touch only the most important matters, to a­uoid prolixitie.

The epitome of the Roman Historie is continued, and the examplar punishment of God vppon the Romans, further obserued, from the beginninge of the first vvarre of Carthage, vntill the ouerthrovv of their common vvelth, & the birth of our Sauiour Christ, vnder Augustus Caesar, the first Roman Emperour. CHAP. XI.

1. THE Romans hauing passed, (as I may tearme it) an essay of their warre with the Carthaginienses in Italy, by the occasion of the Tarentins, (as I haue already signified) beganne afterwards to play their maine prize in Sicily, in the consulat of Appius Clau­dius Pulcher, An. 483. and Quintus Fuluius Flaccus, in the foure hundreth eighty third yeare after Rome was built, as Eutropius affirmeth, though according to Glareanus (whose exact chronologie I rather follow) it was the yeare foure hundreth eighty eight.Eutrop. li. 2. Oros. l. 4. c. 7 An. 488. The occasion was, that the Mamertini, a people of Sicily, whose cheefe cittie was Messina, craued the ayde of the Romans against Hieron King of Syracusa, assisted by the Carthaginienses, whom the Romans ouerthrew in two great battailes, and the warre ex­tending it selfe,An. 493. first into Sardinia, and within foure, or fiue yeares, from land to sea, the Romans were forced, to build, and furnish a nauie, of on hundred and thirtie shipps,Eutrop. li. 2. which they did with incredible speede, to wit in threescoore dayes, but Cornelius Asina the Consul, who had the chardge thereof, was taken prisoner, & slaine by the elder Annibal, with the pretence of a false treatie of peace, which was presently after reuen­ged by the other Consul C. Duillius, with the slaughter of three thousand men, and with an other ouerthrow, which Caius Florus, and Lucius Corneli­us gaue them also by sea,An. 494. the yeare followinge.

2 But this their good fortune, beganne presentlie to be checked, with a most dangerous conspiracy of three thousand slaues, confederat with so manie sailers,Idem ibid. who had surprised Rome (which by reason of these great warrs was destitute of al gard) if the consul had not in time discouered, & preuēted it. Whereby it may appeare, how much the Romās were pres­sed, and greeued with this warre, notwithstanding their good fortune therein, seeing that Rome it selfe was drawne so dry of souldiars to defēd [Page 103] it, that so few slaues durst attempt to surprise it.

3 And within two yeares after, M. Attilius Regulus the Consul,An. 496. hauing passed into Africke, and slaine in battaile eighteene thousand of the Car­thaginienses, and taken by composition fourescore and two cities,Oros li. 4. c. 9. Eutrop. li. 2. was ta­ken prisoner himselfe by them, with the helpe and conduct of Xantippus King of Lacedemony, at what time also thirtie two thousand of the Roman armie were slaine, and fiue hundreth principall men taken prisoners.

4 This is that M. Attilius Regulus, Cicero 2. de finib. & li. 3. officio. & de senectute. Valer. Max. li. 1. ca. 1. li. 2 cap. 4. whose memory is so highlie celebra­ted by Cicero, and other Roman autors, for returning to Carthage, to dis­chardge his oath, whereby he was bound, either to procure the liberty of the Carthaginians that were prisoners, or els to returne himselfe to pri­son, which later condition he willingly performed, hauing himselfe dis­swaded the senat to deliuer the other, for the which he was cruellie slaine at his returne.

5 And albeit this great disgrace of Attilius Regulus, was presently after recompensed,Eutrop. li. 2 Oros. l. 4. c. 9. with two great ouerthrowes giuen to the Carthaginienses by sea, wherein they lost 134. ships, and 44. thousand men, and after­wards also 20000. were slain by the Consul Metellus by land,An 498. yet the two Consuls Aemilius Paulus, and Seruius Fuluius, returning into Italy with their victorious nauie of three hundred saile, loaden with the spoile of the Carthaginienses, made a miserable shipwracke, and lost two hundred and twentie of their ships, and hardly saued the rest, with casting ouer­bord all their goods. And the like fortune had two other Consuls Cn. Seruillius Caepio, and Sempronius Blaesus shortlie after,An. 500. who hauing also made a prosperous voyage by sea, and gott a great spoile of the Carthaginien­ses, were in their returne cast vpon the rockes, and lost a hundred and fiftie ships of great burthen, wherevppon Orosius saith verie well.Oros. l. 4. c. 9 Apud Romanos numquam diuturna felicitas erat &c. The Romans vvere neuer long to­gether fortunate, but euerie good successe of theirs, vvas presently ouervvhelmed vvith a heape of vvoes.

9 This appeared to be true at this time, whereof I now treat, for, the prosperous scccesse, whereof I haue spoken,Idem ibid. cap. 10 Eutrop. li. 2. An. 503. was seconded with diuers disgraces, and calamities, as with the ouerthrow of an other Attilius Regulus surnamed Caius and Manlius Volso, both of thē Consuls, with their nauie of two hundred saile, and foure legions in it, and of an other nauie of a hundred and thirtie saile the yeare followinge,An. 504. vnder the Consul Claudius, who hardly escaped with thirtie ships, the rest being either ta­ken, or drowned, with eight thousand souldiars slaine, and twenty thou­sand taken, besides that Caius or Lucius Iunius the other Consul,Ibidem. lost also his whole fleete by shipwracke the same yeare.

[Page 104] An. 505. Idem ibid.7 And the yeare following, a fleete of the Carthaginienses passed in to Italy, and spoiled diuers parts thereof, & thus continued these warrs wit [...] harde varietie of fortune, and inestimable losses to both parties, vntil [...] Luctatius the Consul, had a notable victorie some foure, or fiue yeares af­ter in Sicily, where he ouerthrew Hanno, the Generall of the Carthaginien­ses, An. 511. Eu [...]rop. li. 2. slew foureteene thousand souldiars, and tooke thirtie two thousan [...] prisoners, whereby the Carthaginienses were so broken, and discouraged, that they were forced to demande peace,Oros. l. 4. c. 10 & 11. An. 512. which was granted them, and so ended the first Punicke warre, after it had lasted twentie thre [...] yeares.

8 But was the ioy of this victorie, and peace (thinke you) cleare to the Romans, without their wonted counterchange of calamitie? No truly, fo [...] the very next yeare after,An 513. Eutrop. li. 2. as they were preparing for their triumph, there was such an inundation of the Riuier of Tiber, and it lasted so long, tha [...] it destroyed al the lower part of the citie, and pres [...]ntly after, a fire als [...] which tooke in the higher partes of the cittie, (no man knew how) con­sumed not onlie innumerable houses, and the temples of the Gods, bu [...] also a great number of men, and such store of riches, and welth, that, a [...] Oresiu [...] saith.O [...]s. l. 4. c. 11 Many forraine victories could not recompence the losse that the Roman [...] receiued thereby,

An. 513.9 In this meane while, there arose new troubles of warrs from the Fa­lisi, the Gaules, and the Sardinians, who rebelled by the sollicitation of the Carthaginiens [...]s, Id [...]m ibid. c [...]. 12 Eutrop. li. 2. An 514. which warrs lasted some fiue, or six yeares, with so litle gaine to the Romans, especiallie against the Gaules, that though they ha [...] the victorie, yet their losse was so greate with al, that the Consul Valer [...] could not obtaine the honour of triumph: but in the end, all those tu­mults being appeased, and the Carthaginienses vppon humble suite, by di­uers embassages pardoned, there was such an vniuersall peace, that the Temple of Ianus was shutt vp the first time, after Numa Pompilius, that i [...] to say,An. 518. Oro [...]. 4 c. 12 after foure hundreth & threescore yeares of continuall warre, be­sides the other afflictions of plagues, domestical diuisions, and other mi­series, wherewith they had bene many times brought almost to vtte [...] d [...]solation, as I haue signified before,

10 This peace continued only one yeare, which being ended, there arose new quarrels, and cruell warres with the Illirici, for killing certaine em­bassadors of the Romans, & presently after with the Gaules, in punishmēt (as O [...]osius and Eutropius note) of a most inhumane sacrifice,Oros l. 4. c 13 Eutrop. li. 3. which the Romans made of two Gaules, a man, and a woman, whome they buried a­liue together, with a Graecian woman, after which there followed with in a while, such an inundation of the Gaules, aswel of those which dwelt [Page 105] in Italy, as also of the others beyond the Alpes, Oros. ibidem that the Romans were for­ [...]ed to arme eight hundred thousand men, vnder the cōduct of their two [...]onsuls, Publius Valerius Flaccus, and Caius Attilius Regulus, An. 527. of which huge [...]ost, fourescore thousand were slaine by the Gaules, with the Consul Attilius, and all the rest put to flight; though neuertheles afterwardes,Eutrop. li. 3. [...]he Romans ouerthrew them in three battailes vnder diuerse Consuls, & [...]stlie killed their King Viridomarus, and tooke Millan, the cheefe cittie of [...]he Gaules, called Cisalpini. But how much bloud these three victories cost [...]hem, it may easily be imagined, & ere that warre was fullie ended,An. 532. they [...]ere forst to prepare for an other against the Istri, whom also they sub­ [...]ued ere long, but multo Romanorum sanguine, Oros. vbi sup An. 533. with much bloud of the Ro­ [...]ans, as Orosius witnesseth.

[...] But now, who can sufficientlie expresse the miseries, and calamities, [...]hat fell presentlie vpon them by the second Punicke warre,An. 535. when Han­ [...]iball, seeking occasion to breake peace with them, beseiged the cittie of [...]aguntum in Spaine, which was their confederat, and so faithfull vnto [...]hem that hauing endured extreame famine some moneths, & seeing no [...]ossibilitie of succour, refused Hannibals offer of capitulation, and burnt [...]heir cittie, with all their goods, and themselues.T. Liui. Dec. 3. li. 1. And warr being there­ [...]ppon denounced by the Romans, against Carthage, Hannibal marched to­ [...]ards Italy, with a hundred thousand footemen, as some write, and [...]wentie thousand horse, leauing also his brother Asdrubal, Vide Plutar. in vita Hannibal. with great [...]orces in Spaine. And passing the Alpes with incredible difficultie, and [...]peede, to wit, in fifteene dayes (notwithstanding that he was forced to [...]pen his way through the maine rocks, with great industry, dissoluing [...]hem with vinager, and fire) he descended into the champian countrie a­ [...]out Turin in Piemont, where encountring with the Consul Scipio, he o­ [...]erthrew him, and killed almost all his armie, and Scipio himselfe being greueously wounded,An. 536. escaped hardly by the valorous helpe of yonge Sci­ [...]io his sonne.

[...]2. And shortlie after this,Liuius Dec. 3. li. 1. Annibal gaue an other ouerthrow to Sem­ [...]ronius the other Consul, by the riuer called Trebbia, with no lesse losse, & disgrace to the Romans, then in the former, for the consul lost the greatest part of his armie, and hardlie saued his owne life by flight. And though Hannibal being wounded in that battaile, & so distressed afterwards with [...]he extreame could of the winter, that he lost one of his eyes,An. 537. Idem Ibid. li. 2. and great number of his souldiars, yet he gaue an other battale in the beginninge of the spring to Flaminius, the Consul, whom he killed, with twenty fiue thousand Romans, and tooke six thousand prisoners, neere to the lake cal­led Thrasimenus, not farr from Perugia in Tuscan.

[Page 106] An. 538. Idem ibid. Plutar. in Hannibal.13 After this againe followed the famous battaile at Cannae, where Han­nibal slew the consul Paulus Aemilius, & forty foure thousand foote, three thousand, fiue hundred horse, twēty of the most principall personages o [...] Rome, who had bene Consuls, & thirtie Senators, with three hundred o­ther men of mark, either slaine, or takē: & the other consul Terentius Var­ro, saued himselfe by flight, with only fiftie horse. And finally, such wa [...] the slaughter of principall men, that Hannibal, sent to Carthage, (as Orosi [...] witnesseth) three bushels of gold rings,Oro. l. 4 c. 16 taken from the hands of the Ro­man gentlemen which were slaine, & such was the astonishmēt, & frigh [...] of the Romans by this ouerthrow, that if Hanniball had followed his vi­ctory, & gone directly to Rome, he had by al likelyhood surprised it, an [...] vtterly ouerthrowne the Roman state.Oros. ibidem For al Campania, or rather as Orosi [...] saith, almost al Italy, yelded to him, & the Senators thēselues were in such despaire, that many of them deliberated to leaue Italy, and had donne it, but that yong Scipio being then a Coronel,T. Liui. Dec. 3. li. 2. drew his sword, and proteste [...] that he would kill whosoeuer should consent vnto it, & procured in th [...] end, that they all tooke an oath with him to defend their country.

14 Furthermore, such was the want of souldiars, for the maintenannc [...] of the warre, that Iunius Decius being made Dictator, was faine to follow [...] the example of Romulus, Oro. l. 4. c. 16 and to grant impunity to al malefactors, tha [...] would come, and serue in that warre, whereby he shortlie assembled si [...] thousand men, and further made vp foure legions of tag, & rag, giuing li­bertie to such slaues as were thought most seruiceable, taking armes ou [...] of the verie temples to furnish them, and the common treasure was so exhausted, that the Romans were forced to supplie with new contri­butions.

Liuius Dec. 3. li. 2. Idem Ibid. li. 7. An. 542. An. 546.15 And though both before and after this, Hannibal receiued some ouer­throwes, namely by Fabius Maximus, before the battail of Cannae, and af­terwards by M. Claudius Marcellus, yet he gaue manie more, as to Sempre­nius Gracchus, to Centenius Penula, to Gneus Fuluius the Praetor, whom he put to flight, and slew fifteene thousand of his men. And lastlie to the two Consuls Crispinus, and the afore said Marcellus, both whome he slew by a traine. And comming once within three mile of Rome, to the great terrour of the Romans, An. 543. he presented them battaile twice, and as they were ready to fight, there fell both times such a terrible storme of raine, and haile, that both the armies were forced to returne into their camps, in so much that Hannibal himselfe ascribing it to the will, and worke of God, retired himselfe,Oro. l. 4. c. 17 saying. That God did not giue him some times the vvill, and some times the povver to assaile Rome: wherein I note by the way, that which I wish to be obserued throughout al this discourse, concerning the Romā, [Page 107] to wit, on the one side the seuere iustice of almightie God, in punishing [...]hem for their horrible idolatrie, and impietie: and on the other side, his maruelous prouidence, in preseruinge, and augmenting their state, to so great an empire, as after he gaue thē, to the end it might serue for a foun­dation to the biulding of his Church.

[...]6 But to conclude concerninge Hanniball, he remained in Italy for the space of sixteene yeares, to the incredible affliction, and molestation of the Romans, for as Polibius testifieth, he gaue order to his souldiars,Polib. li 3. that [...]hey should spare neither man, woman, nor child, but put all to fire, and sword, which they executed with al rigour, and destroyed nineteene no­ [...]able, and famous cities, and killed also in that time, aboue two hundred [...]housand of al sorts of people, as may appeare by the censes made before [...]nd after.

[...]7 And this continued, vntill at length Scipio (who was called after­wards Africanus) hauing ouercome Hanno, and Asdrubal in Spaine, and [...]ubdued it wholy from the Pyrené mountaines, vnto the Ocean sea,Oros. l. 4 c. 18 & 19. was made Consul, and passed by order of the senat into Africk, thereby to draw Hanniball out of Italy to the defence of his owne country, and such was his successe, that Hanniball after fourteen yeares warre, which he had made in Italy, was forced to returne to Carthage, to defend it, and was shortlie after ouerthrowne by Scipio, An. 549. Liuius Dec. 3. li. 8. wherevppon the Carthaginien­ [...]es, craued peace, and obteined it with hard conditions, as that their nauy of fiue hundred saile should be burnt, which was performed, and so en­ded the second Punick warr, and Scipio remained with the honorable title of Africanus.

[...]8 And yet I cannot omitt to note, that in this meane time, the Romans had also great losses, and disgraces otherwere, as by the Gaules who killed Lucius Posthumius the designed Consul, and all his armie of twentie fiue thousand men, the yere after their ouerthrow at Cannae. An. 539. Oro. l. 4. c. 18 Besides that the [...]wo Scipioes father, and vncle to Africanus, were slaine in Spaine by Asdru­ [...]al. Hannibals brother, who afterwards passing into Italy, to the succour of his brother Hannibal, Ibidem. was killed himselfe in battaile with sixty three thousand Africans, Spaniards, and Gaules, by the two Consuls, Caius, Clodius Nero, and M. Liuius Salinator.

19 Also the Romans were forced during these their afflictions, and mi­series in Italy, to maintaine warres in Macedonie, against Philip king there­of, and in Sardinia, and Sicilie, where there passed also in this time,Num. 19. the surprise of Syracusa, by M. Claudius Marcellus, who was afterwards slaine by Hannibal (as I haue already declared) and this seege of Syracusa, Plutarc. in Marcel. was fa­mous by the notable endeuours of the great Geometrician Archimedes, [Page 108] who with his admirable engins, defended the citie a long time again [...] Marcellus, so that it is hard to say, whether the Romans were more to b [...] pittied for their distressed, and miserable state, or to be admired for thei [...] courage, and power in that they were able to sustaine, and passe throug [...] so great, and continuall calamities, and doubtles they could neuer ha [...] done it, if God had not, as I haue said, verie particularlie protected, an [...] assisted them, for the erection of their Monarchie, to the which his deuine Maiestie beganne now at this time (I meane at the end of the second warre of Carthage) to open a great gate: propagating greatly the [...] dominion in diuers parts, and yet so, that their scourge, and punishme [...] euer accompanied, or spedelie seconded their good successe, and e [...] crease of empire, as shall appeare throughout all the ensuing di [...] course.

20 Now then, a few moneths after the end of the second warre of Ca [...] thage, An. 554. first the Consul Seruius Sulpicius Galba, and shortlie after T. Quint [...] Flaminius, were sent into Macedonie, where, with manie cruel battaile [...] and great losse of his owne souldiarrs,An. 556. Flaminius constrained Philip th [...] King to craue peace, which he graunted him with hard conditions, [...] to render all his galleis to the Romans, Oro. l. 4 c. 20 Eutrop. l. 4. except fiftie, & to pay them fou [...] thousand weight of siluer, for tenne yeares space. And by this meanes [...] deliuered also the Grecians from the oppression of King Philip, and rest [...] red them to their ancient liberty,Pl [...]tarc. in Quia Flam An 557. for the which he gained great honou [...] and fame in Greece, and had afterwardes a glorious triumph in Rome f [...] his victorie.

21. But this good fortune was counterpoysed with the great disgrac [...] that an other M. Claudius Marcellus, receiued presentlie after of the B [...] Toscan, An. 558. who ouerthrew him, and killed a great part of his armie, thoug [...] afterwards they were also vtterly vanquished by him, and by his fello [...] Consul L. Furius. Oro. l. 4 c. 20 And about the same time, Sempronius Tuditanus was di [...] comfited in Spaine, and slaine with al his Army, besides that Rome it self [...] and diuers partes of Italie, An. 561. were greatly infested with frequent eart [...] quakes, and inundations, especiallie in the yeare fiue hundred sixtie on [...] at what time Bozius affirmeth, (according to the opinion of diuerse, as [...] saith) that the great deluge happened,Boz de nouo & ant. Ital. I [...]m natur. hi [...] li. 3. c. 5. Forius ibid. num. 91. whereof Pliny speaketh, whi [...] drowned twenty three townes in a part of the Roman territorie calle [...] Pontinum, and that Rome was greatly endammaged the same yeare, w [...] twelue seuerall inundations.

22 The yeare before, to witt fiue hundred and threescore, beganne t [...] Sirian warr,An. 560. by reason that Hannibal, vnderstāding that the Romans soug [...] to haue him deliuered into their handes, fled from Africk to A [...] [Page 109] King of Syria, & perswaded him to passe out of Asia, into Europe, to make warre vpon the Romans, Oro. l. 4 c. 20 and Antiochus after diuers bloudie battailes (in one of the which the Consul M. Accilius Glabrio put to flight, and slew fortie thousand of his souldiars) was finallie ouercome both by sea,An. 563. and by land, by L. Cornelius Scipio, with the helpe of his brother Scipio Africanus who was content to be his liuetenant generall in that warre. For which victories Lucius Scipio had the title of Asiaticus, as his brother had of A­fricanus.

23 And during this warre, the Romans had also other warres, with the Ligures in Italy, and with the Celtiberians, and other people in Spaine, but not with like good successe. For Publius Digitius the Praetor,Idem ibid. lost almost al his armie in Spaine, & Lucius Aemilius the Proconsul, was not onlie slaine himselfe, by the Lusitanians, but also all his armie cut in peeces. And Lu­cius Bebius, passing towards Spaine, was also killed by the way, with his whole armie, by the Ligures, in such sort, that there remained not one man of them aliue, to carrie the newes to Rome, An. 568. where it was first vnder­stood from Marsilia, and Quintus Martius, the Consul thinking to be reuē­ged of the Ligures, for the slaughter of Lucius Bebius, was put to flight, with the losse of foure thousand men, and hardlie saued himselfe, and the rest of his armie.

24 At this time also was detected, the beastly, and abominable abuses of the Bacchanalia, Num. 19. (which as I haue declared in the seauenth chapter) were certaine feastes celebrated in the night, by men, and women, in honour of the God Bacchus, wherein Adulteries, Incest, Sodomie,Liuius Dec. 4. li. 9. An. 568. Mur­ders, and al kind of mischeefe, were partelie executed, and partlie con­triued, and of this confraternitie were discouered aboue seauen thou­sand in Rome, of whome verie many both men, and women were put to death, and the rest fled.

25 And here I cannot forbeare to put thee in mind good Reader, of an other calamitie, wherewith (as I haue declared before) the Romans were continuallie vexed, more or lesse, though I haue not spoken thereof in these latter times, to witt their domesticall diuisions, which at this time, whereof I now treat, grew to such extreame malignitie,An. 567. L [...]us Dec. 4. li. 8. that the famous Sci [...]io Afr [...]canus nothwithstanding his great meritts, was falsely accused, to haue defrauded the common welth, and forced by the malice of ca­lumniators, to lead a banished life, at Linternum, where he died three yeares after, to wit, the same yeare,An 571. Idem ibid. that Hannibal his competitor in mar­tiall glorie poisoned himselfe, fearing that Prusia King of Bithinia, would deliuer him to the Romans. And in like manner,V [...]ler. Man. li. 5. the other Scipio his bro­ther, called Asiaticus, was condemned to prison vpon pretence, that he [Page 110] also had defrauded the common welth, for his owne priuat commodity

An. 572. Liuius Dec. 4. li. 9. Idem ibidem li. 10. An. 574.26 The next yeare after the death of Scipio Africanus, and Hannibal, thei [...] fell in Rome a prodigious rayne of blood two dayes together, besids di­uers other feareful presages of some future calamity, which as it seemet [...] foreshowed a most cruel plague that presently followed, aswell in Rome, as ouer all Italy, & lasted aboue three yeares, in which time it almost dis­peopled the cittie, and cuntry, and amongst others, died the Consul Ca [...] Calpurnius Piso, and manie woorthy, and notable men, to the greate dam­mage of the commō welth.Eutrop. l. 4. An 574. Oro. l. 4 c 20 An. 575. Liuius Dec. 4. li. 10. Neuertheles it may be obserued here, that a [...] almighty God punished the Romans at home at this time, so he dilated, & amplified their empire abroad, namely in Spaine where Fuluius the Praet [...] ouerthrew in battaile 23. thousand men, & tooke 4000. of thē prisoners, Lucius Postumius defeated 40 thousand, and Gracchus the Praetor tooke 200. tounes, and citties, and slew 22. thousand Celtiberians.

27 With in a few yeares after succeded one of the greatest warrs that the Romans euer had for the time it lasted, to wit the second warr of Macedony against king Perseus, who gaue the Romās many great ouerthrowes, both by lād,An. 586. Liuius Dec. 5. li. 4. & 5. Oro. l. 4 c. 20 & sea, slew greate numbers of them, sould many of thē for slaues, & kept many in captiuity, and seruitud in Macedony, though in the end he was subdued with incredible facility, & speede, by Paulus Aemilius, who lead him, and his children prisoners to Rome, and triumphed there most magnificently, hauing not onlie made Macedonia a prouince of the Ro­mans, but also much encreased their treasure by the spoile thereof, in so­much,Plutarc. in vi [...]a Pauli Aemil. that the people had no neede to pay any tribut (as in former times they were wont to doe) vntil the cōsulat of Hircius, & Pansa, in the begin­ning of the raigne of Augustus Caesar, which was about a 100 yeares after.

28 And now vpon this occasion I can not forbeare good Reader, for thy further satisfaction to represent vnto thee the forme of a Roman triūphe, & to exemplify the same in the triumph of this Paulus Aemilius, which lasted three dayes with no lesse pompe, and magnificence, then varietie of gratefull showes and spectacles in this manner.

Plutarc. ibid29 The first day, there were lead through the citie, 200 fifty carts, or wai­nes, loadden with most excelent images, & pictures of all sorts, brought from Macedony, which were so manie, that al that day was spent in their passage. The second day there passed in like manner al the richest, & fai­rest armour of the Macedoniās, notably wel furbished, together with their bucklers, shilds, targets, swordes, pikes, quiuers of arrowes, Thracian hat­chets, & other weapōs, tied loosely together, in such sort that they made a horrible noise with their motion, & the shock of one of them against an other, thereby to represent the terrour, & horrour of warre, aswell to [Page 111] the eare as to the eye. And after followed also the same day, seauen hun­ [...]red fiftie vessels, euery one capable of three talents, wherein was caried [...]n admirable quantity of coined money, & siluer medals, by 3. thousand [...]ē, that is to say foure to euery vessel, which they bore vpō their shoul­ [...]ers, besides that others carried in their handes, siluer cupps, goblets, [...]owles, basins, and ewers, no lesse remarkable for their sundry strange [...]shions, then for their quantitie, and greatnes.

[...]0 The third day earely in the morninge, there passed al the trumpets of [...]he army, sounding after the manner of warre. And after them a hundred [...] twentie bulls, with their hornes gilt, & gardlands vpon their heades, [...]ere lead, by as manie gallant yong men to be sacrificed, and others bare [...]he bowls, and cups of siluer, and gold, which were vsed in sacrifice, and [...]resently after followed three hundreth, and eight men, bearing seauen­ [...]e seauen great vessels full of gold coine, (foure men to euerie vessel) in [...]he same manner that the siluer was caried the day before, and after this [...]here was caried a cuppe, dedicated by Paulus Aemilius, to the gods, [...]hich cost tenne talents of gold, being richly sett with gemmes, & pre­ [...]ous stones; and next after went all the rich plate of gold, that King Per­ [...]s had taken from Antigenus Seleucus, and other princes, and was wont [...]o vse in his most sumptuous bankets.

[...] Then followed the chariot, & armour of King Perseus, together with [...]is royall crowne, and after went his children, lead prisoners, being two [...]oyes, and a girle, but so yonge, that they had no apprehension of their [...]wne miserie, and therefore moued the behoulders to greater compas­ [...]on: with them went also a multitude of their officers, schole-masters, [...]nd seruants, all of them turninge on euerie side towards the people, as [...]hey went, and houlding vp their handes to them in forme of suppliants, [...]hich they also made the Kinges children to doe.

[...] After them followed King Perseus himselfe on horsback, reuested in [...]is royall robes but so dismaied, and astonished with the consideration [...]f his owne miserie, that he seemed to haue lost his witts, being accom­ [...]anied with a dolefull troope of his cheefe nobility, counsellours, freen­ [...]es, & fauorits, houlding downe their heads, & yet casting other whiles [...]uch pitifull glansing lookes vpon their King, that they seemed more to [...]ament his fortune, then their owne. And after al this, there were caried [...]oure hundred crounes of gold, which had bene sent, and presented by [...]euerall citties to Aemilius to congratulate his victorie, who followed [...]he same himselfe vpon a most sumpteous chariot appareled in pur­ [...]ie, embrodered with gold, carying in his right hand a bough of bayes, [...]t lawrel, & secōded with al his army, crowned with garlands of bayes, [Page 112] who being deuided into squadrons, followed his charriot, singing h [...] praise with all ioy, and exultation, whereto the people applauded wit [...] incredible contentement.

33 Thus ended the triumph of Paulus Aemilius in whom Plutarck obse [...] ueth notablie the inconstancie of al humane felicity,Plutar. ibid. in that his triumphant glorie, was checked with the death of his two sonnes, of whom the one died fiue dayes before his triumph, and the other three daye [...] after, which neuertheles he bore with admirable constancie, & patience [...] assembling the people after the buriall of his second sonne, and vsin [...] vnto them a most prudent, and magnanimious speach, wherein he admonished them of the frailty, and instabilitie of all humane thinges, signifiing vnto them, that from the beginninge of his Macedonian warr, he ha [...] greatlie suspected the extraordinarie successe, first of his prosperous pas­sage into Macedony, and after of the incredible speede of his victorie, hauing taken the king, and his children prisoners within fifteene daies, after his arriual there, in which respect he euer feared, as he said, som [...] frowne, or check of fortune, which might obscure the glorie of his conquests, with some publike disgrace, but now seeing, that the disaster wa [...] fallen onlie vpon himselfe, and his owne familie, he hoped that the felicitie of his victory would remaine cleare, stable, and assured to the common welth, which he would hold for a sufficient comfort, and recompence of his priuat calamitie. Thus saith this wise, and magnanimiou [...] Roman, which I could not omitt to touch by the way, to serue for a hole some document, of the small trust that ought to be reposed in human [...] happines.

34 And now to proceede. After this immediatlie followed a most dangerous warre with the Celtiberians in Spaine, An. 603. which was so terrible to th [...] Romans, that no man durst vndertake to goe thither, either as a souldier or as Embassadour,Idem ibid. vntill at length, yonge Scipio, who afterwards raze [...] Carthage, offered himselfe to the enterprise, and happilie performed it whiles neuertheles in the meane time, Sergius Galba the praetor, lost hi [...] whole armie in a battaile with the Lusitanians, and verie hardlie escape [...] himselfe with a few.

An. 605.35 Then followed the third, and last warre with the Carthaginienses, vp [...] breach of couenaunts on their part, wherevpon the Romans beseege [...] Carthage, which was twentie miles about, and defended it selfe four [...] yeares with great bloudshed on both partes,Oros. ibid. c. 22. & 23. Eutrop. li. 4. and great disgrace to th [...] two Roman Consuls L. Censorius, and M. Manlius, whom the Carthaginien­ses defeated. But the fourth yeare Scipio, (who was therefore called Afri­canus, no lesse then the former) partlie burned it, and partly razed it, an [...] [Page 113] the very same yeare the Romans also tooke and destroyed the famous cit­ [...]e of Corinth; And during all these great warres in Macedony, Syria, Spaine, [...]d Africk, they had also diuerse other with the Etolians, Histrians, Gallo­ [...]rians, or Gallathians, & the Illirians, al which warres so farr from home, [...]ith what great paine, & difficultie, extreame charges and oppression to [...]e common welth, and continuall losse of blood they were sustained a­ [...]idst so many great ouerthrowes, and disgraces, as I haue signified, anie [...]an may easely iudge.

[...] Neuertheles these former times may seeme verie tollerable in respect [...]f those, which are to follow, for presentlie vpon the destruction of Car­ [...]age, I meane the very same yeare in the consulat of Lucius Cornelius, An. 908. Oros. l. 5. c. 4. Eutrop. li. 4. and Mumius, one Viriatus, a Lusitanian, or Portugues (as now we call them) [...]eing basely borne, first beganne to robb vpon the high wayes, and after [...]sembling other theeues, infested whole prouinces, and within a while [...]ew so strong, that he was able to make warre vpon the Romans, & pre­ [...]med to beare the ensignes of the Consuls of Rome, ouerthrew Caius Ve­ [...]us the praetor, and killed almost al his armie, and then discomfited Cai­ [...] Plautius in manie battailes, and shamefully disgraced Claudius Vnima­ [...]s, with the slaughter of al his army, wherein cōsisted the greatest force [...]f the Romans at that time. Finallie he continued to molest, and trouble [...]e Roman empire, for foureteene yeares together,Florus li. 3. vntill at length he was [...]ine by his owne souldiars, hauing killed in warre aboue threescore [...]ousand Romans, as Florus testifieth.

[...] Also at the same time, Appius Claudius the Consul, receiued a great [...]sgrace by the Gaules, with the losse of tenne thousand of his souldiars,An. 611. Oros. l 5 c. 4. Eutrop. lib. 4. An. 612. Idem ibid. [...]d the next yeare followinge, Rome was visited in the old manner, with [...]most strange, & horrible plague, which made such destructiō of people [...]erein, that there were not men inough aliue, to burie the dead, nor [...]eires to be found to enherit ample, and great patrimonies, and finallie [...]e stinch of the dead bodies, & the corruption of the aire was such, that [...]o man could endure of a long time to come neere the cittie.

[...] The next yeare after,An. 617. beganne the warr with the cittie of Numantia in [...]aine, which resisted all the force of the Romans foureteene yeares, with [...]nly foure thousand men, and first ouerthrew the Consul Q. Pompeius, An. 613. Orosius & Eutrop. ibid. & [...]fter C. Hostilius Mancinus, forcing them to make two dishonorable, and [...]amefull peaces, though Mancinus had in his armie thirtie thousand mē, [...]nd albeit the senate allowed the first peace, yet they refused to admit [...]e latter, & therefore caused their consul Mancinus to be deliuered to the [...]umantins naked, with his hands bound behind him, who was left so by [...]e Romans before the towne of Numancia, a whole day together, and yet [Page 114] the Numantins would not receiue him. In conclusion the towne being a [...] terwards long beseiged by Scipio Africanus, Oros. lib. 5. ca. 6. & the inhabitants finding t [...] selues not able longer to resist, they burnt themselues, and their town [...] in such sort, that no one of them could be taken prisoner, to be caried [...] triumph to Rome. About the same time Lepidus the proconsul, receiued shameful ouerthrow of the Vaccei, a people in Spaine, & lost 6000. Rom [...] in punishment as it may be thought of the iniust warre, which he ma [...] vpon the Vaccei, against the expresse order of the Senat: But this disgra [...] was recompensed in an other part of Spaine; with the victorie of Brut [...] who slew in battail 50. thousand Gallitians, & took 6. thousand prisone [...]

An. 619. Orosius li. 5. c. 5. Eutrop. li. 4.39 In the meane time there arose in Sicily a great rebellion of seauent [...] thousand slaues, who foiled diuers great armies of the Romans, & by the [...] exāple, many thousands also of slaues tooke armes in diuerse other pr [...] uinces, who in the end were either killed, or crucified. And in Rome the [...] grew the famous sedition, of Tiberius Gracchus Tribune of the people, w [...] to be reuenged of the senat, for that it charged him to be some cause [...] the shamefull peace made with the Numantins, stirred vp the people [...] sedition, with the proposition of new lawes for the equal diuision of t [...] legacy,An. 622. Oros. l. 5. c. 8. which Attalus the king of Pergamus, had giuen to the comm [...] welth of Rome, in which sedition Tiberius Gracchus was slaine with tw [...] thousand of the people, that tooke armes in his defence.

An. 623. Oros. li. 5. ca. 10. Eutrop. li. 4.40 And presently after this, the Consul P. Licinius Crassus, being assist [...] with the forces of the kings Nicomedes of Bithinia, Mithridates of Pontus, [...] Armenia, Ariaratus of Capadocia, and Philomenus of Paphlagonia, was oue [...] throwne, & a great part of his army slaine by Aristonicus brother to t [...] king Attalus in Asia, and Crassus himselfe flying was killed by a Thracia [...] whom he chaūced to stricke in the eye with his riding rod, whose dea [...] and disgrace was after reuenged by the consul Perpenna, & Aristonicus t [...] ken, & sent to Rome, An. 624. where he was strangled in prison. And the yeare fo [...] lowing the famous Scipio Africanus, An. 625. (who destroied Carthage) hauing be [...] forced to plead publikelie for his honour, and life, in answer of certai [...] calumniations imposed vpon him, by the malignitie of his aduersari [...] was found the next day in the morninge dead in his bed, which Oros [...] and Eutropius, Idem ibid. do reckon amongst the other infelicities of the commo [...] welth, and for an example of the great ingratitude of the Romans, and [...] lamentable effect of their ciuill dissentions.

Oros. l. 5. c. 11 Eutrop. li. 4.41 About this time also there came flying into Africke, such innumer [...] ble swarmes of Locusts, that they destroyed all the fruit of the earth, an [...] there followed such an vniuersall pestilence in all those parts, that the [...] died thirty thousand Roman souldiars, who were in garrison at Vtica, an [...] [Page 115] there about for the guard of the country,An. 629. besides a million and eighty [...]ousand of all sorts of people in Africk.

[...]2 Shortly after followed in Rome, the sedition of Caius Gracchus, An. 633. Oros. l. 5. c. 12 Eutropius li. 4. Orosius cap. 13. & 14. brother [...] Tiberius, who following his brothers example, made the like, or rather greater tumult, & was slaine with aboue two hūdred & fifty of the peo­ [...]e, which tooke his part, besides that Opimius the cōsul did put to death, [...]r the same cause 3. thousand others, of whome manie were innocent. [...]bout the same time Metellus subdued the Ilands of Maiorica & Minorica: [...]neus Domitius slew 20000. Sauoyans, and Fabius the Consul, ouerthrew a [...]uge armie of Bituitus king of a part of France, in which battaill 50000. [...]aules were partly slaine, and partly drowned.

[...]3 Ere long after beganne the warre of Iugurthina king of Numidia in Africk, who hauing ouerthrowne Aulus Posthumius, An. 645. An. 644. & his armie of forty [...]ousand men, drew al Africk from the obedience of the Romans, & being [...]onfederat with Bocchus king of the Moores, Orosius eod. l. c. 15. Eutrop. ibid. was after many bloudy con­ [...]cts with Caius Marius, put to flight, with his confederat Bocchus, who [...]etrayed, and deliuered him to the Romans.

[...]4 This warre was not ended, when the Cimbri, Tentones, Tigurini, and Ambroni people of Gallia (now called Fraunce) & of Germany, conspired to­ [...]ether to assaile Italy, to ouerthrow the Roman state:An. 649. Orosius ibid c. 16. Eutrop. li. 5. an. 653. And being encoun­ [...]ed by Caius Manlius the consul, killed him, his two sonnes, & a hundred [...]wentie thousand of his men, in so much that there was but only tenne [...]ft aliue of all his armie, which filled al Rome with no lesse sorrow then [...]eare. But in the end, the Consul C. Marius, hauing had two yeares doubt­ [...]ll and bloudy warre with them, killed three hundred and forty thou­ [...]nd of them, and tooke a hundred and forty thousand prisoners, besides [...]n innumerable company of women, who fought no lesse then the men, [...] rather then they would be takē aliue, killed thēselues, & their childrē.

[...]5 But who can sufficiently expresse, the calamities, that presently follo­ [...]ed vpon this victorie,An. 654. when Caius Marius being returned triumphāt to [...]ome, & chosen Consul the sixt time, conspired with Saturninus the Tri­ [...]une of the people, and Glaucia the praetor,Oros. l 5. c. 17 Eutrop. li. 5. against the worthy Metellus [...]umidicus, whom they banished to the great discontent, and sorrow of al [...]ood men, and after fell to variance amongst themselues, Marius taking [...]art with the better sort against Saturninus, wherevppon there grew a [...]reat warre in the citty, and horrible slaughter of a great number of the [...]eople, and manie principall senators, and amongst the rest, of Saturninus [...]nd Glaucia, with diuers others their friends.

[...]6 After this succeded such prodigious things in diuers parts of Italy, An. 663. [...]hat all men were astonished therewith, and did easilie pronosticat, [Page 116] some great miserie to the common welth: for to let passe many othe [...] thinges,Plinius na­tural. hist. li. 2. cap. 83. two mountains in the territory of Modena ranne one against th [...] other diuers times, with a terrible noyse, and in the end retired to the [...] places againe, whilst also in the meane time, great flames of fire, and [...] boundance of smoke issued from betwixt them, and with this confli [...] of these two hills, diuers villages, and great store of cattle, which we [...] betwixt them, were ouerwhelmed, and destroyed in the sight of mani [...] Romans, and other passingers, who at the same time were traueiling tha [...] way.Oros. l. 5. c. 18 Eutrop. li. 5. Also all kind of cattle, and beastes, aswell domesticall, as other fe [...] mad, and ranne howlinge, and roaring vp, & downe the fields, & wood [...] not suffering anie man to approach them. All which was seconded wit [...] a generall league of the Picentes, Idem Ibid. Vestini, Marsi, Peligni, Marrucini, Samnit [...] and Lucani, who tooke armes to deliuer themselues from the dominio [...] of the Romans. An. 664. Pompey the Praetor being sent against them by the senat [...] was ouerthrowne by the Picentes. L. Iulius Caesar, was likewise put to fligh [...] by the Samnits, and his armie cut in peeces. Rutilius the Consul was himselfe slaine by the Marsi, with many noble men, and eight thousand R [...] mans. Caepio with his whole armie, had the like successe, by an ambushment of the Vestini, and Marsi, al which caused such lamentation, & fear [...] in Rome, that the senators, and all the citizens put on mourning apparel [...] and although in the end,Ibidem. all those confederats were vtterlie vanquishe [...] by Marius, Silla, Cn. Pompeius, Porcius Cato, and other Roman Captaines, y [...] the citie of Rome was reduced to such penurie and necessitie, that the [...] were forced to take from the Augures, Bishops, and Flamins, many house [...] and possessions, which they had about the Capitoll, and to sell them, t [...] buy corne for the publike prouision.

47 And before this warre was ended, beganne not only the warrs, wit [...] the great King Mithridates, but also the ciuil warrs betwixt Marius, an [...] Silla, whereof it would be to long to relate the occasion, with all the lamentable effects, but to say some what of both. It being vnderstood i [...] Rome, that Mithridates King of Pontus, and Armenia the lesse, did not onli [...] make warre vppon Nicomedes king of Bithinia (who was confedera [...] with the Romans) but also had in one daie caused a hundreth and fiftie thousand Roman citezens to be killed in Asia, where they partli [...] dwelled, and partlie negotiated, and traueyled as passengers, it was resol­ued by the senat,An. 66 [...]. that the Consul L Cornelius Silla, should goe against Mi­thridates, and he being already on the way with his army, but somewha [...] detained in Campania, Oros. l. 5. c. 19 Eutrop. li. 5. to end the foresaid warre of the confederat [...] (whereof there was yet some relicks there) he vnderstood, that Ma­rius in Rome practised to be made Consul, the seauenth time, and [Page 117] to haue the honour and charge of the warre against Mithridates, where oppon Sylla returned in furie with his armie to Rome, and being resisted, and encountred by Marius, and his freinds, put Marius to flight and then marched forward into Greece against Mithridates, Marius flying in the meane tyme, and being taken escaped out of prison, assembled a great number of fugitiues, and ioyning him selfe with Cinna, who was then one of the Consuls, and with Sertorius, and Carbo, ouerthrew Plantius, An. 667. and his whole armie, and spoyled diuers cittyes, and committed horrible crueltyes in theyr way towards Rome, and Pompey being in the meane tyme called by the senat to ioyne with Cn. Octauianus, the other consul, and hauing had an vnfortunat conflict with Sertorius, was killed with a thunderbolt, and all his armie consumed with the plague.

48 Marius, and Cinna entring Rome, filled the citty with blood,Florus l. 86. an. 668. Oros. lib. 5. ca. 19. Eutropius li. 5. and kil­led, saith Florus, all the nobility, delighting and recreating themselues with the horrible spectacle of the heads of the senatours, which they caused to be brought into their banketts, and sett vp in diuers parts; and so barbarous was their crueltie, that it suffised for the death of any many Marius did not offer him his hand to kisse, or gyue him good coun­tenaunce, when he came to salute him, which the souldiars obserued, as a signe, or watchword, for the slaughter of manie noble men, where­upon those few senatours which escaped fled into Greece, with Sillas wife, and children to craue his ayde for the defence of the common welth, whiles in the meane time, Marius (hauing made himselfe consul, the sea­uenth tyme, with Cinna) died, and Cinna hauing also satiated himselfe with the blood not onlie of the good, and innocent, but also of the eight thousand fugitiues (which came to Rome with Marius) was killed by his owne souldiars.

49 Silla hauing ouerthrowne Archelaus captaine of Mithridates, Orosius li. 6 c. 2. in three battayles, and killed in the first aboue a hundred thousand of his eni­myes, with the losse of only thirteene souldiers of his owne, and in the second battaile, fiftie thousand, and in the last the whole armie of Ar­chelaus, forced Mithridates, to craue peace, which he graunted, to the end he might bend his forces, against yonge Marius sonne to the other,An. 672. and Carbo who being then at Rome, and both of them consuls, sent forth their captaines to encounter Silla, and to hinder his passage, who vanquished them with great bloodshed, and when he came to Rome, he fought a- most cruel, and bloudie battaile with yong Marius, wherein were slaine on the part of Marius fourescore thousand men,Oros. li. 5. ca. 20. Strabo. li. 5. and entering into the cittie he killed, three thousand, some say foure thousand, which had yealded them selues vnto him, vpon his promise of security. And so ge­nerall [Page 118] was the slaughter which he made there, of good, and bad, in­nocent, and nocent, that nine thousand of his owne freendes were kil­led amongst the rest.

50 Then followed the most infamous, and cruel proscriptions, or outlawries,Eutrop. li. 5. that euer were heard of, for, aboue fourescore thousand men in Rome, and abroad, were proclaimed outlawes, their goods to be confiscate,Orosius li. 5. c. 21. and themselues to be slaine, which was also executed vppon as manie of them, as could be found, yea, and great slaughters were committed in diuers parts, and especially in Preneste, and Sulm [...], in both which cities, all the citizens were condemned by Silla to be slaine, as though they had bene but one man, which was also performed, and the citties sacked by the souldiars, onlie because they had fauoured Marius. In like manner, he vtterlie destroied the cheefe cittie of the Samnits, Flor. li. 89. Appian. li. 1. and manie other in their iurisdiction, and deuided diuerse parts of Italie amongst a hundred tenne thousand of his souldiars, partly kil­ling, and partlie expelling the ancient inhabitants.

51 To conclude, yt is noted by the historiographers, that in the space of tenne yeares, to wit, during these last two warrs of the confederats, and this ciuill warre, there were slaine aboue one hundred fiftie thou­sand Roman souldiars,Oros. ibid. ca. 22. twentie foure principall men, that had bene con­suls, six that had bene praetors, threescore which had bene Aedils, and almost two hundred senatours, besides an infinit number of people throughout Italy.

52 So that I thinke a greater miserie of a countrie cannot be imagined, especiallie if yt be considered withall, that the fyre of this ciuill warre, was but, as yt were, raked vp for a while in ashes, and shortlie brake forth againe into new flames, which burned manie yeeres, for Silla hauing of his owne free will,An. 675. Idem ibid. to the wonder of all men deposed his dictatorshipp, and ended his daies in a priuate state, whereas he might easilie haue made himselfe monarch (which no doubt he did not because the time, which God had prefixed for the erection of the monarchie was not yet expired) certaine freendes of Marius, name­lie the consul, Lepidus Brutus, and Sertorius, made new broyles, and although the two former were in one sommer supprest (but with much bloodshed) yet the last,Idem c. 23. Eutrop. li. 6. to wit Sertorius, held warres in Spayne against Metellus, and Pompey eighteene yeares, and gaue them manie great disgraces, and ouerthrowes, vntill at last he was killed by his owne men.

An. 681.53 In the meane tyme, there arose foure other great warrs, to wit, in Macedony, Dalmatia, Pamphilia, and the infamous warre of the fugitiues [Page 119] vnder Spartacus the Gladiator or fensor and his companions Chrisso, Oros. li. 5. c. 24. Eutrop. li. 6. and Ti [...]ma [...], who being in prison in Capua with seauenty one other of their profession, brake out, and assembled so manie rogues, vagabonds, and malefactors, that first they put to flight Clodius the praetor, and spoyled his campe, and after procuring aide of the Gaules, and Germans, ouer­threw Gneus Lentulus the consul, and after that againe defeated both the same Lentulus, and the other consul Lucius Gellius his companion,An. 682. and in their fourth battaile they killed Caius Cassius the proconsul, and discomfited, all his armie, with no lesse terrour to the Romans, Oros. li. 5. ca. 24. Eutrop. li. 6. as the Historiographers report, then when Hannibal made his approach to Rome: and finallie ranging vp, and downe Italy three yeares, they committed infinit cruelties, spoyles, rapes, and all kind of mischeefe, vntill at last hauing giuen seauen ouerthrowes to the Romans, they were cut in peeces by M. Licinius Crassus, An. 684. who in three battailes killed, and tooke prisoners, a hundred thousand of them, and their confederats, of whome thirtie thousand were Gaules, and Germans.

54 And yet whiles the Romans were thus miserablie vexed in Italy, they were faine to maintaine those other great warrs (whereof I spoke before) in Spayne, Macedony, Dalmatia, and Pamphilia, Oros. li. 5. ca. 23. and ere the warre in Macedonie was ended, Mithridates, also broke peace with them, and renewed his former warrs, with redoubled forces to the great terrour, and danger of the Roman state, all which ne­uertheles was after a few yeares prosperouslie ended, by M. Lucullus, Publius Seruilius, C. Scribonius, Lucius Lucullus, brother to Marcus. And finallie by Gneus Pompeius, surnamed the great, of all which the two last left eternal memorie of their prowesse to all posterity; for L. Lucullus gaue manie notable ouerthrowes to the two potent kings, Mithridates, and Tigranes, aswell ioyntlie, as seuerallie. He put Mi­thridates to flight,Oros. l. 6. c. 2. Plutar. in vita Lucull. and cut in peeces all his armie at the citie Cyzi­cam, and ouerthrew him againe in Pontus, and slew sixty thousand of his souldiars, he discomfited also Tigranes king of the greater Armenia, and put to the sword a hundred thousand of his foote­men, and almost all his horse, with the losse of onlie fyue of his owne men, though he had not the twentith part of his enimyes forces: finallie he put them both to flight in Armenia, with an incredible slaughter of their huge armie, and had vndoubtedly subdued them both, and fully ended that warre, if a great mutinie of his owne souldiars had not hindred the prosecution of his victory.

55 But what wanted on his part, was after supplied and performed [Page 120] by Gneus Pompeius, Idem in Pompeio. who succeeding him in his charge, vtterly vanquis­hed them both, and depriued them of a great part of their states, and kingdomes, and made them tributorie for the rest to the Romans. Besides that he subdued also twentie other kings, and tooke aboue a thousand castells, and fortresses, nine hundred cities, and eight hundred saile o [...] shipps, to the great glorie of the Romans, and encrease of their domi­nions ouer all Asia, Caesar in cō­mon. belli ga [...]l. li. 1. 3. 6. &c. Plut. in Iulio Caesare. Eutrop. li. 6. and manie other countries (eastward, as also Iuliu [...] Caesar, had the like successe in fiftie battailes which he fought with the Gaules, Heluetians, and Germans, of whom a million, and a hundreth nine­tie, and twoo thousand were slaine by the Romans vnder his conduct.

56 For now the tyme approching, which almighty god had in his in­finit wisdome and deuine prouidence, appointed for their advaunce­ment, to the monarchie of the world (according to the prediction of the prophets),Dan. 2. he gaue them a continuall course of victorious conquests, fo [...] the propagation of their empire,An. 684. fiffeteene yeares together, I meane, from the warre of the fugitiues, which ended in the yeare sixe hundred eightie foure, vnto the second consulat of Pompey, and Crassus, which was in the yeare sixe hundred nintye nine.

57 Wherein neuertheles yt may be noted, that the execution of Gods iustice, was no lesse notorious in their punishment at home, then the effects of his prouidence in their prosperitie abroad. For ere foure yeares were fully past, after the warres of Spartacus, and the other fugitiues, there brake forth the warre of the pirats, who being but a few in the beginning of the ciuill warrs betwixt Marius, An. 688. and Silla, grew by litle, and litle, to such number, strength, and audatious pride, that they not onlie spoyled all passengers without exception,Plutarc. in Pompe [...]o. but also tooke whole Ilandes into their possession, and manie townes, and cities vppon the sea coast, to the number of foure hundred, whereof they fortified manie, hauing their Arsenals, and different nauyes, in different parts, mounting to the number of a aboue a thousand sayle.

58 And such were their riches, and pompe, that they had golden masts, oares of siluer,Idem ibid. and sayles of purple, their insolencie, and impietie was such, that they committed all kind of villanies in rapes, murders and sa­criledge, hauinge spoyled a hundred, and seauenteene of the most prin­cipall, and famous temples of the gods, that were in those dayes. Finallie they made so litle account of the power of the Romans, that they tooke their Praetors, and magistrates prisoners, and put them to ransome, abusing them, and all the Romans which fell into their handes, with great indi­gnities, contempt & derision, to the incredible disgrace & detriment of the Roman state, wherupon Cneus Pompey being then of the greatest fame, [Page 121] and reputation in Rome, and newlie returned from the Spanish warrs,An. 68 [...]. was [...]osen Generall against them: and within three moneths vtterlie ouer­ [...]ew them.

[...] Within two, or three yeares after, Cicero being Consul, discouered [...] conspiracie of Catelin, which was already growne to that ripenes,An. 691. Oros. l. 6 c. 6. Eutrop. l. 6. & [...]ger to the common welth, that Catelin being expelled out of Rome, by [...]ero, gaue battaile to Caius Anthonius, the other Consul, who slew him, [...]d ouerthrew all his armie.

[...] Furthermore the old disease of the Roman common welth (I meane [...]eir domesticall diuisions, betwixt the Senate, and the people, yea and [...]wixt the Senatours themselues) was now growne to be so exorbitant [...]t all good order in the election of magistrates, and the exercise of Iu­ [...]ce, was turned vpside downe: in so much, that neither vertue, nor wis­ [...]me, nor great merits,An. 696. Plutarch. in Cicerone. Idē in Pom­peio & Crass. An. 699. Idem in Iu­lio Caesare. towards the common welth were respected in [...]e man, as might appeare by the banishment of Cicero, at the suite of [...]e wicked Clodius, and by the wounding of Cato, when he resisted the vi­ [...]ent election of Pompey and Crassus to their second consulat, which they [...]ocured with the terrour of armed men, and lastly by the league, which [...]mpey, and Crassus made with Iulius Caesar, deuiding the prouinces, and [...]blike charges amongst themselues, and their freendes.

[...] And thus continued this feuer, as I may tearme it, of dissention with [...]ilie encrease of dolefull effects, and mortall signes, of a remediles ruine [...]eedelie to follow,An. 700. Idem Crass [...] vntill the flame of ciuill warres growing of Caesars [...]bition, ruined the common welth, whereto the ouerthrow, and [...]ughter of Crassus, and his whole armie by the Parthians, serued for a la­ [...]entable preamble: besides that,An. 702. Eutrop. lib. 6 Oro. l. 6. c. 14 the casuall burning of a great part of [...]me shortlie after, was a pittiefull presage, or pronostication thereof.

[...] And now to come to the vpshot, I meane the vtter ouerthrow of the [...] man common welth, and change thereof into a Monarchie, it is to be [...]derstood, that Iulius Caesar, returning from France, with his victorious [...]mie, and being vpon the suspicion of his ambitious designements,Plutarc. in Iulio Caesar. Oros. l. 6. c. 15 Eutrop. lib. 6 An 704. pro­ [...]bited by the senate to come to Rome, except he dismissed his forces (yea [...]d M. Antonius, and P. Cassius, tribunes of the people, being also, for the [...]uour they bore him, suspended from their offices, and fled to him from [...]me) he marched forward with his armie, pretending onlie to restore [...]is freendes the tribunes to their offices, wherewith the senate was so [...]errified, that they departed from Rome towards Greece, recommending [...]e protection of themselues, and the common wealth to Pompey, An. 705. where­ [...]ppon Caesar arriuing at Rome, made himselfe Dictator, and possessing him­ [...]elfe of the publike treasure, which he tooke by force (because it was [Page 122] denied to be deliuered him) departed thence shortly after to make wa [...] against Pompey, who was not onlie himselfe in armes, but also had se [...] his captaines with forces to all parts of the Roman empire, for the co [...] seruation thereof.Ide Autores vbi supra. But Caesar after manie bloodie victories, which [...] gained against Pompeis freendes in diuerse partes, addressed his forces [...] gainst Pompey himselfe, with whome he fought two battailes, and bei [...] ouerthrowne in the first,An. 707. Plutarc. in Pompeio. gained the latter, wherein he slew fifteen tho [...] sand souldiars, and forced Pompey, to abandon the field, who flying to [...] lexandria in AEgipt, was there slaine by the order of yonge King Pt [...] meus.

63 And although Caesar found afterward great difficulty, and resistan [...] aswell by the same Ptolomeus in AEgipt, as also by Pompeys children [...] Spaine, Oro. l 6. c. 16 Eutrop. li. 6. and his other freendes in Siria, and Africk, yet he ouercame th [...] all in the end, contrarie euen to his owne expectation. For first in a c [...] flict with Achillas, captain of King Ptolomaeus, he was put to flight, a [...] forced to escape away by sea, and to saue his life by swimminge: and gaine in his last battaile with Pompeys children, at a towne called Mu [...] in Spaine, he was brought to such an exigent, that his ould souldiars [...] ganne to fly, and he himselfe was in great feare to be ouerthrow [...] and taken, in so much that he was once resolued to kil himselfe, wh [...] presentlie his enimies beganne to runne away, and leaue him both t [...] field, and the victorie, which he prosecuted, vntill he had slaine Sex [...] Pompeius, Titus Labienus, and Accius Varus, with thirty thousand of th [...] souldiars.Idem ibid.

64 This battaile was fought iust the same day foure yeares, that P [...] pey fled with the senat out of Rome. An. 709. And Caesar returning thither short after, tooke vpon him the title of perpetual Dictator, and the absolute g [...] uerment of the common welth.Plutarc. in Iulio Caesare. Eutrop. li. 6. Orosius li. 6. c. 17. An. 710. For the which he grew so odious to t [...] senate, that Brutus, and Cassius with two hundreth sixty Senators, a [...] Knights of Rome conspired to kill him, which they performed in the s [...] nat it selfe, giuing him twenty three wounds.

65 And although the senatours aspiring now to their former libert [...] meant to shake of the yoke of seruitude, and therefore beganne agai [...] to take vppon them the gouerment of the common welth, yet the ti [...] being come, that God had ordained for the erection of the monarchy, [...] their endeuour serued to no other purpose, but to redouble their ow [...] calamities, & to produce those effects, which God had in his infinit wi [...] dome praeordained. For whereas M. Antonius, being then one of the mo [...] potent in the Roman state,Oros. ibid. ca. 18. had, of his owne priuat authoritie, assemble [...] an army to beseige Decius Brutus in Modena, for reuenge of priuat quarre [...] [Page 123] betwixt them, the senate sent not onlie the two Consuls Hircius, Eutropius li. 7. An. 711. and Pan­ [...] but also yonge Octauianus Caesar, nephew, and heire to Iulius Caesar, with [...]all authoritie to represse the insolencie of Antonius.

[...] And so it fell out by Gods special prouidence (no doubt) that though [...]tonius was defeated, and put to flight, yet the battaile was so bloudie [...] both parts, that Hircius one of the Consuls was killed,Oros. l. 6. c 1 [...] Eutrop. li. 7 and Pansa the [...]er consul died shortlie after of a wound, whereby the legions which [...]ed vnder them both, came to the cōduct of Octauianus Caesar, who ha­ [...]g enherited no lesse his vncles ambition, then his goods, and being al­ [...] desirous to reuenge his death, determined to auaile him selfe of the [...]ortunitie offred him, and of the great forces, that he had then in his [...]nds. And for as much as Antonius was then fled to Lepidus (who had [...] one of Iulius Caesars most confident freendes, and by him placed in the [...]uermēt of Fraunce) Octauianus resolued to make freendship with them [...]th, which he performed, and vppon conference, they agreed not onlie [...] deuide the Roman empire amongst them, but also to proscribe, or out­ [...] almost all the Senat, selling the liues of their nearest kinsfolkes, or [...]rest freendes one to an other, to the end,Idem ibid. Pluta [...]c. in M. Antoni [...]. that euerie one of them [...]ght be reuenged on his enimies. And therefore Antonius yelded to the [...]scription of his owne vncle, and Lepidus, of his brother, and Octauianus [...] his tutor, C. Toranius, and of Cicero his greatest friend, whome he vsed [...] call father, in respect that he had bene the speciall meanes of his ad­ [...]ncement.

[...] And this being secretlie determined amongst them, they came to [...]me with all their forces, and without resistance vsurped the gouer­ [...]nt of the common welth, vnder the name of a Triumuirat, begin­ [...]nge presentlie to put in execution their barbarous proscription,Plutarc. in M. Antonio. Petro Mexia in vit. Imper in Augusto. or [...]tlawry, with greater crueltie, and bloodshed of the Roman nobility, [...]en had passed vnder Marius, or Silla: for, three hundred senatours were [...]t to death, and their landes, and goods confiscat, and two thousand o­ [...]er principall Romans, were also exposed to the like crueltie, and yet ne­ [...]rtheles they commanded by publick edict, that al men shuld reioyse [...]d show publike signes of ioy, as Dio witnesseth.Dio in Aug. Wherein I thinke [...]od to note by the way, that, which I haue vpon diuers occasions re­ [...]esented in the first part of this treatise, to wit the course of Gods se­ [...]et, & iust iudgement, in the execution of his iustice, vpon the senat by a [...]ose errour of the senatours thēselues, in that they gaue so great power, [...] authoritie, as they did, to Octauianus Caesar, in whom they might with [...]eat reason suspect, and feare, that either the desire to reuenge his vn­ [...]es death, or els his ambition (seconded with the confidence of a stronge [Page 124] party, by his vncles friendes) might moue him to seeke, for the souerai [...] nety, if euer opportunity should be offered him.

68 And whereas perhaps, they thought him sufficientlie counterpe [...] sed, with their two Consuls, it may appeare hereby how short is t [...] sight of the wisest men some times, and how easilie God dissipateth th [...] counsels, & designements, by accidents neuer dreamt of, as he did in t [...] case, by the death of both the Cōsuls, whereby all their power, yea, & t [...] force of the senate, and common welth, fell into the handes of Octau [...] nus, contrarie to their expectation, and turned to their vtter ruin, and [...] the establishment of his Monarchie, though it pleased God to dispos [...] for the greater affliction, and iust punishment of all the Roman state, th [...] there passed first twelue yeares of most bloudie and cruell ciuill war [...] which Octauianus, and his twoo Collegues made in diuers parts: [...] with Brutus, Oros. l. 6 c. 18 Eutrop. li. 17 Ibidem. and Cassius, who were the cheefe conspiratours against [...] lius Caesar: secondlie with Lucius Antonius, who being Consul in R [...] sought to ouerthrow their Triumuirat: thirdly with Sextus Pompeius, w [...] had possest himselfe of Sicily: and lastlie amongst themselues, in whi [...] warre Lepidus being abandoned by the most part of his souldiars, subm [...] ted himselfe vnto Octauianus.

An. 720.69 About the same time as some suppose, a towne called Pisaurum (a c [...] lonie of Antonius) was whollie swallowed vp by the earth, neere v [...] the place,Plutar. in Anton. where Pesaro (called also in latin Pisaurum) now stādeth, whi [...] prodigious, and disastrous accidēt, was shortlie after seconded with [...] vtter ouerthrow, and ruine of Antonius, whom Octauianus defeated i [...] nauail battaile at Actium, Idem ibidem Oro. l. 6. c. 19 Eutrop. li. 7. and pursued to Alexandria in Aegipt, & th [...] ouerthrew him againe by land, wherevppon both Antonius, and a [...] Cleopatra Queene of Aegipt, killed themselues, and all Aegipt became [...] biect to the Romans, who then began their empire, as it was foretold Zacharias the Prophet,Zachar. 6. Vide Riberā in 6. c. Zach. when he said, that the pyde, and strong horses in [...] fourth chariot, (signifiing the Romans) vvent forth into the South, that is [...] say, into Aegipt, giuing to vnderstand the fourth Monarchie (to wit t [...] Roman empire) should then beginne, when the Kingdome of the Greci [...] (that is to say all the successors of Alexander the great) should be vtte [...] ouerthrowne, which was fullie accomplished at this time, when Octa [...] anus Caesar, made Aegipt a prouince of the Romans, by the ouerthrow, a [...] death of the Queene Cleopatra, who was the last that the Romans subdu [...] of all the successours of Alexander, whereby the empire of the Grecia [...] was vtterlie extinguished, and the Monarchie of Augustus Caesar b [...] gan.

70 For after this victorie, Octauianus returning triumphant to Ro [...] [Page 125] was with the common consent, and vniuersall applause of the senat,An. 725. Oro l. 6. c 20 Eutrop. li. 7. sa­luted by the name of Augustus, which he euer after retained, and trans­mitted to his successors, remaining from that day foreward sole empe­rour, and Monarck of the Roman empire, which he gouerned for thirtie yeares, with such crueltie, and tirannie, that verie manie principall men were forced to kill themselues: and to the end he might the better dis­couer practises against himselfe, he vsed to corrupt mens wiues by adul­terie, as Suetonius testifieth, & finally deuided a great part of Italy, Sueton. in August. c. 69 amongst his souldiars, with the destructiō, or banishmēt of the inhabitans there­of, as Dion witnesseth.Dio in Aug. Virg. Eclog. 1 Whereto also the poet alludeth in his pastorall E­ [...]logue, representing the lamentable complaint of the husbandmen, that were expelled from their ancient dwellings.

71 And notwithstanding this crueltie of Augustus, almightie God did also laie his heauie hand vpon the Romans diuerse wayes, during the same time, partlie by great inundations of Tiber, partly by fire (whereby a great part of the cittie of Rome was consumed) and partlie by stormes, and tempests, whereof Horace seemeth to speake, when he saith.

Besids that the plague was so great in Rome, and throughout Italy, Solinus ca. 2 that the ground was generallie left vntilled for some time, wherevppon also followed great famin: And finallie in these first yeares of Augustus his raigne (to wit the sixt of his Monarchie which was the seauen hun­dreth twentie and nine yeare after the foundation of Rome) a huge armie of the Romans perished in Arabia, An. 729. Dio in Aug. by a maruelous strange disease which tooke them in the heades, and suddenlie killed them.

72 And thus continued the scourge of God vpon the Romans, An. 751. vntill it pleased his deuine maiesty, to take vpon him our humanitie, and not on­lie to be borne in the Roman empire, but also to be registred for a citizen of Rome, and a subiect of Augustus, whose latter daies were therefore blessed, with a speciall priuiledge of prosperitie, and peace, our Sauiour ordaining out of his deuine prouidence, that the same should be vniuer­sall at the time of his birth: and therefore Augustus hauing then sub­dued [Page 129] the Asturians and Cantabrians in Spaine, Oros. lib. 6. ca. 21. & 22. Eutrop. li. 7. and conquered many fierce, and warlicke people in Germany, laid downe armes, and shut vp the tem­ple of Ianus in signe of an vniuersall peace, which cōtinued for the space of twelue yeares. And no maruaile if the author, giuer, and prince of peace, vouchsafing to come into the world, brought with him both tē­porall, and spirituall peace, imparting the temporall to all nations in ge­nerall, and the spirituall to his elected seruants, according to the heauē­lie proclamation published at the time of his birth by the Angels, when they song;Luc. 2. Gloria in excelsis Deo, & in terra pax hominibus bonae voluntatis. Glory be to God on high, and in earthe peace to men of good vvill.

73 But seeing I am now come to the birth of our Sauiour Christ, and the establishmēt of the Roman Monarchy vnder Augustus Caesar, I thinke good to prosecute the rest of his raigne, and of the pagan emperors his successours, in an other chapter.

A prosecution of the same matter, vvith a continuation of the abridgement of the Roman Historie, from Augustus Caesar, vntill the empire of Constan­tine the great, the first Christian emperour. Also the extreame tirannie of the pagan Emperours, their pe [...]secutions of the Church, hovv long euerie one of them reigned, and in vvhat manner, and yeare they died, and finallie the horrible calamities, and miseries inflicted by Gods iustice vpon them, and the Roman empire during their raigne. CAP. XII.

1. THOV hast hetherto seene, good Reader, the manifold affli­ctions, and calamities of the Romans, for the space of seauen hundred, and fiftie yeares, that is to say, from the first founda­tion of their cittie of Rome, vntill the birth of our Sauiour Christ, and the change of their gouerment from a popular state, to a mo­narchie, vnder Augustus Caesar: wherein I doubt not, but thou hast obser­ued the concurrence of Gods iustice in their continual punishment, and of his prouidence in the amplification of their dominion, and empire: & therefore now it resteth, that I procede to manifest vnto thee, the course of Gods seuere iudgements vpon the Emperours and the empire, for the space of 300. & eighteene yeares, which passed frō our Sauiours birth, to the time of Constantin the great, after the ouerthrow, & death of Licinius.

2 And first to make an end of the raigne of Augustus, I haue already de­clared, how cruell, and tirannical he was, for thirtie yeares, & although he became afterwards a most clement, and benigne prince, & was therfore [Page 127] greatlie honoured, and beloued of the people, and held for,Sext. Aureli. Victor in Augusto. Pater pa­tria, the father of his country, yea, and that our Sauiour, as I haue signi­fied before, blessed him, and his empire with extraordinarie peace for some yeares, yet it cannot be denied, but that aswell the Romans his sub­iects, as also he him selfe in his owne person, paid continuallie the pe­naltie of their idolatrie, and abominable impietie diuerse wayes.

3 As first, for the Romans. Dio Nicaeus witnesseth,Dio Nieaeus in August. An. vr. 757. An. Domi. 7. Cassiodorus in Chron. Dio in Aug. that they were much af­flicted with earthquakes, in the yeare seauen hundreth fiftie seauen, after the foundation of Rome, which was the seauenth yeare of our Sauiour, & those earthquakes caused, as Cassiodorus in his chronicle affirmeth, great destruction of houses, & people in Rome, for eight dayes together: besides that Tiber made such an inundation, that al the lower parts of the cittie was nauigable, for seauen dayes. There was also great famin about the same time, and a miserable slaughter of Quintilius Varus, and his whole ar­my in Germany, where with Augustus was so afflicted, that he ranne his head against a wall, and cried out, Quintilius, restore me my legions: Eutrop. li. 7. Sextus Aur. Victor in Augusto. Dio in Aug. & where­as al men were surprised with such feare, that no man would be prest for a souldiar to supplie the losse, he caused euerie fift man, that was vnder the age of thirtie fiue yeares, and euerie tenth man aboue that age, to be drawne out by lot, and to be spoiled of his goods, and made infamous, & put manie to death for the same cause. Also he had in pay at the same time three and twenty seueral armies, to the great oppression of the peo­ple imposing vpon them great extraordinarie taxes for the maintenance thereof. Besides, that Eutropius testifieth,Idem ibid. Eutrop. li. 7. An. vr. 760. An. Do. 10. that there was neuer before that time, greater damage donne by casuall fire in Rome, then in the yeare, seauen hundreth and sixtie, which was the tenth yeare after our Saui­ours natiuitie: in so much, that Augustus was forced, to contribute lar­gely out of his treasure, to the reparation of the damage: & in this meane while also, there was such a cruel famin throughout Italy, that great nū­bers of people were banished Rome, and forced to depart almost a hun­dreth miles from the cittie, for the ease, and releefe thereof, and of the countries adioyning.

4 Finally, the Dalmatians greueouslie infested al the sea cost of Italy, An. vr. 764. An. Do. 14. from the yeare seauen hundreth fifty eight, vntill the yeare seauen hundreth sixty foure, that is to say, vntill within two yeares before the death of Augustus, which was seconded, saith Solinus, with an extreame dearth,Solin. ca. 2. & penurie of all thinges.

Thus much for the calamity of the Romans in the last yeares of Augustus.

5 And as for his owne person, it is to be considered, that besides his con­tinuall affliction of a sickly bodie,Ibid. cap. 3. he was most vnfortunate both in his [Page 128] issue,Sueton. in Augusto. and also in his end, according to the opinion of some) for although he had foure wiues, yet he had no other children, but only one daughter, called Iulia, who was also infamous for her dishonest, & lasciuious life, & though shee was maried thrice, & had sonnes by her second husband Agrippa, yet two of them died before Augustus, and the other called A­grippa, so much disliked him, that he banished him, and adopted for his sonne, and successor Tiberius, the sonne of his wife Liuia, and maried his daughter Iulia to him. And Liuia vnderstanding afterwards, that he was determined to recall Agrippa from banishment,Vide Sextum Aurelium Victorem in Augusto. An. vr. cond, 767. An. Dom. 17 & fearing least it might turne to the preiudice of Tiberius her sonne, hastened the end of Augustu [...] as some authors affirme, by poisoned figgs in the fiftie seauenth yeare of his empire, whereof he had reigned twelue yeares in companie of Lepid [...] and Antonius, and fortie foure yeares alone. Thus much concerning Augustus.

6 But now who can sufficientlie expresse, the miserable state of the Romans, from his time vntill Constantin, through the extreame tirannie o [...] their emperours, I meane not in respect of the cruell persecutions raised by a eleuen of them against the Christians, (for that some of those per­secutors, were held by the Painims for good emperours, as Traian, Marc [...] Aurelius, Decius, and Dioclesian) but in respect of their extreame cruelti [...] towards all men, and especially towards the senate, and men of the grea­test vertue, for the which the Paynims themselues held them for mo [...] barbarous, and cruell, as Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Vitellius, Do­mitian, Hadrian, Commodus, Septimius Seuerus, Caracalla, Macrinus, Heliogaba­lus, Iulius Maximinus, Gallienus, Aurelianus, Carinus, Maximianus, Maxenti­us, Maximinus surnamed Iouius, and Licinius.

7 And to say somewhat breefelie of the crueltie, and other enormitie [...] of euerie one of these.Dio in Tibe. It is written of Tiberius, that he killed so manie o [...] the senate, and other men of worth, that for lack of fitt men to employ in the offices, and charges of the common welth, he was faine to conti­nue the Praetor three yeares, and the Consuls six in their offices, which were wont to be annuall, besides that he condemned whole families, suborned accusers, against many principal men, and assigned rewards fo [...] such as would accuse any man,Sueton. in Tiberio c. 61 and sometimes also for witnesses. All te­stimonies were admitted, all offences made capitall, no day so holy, tha [...] it was free from the punishment, torment, and slaughter of men, where­of such particulers are declared by the historiographers, that it is lamen­table to read, which I omitt for breuities sake.

8 And to speake a word, or two of his coueteousnes, and excessiue ra­pins, he killed manie rich men, onlie to haue the spoile of their welth, he [Page 129] confiscated the goods of diuers princes in France, Spaine, Siria, and Greece, Sueton. in Tiberio c. 49 [...]or such trifles, and with such an impudent manner of calumniatiō, that [...]ome were charged with no greater fault, then that they had a great part [...]f their wealth in ready money.

[...] And whereas Veno the King of Parthia, Idem ibid. being by them expelled from [...]is Kingdome, came to Antioche, with exceeding great wealth, putting [...]imselfe into the protection of the Romans, he caused him to be spoiled, [...]eslaine. His life was also most vile, & vicious, in so much, that Dion saith,Dio in Tibe. [...]e was opprest with the shame and infamie of his lust, and loue of wo­ [...]en, & boyes, taking them by force from their parents, or freendes, whē [...]e could not winne them, by entreatie, or corrupt them with gifts. To [...]onclude, finding himselfe to be most odious to al men, he leaft the em­ [...]ire of purpose to Caius Caligula, because he knew him to be monstrous [...] all kind of wickednes, and crueltie, hoping thereby, either to extin­ [...]uish, or at least to qualifie the ignominie of his owne impietie, and ty­ [...]nnie. Thus much touchinge Tiberius.

[...]0 His successour Caius Caligula, exceeded him no lesse in secret murders,Sueton. in Caligula. ca. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32, [...]en in the publike slaughters of innocent men, and could not be satis­ [...]ed, except he saw men tormented, boweled, and quartered, and so insa­ [...]able was his thirst of blood, that he wished, that all the people of Ro­ [...]e, had but one head, that he might cut it of at one blow. And some [...]me when there wanted condēned men to be deuoured of beastes (with [...]he sight whereof he was much delighted) he caused his souldiars to take [...]ome of the standers by, & behoulders,Dio in Calig to cast them to the beastes to con­ [...]nue his sport.

[...] Furthermore, hauing leuied a huge army of two hundred fifty thou­ [...]nd mē, he killed most of them within a while,Idem ibid. & hauing caused a great [...]umber of the worthiest Romās to be slaine, partly in secret, (sommoning [...]hem afterwards to the Senate, as though they had bene stil liuinge) and [...]artly publikly for fained crimes, he determined at last, to destroy all the [...]rincipal senatours, & noble men, & so to remoue from Rome to Alexan­ [...]ria, & had performed it, if he had not bene preuēted by his owne death. [...]lso his rapins, & extortions, were such, that, as Dion saith, when he had [...]ōsumed al the money of Rome & Italy, he went into France, Ibidem. of purpose to [...]poile it, and Spaine, where (saith the same author) it was made a publike [...]rime to be rich. His impositions, tributes, & new deuised exactiōs, were [...]numerable, whereof I omit the particularities, for breuities sake, as al­ [...]o his detestable incests, with his owne sisters, & adulteries, & many other [...]xecrable acts of his, related by Suetonius, Dion, & other graue authors,Sueton. c. 24. Dio in Calig all [...]hich, I say, I omitt, & will conclude with his abominable, & Luciferian [Page 130] pride,Idem ibidem in that he made himselfe a God, erecting a temple with his image in it, ordeining priests, and most costlie sacrifices, to be offered there to himselfe, and faining great familiarity with Iupiter, he vsed to talke sometimes with his image, and sometimes falling out with him, he threatned to send him away into Greece, and yet afterwards seeming to be pacified againe, he would be content, that their images might stand together [...] finallie he grew to that excesse of vanitie, and extrauagant impietie, follie, and madnes, that he vsed to make loue to the moone, when it wa [...] at the full, as though it had bene a woman. And thus much concerning him.

Dio. in Clau.12 Claudius succeeded him, who being accustomed, saith Dion, to glut him­selfe vvith the blood of men, committed manie suddaine, and rash murthers, at the suggestiō of the wicked Messalina his wife, & of his fauourits, who when they would haue the life of any mā, vsed to terrifie him with som [...] practise, & deuise of a fained cōspiracy, whereby they drew him to yeel [...] to the death of whom soeuer they would: & such was their power sait [...] Victor and authority that,Victor in Claudio. Stupris, exilio, caede & proscriptionibus omnia faedaban [...] They filed all things with fornications and adulteries, banishments, slaughters, & proscriptions, or outlawries.

Dio in Nero.13 Nero, as Dion testifieth, held vertue, riches, and nobility for no lesse th [...] publike crimes, and therefore manie rich, noble, and vertuous men, wer [...] either killed by his instruments, or forced to kill themselues. And Eutr [...] pius affirmeth of him,Eutrop. li. 7. in Nerone. Tacitus l. 16. that, Infinitam partem Senatus interfecit, & bonis omni­bus hostis fuit. He killed an infinit part of the Senate, and vvas enemie to all go [...] men. And he did not content himselfe, saith Tacitus, with the death of manie notable men, but sought in the end to destroy vertue it selfe in Ba [...]e [...] Soranus, and Thraseas Petus, and amongst others he caused the famous phi­losopher Seneca, his master, yea, and his owne mother, to be slaine, an [...] made her after to be opened in his owne presence.Dio in Nero. Besides that he desire [...] saith Dion, to see the destruction of the Roman empire, and of the citt [...] of Rome, and therefore caused the cittie to be set on fire, whereby. I [...] numerabiles incendio perierunt. An infinit number of men perished. And i [...] the meane while he stood on the topp of a tower to see it burne, singin [...] the destruction of burning Troie, Tacitus l. 16 and such was the damage done by fire that of foureteene regions, saith Tacitus, whereinto Rome was deuided onlie foure were free, the rest either wholy consumed, or pitifullie defaced, and afterwards he almost destroyed all the empire with exactions, t [...] repaire the cittie, and such were his extortions, throughout the gr [...]e [...] part of his reigne,Dio in Nero. that Dion saith, Omnem terrarum orbem expilauit. He [...] and pilled all the vvorld,

[Page 131]14 Moreouer, his custome was, to runne vp and downe the streets in [...]he night with his souldiars, rauishing women, and boyes, spoiling, stri­king, wounding or killing all those that he mett,Idem. neither could any man (saith the same author) be safe in his owne house. Nerone in domos, & offi­ [...]inas insultante. For that Nero vsed to breake into mens houses, and shops. And to conclude concerning him, he was so exorbitant in al kind of vice, and wickednes, that it appeared sufficientlie in him, how detestable may be the effects of a vicious, & tirannical nature, when it is ioyned with soue­raignty. And therfore no maruaile, if that he was the first, who general­ [...]y persecuted the Christians, and embrued the cittie of Rome, & the Roman empire, with the bloude of infinit martirs, & amōgst others the glorious Apostles S. Peter, and S. Paule: which how it was punished in him,Baron. To. 1. An. Dom. 69 shall appeare after a while, when I shall speake of the ends of all the Empe­rours, and the continuance of their reigne, for here I touch nothing, but their tirannicall crueltie, or other impietie. And now to proceede.

15 Galba, was infamous for his intemperaunce, coueteousnes, dissolute [...]ife, and especiallie for the abominable sinne of Sodomy, and his crueltie.Suetonius in Galba c. 12. & 22. He dismanteled diuers citties in Spaine, and France, and put to death their gouernours, with their wiues, and children, because in his rebellion a­gainst Nero, they did not yeeld vnto him, at the verie first. He made away manie noble men, vpon very light suspitions,Idem c. 14. without anie triall of their cause, & hauing ordained that a great number of sea souldiars (who had in former time bene sailers, or rowers) should be casht, & returne to their old trade, he caused them to be decimated, that is to say,Idem ibid. Sex. Aurel. Victor in Gal. Io. Ba. Egnat in Gall a. Sueton. in V [...]l. c. 14. euery tenth man of thē to be killed, because they made great instāce to the cōtrary. Final­ly he suffered himselfe to be so wholy lead, & gouerned by three fauorits (who were extreamely arrogāt, couetous, & vicious,) that he was worthi­ly hated of al men, no lesse for their auarice & cruelty, then for his owne.

16 Vitellius was, saith Suetonius, prone to the slaughter, and torment of euery man, for euerie trifle, and killed manie of the nobilitie (who had bene his ould friends, and companions) vario genere fraudis, with diuers kinds of deceit, & was so cruel, that he made men to be murdered in his presence,Idem i [...]d. saying that he would feede his eyes, and commanded two to be killed, for that they entreated him for the life of their Father: he caused a great number of the common people to be slaine in a publike feast, because they were clad in greene, which colour was vsed by those, that were of a faction called Prasina, he being addicted to the contary called Veneta.

Finally, whosoeuer was but accused to be an astronomer, was present­lie executed, though it were not proued, and in this cruelty he continued dur [...]ng the short time, that he raigned, which shalbe declared hereafter.

[Page 132] Sext. Aureli. Victor in Domitiano.17 Domitian, as Victor testifieth, was more like a sauage beast, then a man, for his crueltie towards all kind of men: and to maintaine his ex­treame prodigalitie, he killed many of the richest, and principall men o [...] the Senat, onlie that he might haue their goods, of whome, some wer [...] made away by poison, others by other secret meanes, & many conuict o [...] false crimes.Dio in Dom. And he caused so many to be slaine, one way, or other, tha [...] Dion saith, no man could tell the number of them. He confiscated the goods, as­wel of the dead, as of the liuinge, vpon euery light accusation, or pretēc [...] of crimes, especially of matter of state, in so much that it suffised, that th [...] least deede,Suetonius in Domitiano ca. 11. & 12. or word in that kind, was but so much as obiected against a­nie man. He claimed manie rich mens goods, after their death, as thei [...] heire, suborning witnesses to proue it: he caused manie to be killed, an [...] others to be banished, onlie because they studied philosophie, or wer [...] more vertuous, and learned then other men. And finallie, so intolerabl [...] was his pride, that he ordained by publike edict, that in all writtings wherin he should be mēcioned, vpō any occasiō, he should be called D [...] ­minus Deus. Lord God, & therefore no maruel, though he was withal a mo [...] cruel persecutor of the Church, & raised the secōd persecutiō after Ner [...]

Idem ibid. Spartian. & Dio in Adri.18 Adrian (as Spartianus & Dio witnesse) killed a great number of princi­pal personages for very trifles, & the most notable mē of al arts, & sough [...] to extinguish the memory of Homer, & a litle before his death, he banis­hed, or killed, all most all his old friendes, and those which he himself [...] had aduanced.

Lamprid. in Commodo.19 Commodus after his death, was called by a decree of the senat, Saeui [...] Domitiano, qui omnes occidit, more cruel then Domitian, who killed all men, & Carnifex Senatus, the butcher of the senat, for he killed an infinit num­ber of all sorts of men, and women, some for their great nobilitie, som [...] for their wealth, some for their excellēt learninge, or other vertues, some for their beauty,Dio in Com. or cōlimes of their person, some for fained cōspiracies, or light suspitions, some for hyre, selling mens liues to their enimies for money: and finally some times he killed one for an other, whiles also in the meane time he was otherwaies for his life abominably dissolut, spē­ding al his time in bankets, & feasts with 300. concubins, & boies chosen for their beautie, aswel out of the nobilitie, as of the communaltie. And hauing in the end after infinit other slaughters, resolued to kil a great nū­ber of the cheefe,Herodianus in Commod. and principall persons, that were stil liuinge, he made a list of their names, for his better remembrance, which being found by Martia his concubin (who was one of the number that was contained in it moued her, and the rest to seeke their owne securitie, by his death, as shalbe declared hereafter.Num. 56.

[Page 133]20 Septimius Seuerus, (as Dio, Spartian. & Dio in Sep­tim. Seuero. and Spartianus do testifie) killed very manie [...]f all sorts of men for fained crimes, or verie small occasions, and amōgst [...]em, one and fortie senatours were put to death (saith Dion) without [...]nie cause, either proued, or obiected. Besides that he suffered his father [...] law Plautianus, to make away a great number, aswell of magistrats, as [...]f priuat men, to haue the spoile of them, and farther to pill, and robb all [...]he citties, and prouinces of the empire. Finally Seuerus murdred verie [...]anie noble men, Spaniards, Gaules, Romans, and whosoeuer he thought to [...]e fitt to gouerne, fearing that the souldiars might preferre them before [...]is children after his death,Idem in vi­ta Pescennij. in so much that he was compared with Ma­ [...]us, for his crueltie, and the last counsell that he gaue to his children, [...]hen he died, was, Locupletate milites caeteros omnes contemnite. Enrich your [...]uldiars, and contemne all other men.

[...]1 Antonius Caracalla his sonne, exceeded him in crueltie, in which res­ [...]ect he was called by a decree of the senat after his death,Iulius Capi­tolin. in Ma­crino. Dio & Spar­tian. in Ca­racalla. Interfector sena­ [...]us, & populi. The murtherer of the senat, and people. He killed his brother [...]eta, in his mothers armes, and twentie thousand, saith Dio, or as Spartia­ [...]us saith, innumerable others, of his brothers friends and wellwillers, [...]ome as they were at table, others in the bathes, and where soeuer els [...]hey were found, he made away by one meanes, or other, all those whom [...]is father speciallie fauoured, or loued, and amongst the rest,Herodian. in Seuero. he put to death his fathers phisitians, because they would not consent to kill his father, as he earnestlie requested thē to doe: and after infinit other mur­ [...]hers of all sorts of men, being greatlie offended with the people of A­ [...]exandria, because they misliked his crueltie, he inuited manie of thē to a bāket, and caused others to be shut vp in houses, and all of thē to be slai­ne, and to conclude, Dion saith of him, that, Romam bonis omnibus spoliauit, Dio in Ca­racalla. & mutilauit, He lamed Rome, and spoiled it of all good men.

22 Macrinus, as Dion testifieth, put to death a great number of the sena­tours, and noble men of Rome, for fained crimes,Idem. in Macrino. and made away all those whome he suspected, to mislike his election, he deuised new, and strange punishmēts, tying men aliue to dead mē, to the end, they might languish with the horrour, and stinke of the dead carkases, and vsed to close some vp with walls aliue, and so to let them pine away, and perish, and Iulius Capitolinus calleth him. Hominem omnium vitiorum, superbum, Iul. Capito­linus in Ma­crino. & sanguina­rium, &c. A man of all vice, proude, and bloody. And further saith, that his house was alwaies full of blood, like a butcherie, by reason of the con­tinuall slaughters of his seruants, in respect whereof, manie would not call him Macrinum, but Macellinum, the Butcher.

23 Heliogabalus his successor, was most hatefull, and horrible for his cruelty, he vsed by the counsell of Magicians, to sacrifice children [Page 134] which were speciallie chosen throughout all Italie,Iulius Ca­pitolinus. Herodian. Lampridius in Helioga­balo. for their nobilit [...] and beauty, and such as had both father, and mother liuing, and the [...] made his deuinations by looking into their bowels. He banished all t [...] senate, saith Lampridius, out of Rome, and killed manie of them, and d [...] uers other notable men, he was more monstrous for all vice, and vill [...] nie, then anie that euer was before, or after him, in so much, that whe [...] soeuer he remoued out of Rome, he caried with him six hundreth ch [...] riots, and horse-litters full of strumpets, and boies, and all to litle, say t [...] historiographers, for his vnsatiable lust, for that he neuer had the co [...] panie of anie aboue once. He made manie times assemblies of hoore [...] and baudes wherein he vsed to make solemne orations vnto them, ca [...] ling them, commillitones, fellow-souldiers, and treated with them of [...] the most beastlie matters, and acts that could be imagined.

24 Furthermore, such was his prodigality in the furniture of his pa [...] lace,Id [...]m ibid. and person, costlie bankets, yea, and his ordinarie diett (nothin [...] contenting him which was not of excessiue price, and farre fetcht) th [...] the reuenue of the empire could not suffice for the same: for as La [...] pridius testifieth, euerie ordinarie meale, stood him in two thousand fi [...] hundred crownes (after our account) and manie times he spent [...] some one supper 75000. crownes.

25 Moreouer he ordained such toyes, that yt may be wondred, ho [...] the grauitie, and maiesty of the Roman empire, could brooke, and e [...] dure them,Herodian. Lamprid. for he erected a senat of women, to the end they might tre [...] and consult, of their owne busines belonging to their apparell, and dre [...] sing, and decreed that such thinges, as are accustomed to be done in t [...] day, should be done in the night, and therefore he vsed to goe to bed [...] the morninge, and to rise at sunne setting, and then was saluted wit [...] good morow. I omit manie other ridiculous acts of his, which migh [...] seeme vncredible, but that they are testified by the grauest historiographers, and by this which I haue signified, may well appeare the infelicity of the Romans, and of their empire, gouerned so childishlie by a boy for so Heliogabalus was, being but foureteene yeares ould when he wa [...] chosen, and not fullie eighteene when he was killed, of the manne [...] whereof I shall haue occasion to say more heareafter.

Iulius Capi­tolin. Herodian. in Maxi­mino.26 Maximinus, was for his cruelty called Cyclops, Busiris, Scirron, Phala [...] and Tiphon, he spoiled, banished, and murdred manie innocent, and worthie men, which had bene consuls, and all the noble men that were a­bout him, especiallie those, who knew anie thing of his base birth, an [...] linage. Finallie he killed all sorts of men without accuser, witnes, o [...] iudge, and so much thirsted after blood, that hauing put to death four [...] [Page 135] thousand in the three yeares that he raigned, yet he could not,Iulius Capi­tolin. in Ma­ximino. saith [...]itolinus, be satisfied.

[...] Gallienus, was no lesse pernicious to the Roman empire, by his dis­ [...]ute, and wicked life, and his extreame negligence in gouerment, [...]en the former were for their cruelty, and therefore Trebellius Pollio, Trebellius Pollio in Gal­lieno. saith [...] him, that he seemed to be borne for nothing els, but for his bellie, [...]d his pleasure, and that spending his whole time, both day, and night [...] wine, and women, perdidit orbem terrarum, he destroyed the whole world. [...]us saith he; for that in the greatest troubles of the Roman empire [...]hich in his time was extreamelie afflicted with the inuasion of bar­ [...]rous nations, and the vsurpation of manie tirants) deseruit rempublicam, [...]th Orosius, he forsooke, and abandoned the common vvelth, Oros. c. 22. and gaue himselfe [...]hollie to lust at Milan. Besides that, his cruelty was also such towards [...]s owne souldiars, that he killed three thousand,Pollio in Gallieno. and sometimes foure [...]ousand of them in one day, which if yt had benne done by the enemie, [...]ould haue benne counted a great infelicity to the Roman empire.

[...] Aurelianus, is termed by Victor, and Eutropius, saeuus, and, sanguinarius, Vopiscus. Sext. Aurel. Victor. Eutrop. l. 10. [...]uell, and bloudie, he fained crymes of conspiracies, against manie se­ [...]tours, and principall men, and put them to death for the same, besides [...]anie others whome he also caused to be killed, for very small matters.

[...] Of Carinus, it is testified by Pomponius Laetus, and Vopiscus, that he was.Pomponius Laetus Vopis­cus in Cari­no. Sext. Aur [...]l. vi­ctor. [...]orum sanguine madefactus, totius vbique iuuentutis corruptor, homo omnium cō­ [...]natis [...]imus &c. Embrued with the blood of good men, a corrupter of youth eue­ [...] vvhere, the most impure, and vvicked man that lyued, and one; saith Vopis [...]us, [...]at not only abused all yong men, but also suffred himselfe to be abused co [...]tra [...]y to [...]e sexe. He filled his pallace with iesters, queanes, ribalds, ruffins, and [...]auds, he bore great respect to all wicked men, and made them bankets, [...]nd feastes, and was euerie way so abominablie impious, that his father [...]arus the emperour, with whome he raigned, hearing of his manner of [...]fe, swore that he was none of his, and determined to kill him: neuer­ [...]eles when Carinus heard that his father was dead, he was, say the hi­ [...]ories, farre more beastlie, and brutish in all kind of villanie,Pla [...]ius Vo­piscus in Ca­rina. and what [...]ecame of him in the end, shalbe declared hereafter.

[...]0. To conclude the other foure emperours, which remaine of the one [...]nd twenty aboue named, (to wit Maximianus, Maxentius, Maximinus sur­ [...]am [...]d I [...]u [...]u [...], and Licinius, were no lesse cruel, and wicked, then most of [...]he former, as I will declare more particularlie after awhile: whereby [...]t may appeare, how miserable was the state of the empire pa [...]tlie by [...]eason of th [...]ir monstrous cruelty, and wickednes, and partlie by the af­ [...]li [...]tions that God also layd vppon the Romans otherwayes from tyme to [Page 136] tyme, during the reignes, not onlie of these, but also of all the other E [...] perours, from Augustus Caesar, to Constantin the great.

31 And to the end, that this may be the more euident, I will touch euery one of them by name in order, as they raigned. And first I will speake of the seauen first Emperours after Augustus, declaring breeflie, ho [...] they came to the empire, how long they reigned, how they died, an [...] finallie I will add thereto, what notable punishments God laid vppo [...] the Roman empire, during their gouerment.

32 Tiberius, (the first of the wicked, and tirannical Emperours of whome I haue spoken before) was sonne in law to Augustus Caesar, aswell b [...] the mariage of his daughter Iulia (then a widow,S [...]eton. in Tiberio. c. 7. & 15. An. Do. 39. Idem ibid. ca. 73. by the death of Agrippa her former husband) as also because he was sonne to Liuia, wife t [...] Augustus, whom he succeeded in the empire by adoption. And hauin [...] raigned, or rather tirannized, twenty three yeares, was poisoned, and a [...] some write smothered by his owne nephew Caius Caligula, whome fo [...] want of issue he had adopted for his sonne, and ordained for his successour, being great graundchild to Augustus, to wit, sonne to Agripin [...] daughter to Iulia, by Agrippa her former husband.

Sueton. in Caligula c. 58.33 This Caligula being most monstrous for his wickednes, and cruelt [...] (as I haue alreadie declared) was slaine by his owne guards (who wer [...] called, the Praetorian souldiers) when he had reigned but three yeares, an [...] tenne moneths,An. Do. 43. and the senat being determined to extinguish all th [...] race of the Caesars, for the detestation of him, it chaunced that his vncl [...] Claudius, Dio in Clau­dio. Eutrop. li. 8. hauing for feare hid himselfe in a verie secret place of the pala­ce, was found by one of the praetorian souldiers, who came thither t [...] ransacke, and spoile it, and was first by him saluted Emperour, and afte [...] by the rest of the souldiars, who also forced the senate to approue thei [...] election of him.

34 This Claudius (one of the tirrannical emperours, mentioned by m [...] before) was also descended of the familie of Augustus Caesar by his mo­ther Antonio, neece to Augustus, being daughter to his sister Octauia, and to M. Antonio the Triumuir. Sueton. Claudio. c 1. Idem c. 26. 39. 43. & 44. His infamous reigne dured fourteene yea­res; and not long before his death, hauing killed the wicked Mestalina his wife, he maried Agrippina, his owne sisters daughter, being the wi­dow of Domitius Nero, by whome shee had a sonne of the same name, and though Claudius, had a sonne of his owne, called Britannicus, yet he adop­ted her sonne Nero for his successour, and within a while after was poi­soned by her,An. 56. Ibid. c. 45. who concealed his death, vntill shee had caused the soul­diars to accept, and proclaime her sonne Nero Emperour, which the se­nat also approued.

[Page 137]35 Nero (of whose barbarous, and incredible crueltie, I haue spoken [...]ready) hauing plagued the world, as many yeares,Dio & Sue­ton. in Nero. c. 49. as his predecessour [...]o wit foureteene) was worthily condemned by the senate as a publike [...]emie to the common welth, and being there vpon abandoned of all [...]en, killed himselfe, with the helpe of one of his slaues, and in him en­ [...]ed the race, and familie of the Caesars, An. 70. which had possessed the empire a­ [...]out ninty eight yeares.

[...] After Nero, succeeded Galba, whome I haue also numbred amongst [...]e wicked, and tyrannicall Emperours. He in Neroes time,Sueton. in Galb. c. 9. & 10. Ibid. c. 23. An. 71. was his luie­ [...]nant Generall in Spaine, and Gouernour thereof, and rebelling a­ [...]inst him, was first declared Emperour by his owne souldiars, [...]d presentlie after Neroes death, confirmed by the Senat: and [...]ithin seauen monthes, killed by a conspiracie of Otho, who succeeded [...]m.

This Otho, though I haue not reckoned him amongst the tirannical [...]mperours, yet was most infamous, for his wicked life,Plutarc. in Othone. Sueton. in Othone c. 2. 3. & 11. An. 71. as hauing benne great fauorit of Nero, and an instrument of his wickednes, and being [...]osen emperour by the praetorian souldiars, and shortly after ouercome [...] Vitellius, he slew himselfe, hauing reigned but three moneths, and [...]e dayes.

[...] About the same time that Otho was chosen Emperour in Rome, [...]itellius being Generall of an armie in Germanie, Sueton. in Vitellio ca. 9 was also proclay­ [...]ed Emperour by his owne souldiars, and hauing ouerthrowne O­ [...]o neere to Rome, succeeded him in the empire, which neuertheles he [...]ioyed but eight monethes, and tenne dayes; for Vespasian being also [...] the same time chosen Emperour by his owne army in Iudaea (where [...]e was emploied to appease a rebellion of the Ievves) sent some of [...]is Captaines,Ibidem. c. 15. with a great part of his forces to encounter Vitel­ [...]us, who being ouerthrowne, and taken prisoner, was drawne [...]ith a halter about his necke along the streetes, halfe naked, to a [...]arket place, where after manie outrages donne vnto him by the [...]eople (for the hatred of his tyrannicall crueltie,Ibidem c. 17. An. 72. and beastly im­ [...]ietie) he was killed, together with his brother, and cast into the ri­ [...]er Tiber.

[...] Thus ended the seauen first Emperours after Augustus, and in [...]e meane while (I meane during their reignes) God laid his [...]eauie hand vppon the empire diuerse wayes.Euseb. in Chron Tacit. li. 1. As in Tiberio his [...]me, Rome suffered exceeding great dammage twice by fire, and [...]y twoo inundations of Tyber, and twice by famin.

And in Fidenae, Dio. li. 58. Tacit. li. 4. Idem. li. 2. fiftie thousand men were partlie slaine, and partlie ma [...] med, by the fall of an Amphitheater, besides, a horrible earthquake whic [...] in one night ruined thirteene cities in Asia.

Idem. li. 12.39 Also in the tyme of Claudius, Crebris terrae motibus, saith Tacit [...] prorutae domus, &c. Howses were ouerthrowne in Rome by freque [...] earthquakes, wherewith all men were so terrified, that whil [...] they hasted to seeke some places of refuge, and securitie, veri [...] manie of the weaker sort were oppressed, and styfled amidst th [...] confused throng of the people, and in his time also was the great generall famin ouer the whole world,A [...]to. 11. which is spoken of in the acts of th [...] Apostles.

Plin. li. 2. ca. 83. Dio. in Nerone.40 In Neros raigne, the earthquakes were so horrible, that as Pl [...] testifieth, whole fields were remoued out of their places, an [...] Dion affirmeth, that it seemed the whole earth woulde be shake [...] in peeces, and dissolued; In so much, saith he, that yt vvas thoug [...] that the soules of those, vvhome Nero had murthered, did insult and [...] against him. And in his tyme also, the Brittans being cruellie oppresse [...] rebelled against the Romans, and slew seauentie thousand of them, an [...] of their confederats; besides most strange, and noisome tempests, wher [...] of Tacitus maketh mention,Tacit. li. 16. and a most cruell plague in Rome, whic [...] plague saith he, Omne mortalium genus depopulabatur. Destroyed all kind [...] mortall creatures.

Sueton. in Galba. c. 18.41 Finallie in the beginning of Galba his raigne, a most prodigio [...] earthquake, accompanied with a horrible roaring sound, shooke bo [...] the cittie of Rome, and the Emperours pallace, and in those fe [...] monethes, that Otho, and Vitellius reigned Rome receaued incredib [...] dammage, not onlie by a most pitifull inundation of Tyber, (the gre [...] test,Plutar. in vita Othon. Tacit. li. 17. saith Plutark, that had euer bene seene before) but also by extream [...] dearth, and famin, all which Tacitus lamentablie describeth, besides t [...] great bloudshed in Rome it selfe, betwixt Galba, and Otho, and muc [...] more afterwards both in Rome, Dio in Othone. and abroad betwixt Vitellius, and Oth [...] who fought a most bloudie battaile, at Cremona, wherein were slai [...] fortie thousand men on both sides, and the souldiers of Vitellius, haui [...] the victorie, miserablie spoiled, and ransaked all the countrie.

42 And within a litle more then three monethes after Othos death there passed two cruell, and bloudie battailes betwixt Vitellius, an [...] Vespasian. First at Cremona, and after at Rome, in which battailes [...] hundred thousand men were slaine, and Cremona spoiled, and ruined,Idem in Vitellio. and all this bloudshed hapned within a yeare, and twenti [...] daies after the death of Nero, so that if we adde these affliction [Page 139] of the Romans, to the continuall tirannie of their Emperours, we shall [...]selie see, that they had not one day, or houre of ease, or repose, from [...]treame miserie, vntil the raigne of Vespasian, that is to say, for the [...]ace of the first fiftie fiue yeares after Augustus.

[...] And now to proceede with the rest of the Emperours in like [...]anner. Although I doe not number Vespasian, amongst the cruell [...]rants, yet his gouerment was in some sort so tyrannical, that he [...]ay also be counted an instrument of Gods iustice vppon the Romans, Dio in Ves­pasiano. [...] respect of his extreame coueteousnes, and the most greueous exac­ [...]ons, and impositions, which he layd vppon all men, inuenting ta­ [...]es and gabelles neuer vsed, or imagined before, and employing in [...]e greatest offices, and charges, the greatest extorcioners,Sueton. in Vespasiano. ca. 16. that he [...]ould find, whom he also vsed, as it was commonlie said, Like spunges, [...]ling them vvhiles they vvere dry, and crushing out theyr licour vvhen they [...]ere full, that is to say, spoiling them when they were rich. [...]hereto also may be added the crueltie of his sonne Titus, Idem in Tito ca. 6. & 7. who com­ [...]anding all vnder him, killed so manie noble men vppon light sus­ [...]itions, that he was helde, as Suetonius affirmeth, for an other Nero. [...]espasian raigned tenne yeares, and died of a fluxe, leauing two son­ [...]es, Titus, and Domitian: and Titus, An. Do. 81. Ibidem &c. 8. 9. &c. succeeding him in the gouer­ [...]ent, notwithstanding his crueltie in his fathers time, proued to [...]e one of the best Emperours, that euer the Romans had, whose raigne [...]euertheles was so short (to wit onlie twoo yeares, and some mo­ [...]eths) that the ease which they had vnder him, seemed to serue, for [...]o other purpose, but to make them feele the more the tirannicall [...]rueltie of his brother Domitian. And although most authors agree, [...]at Titus died naturallie, yet some write, that there was great sus­ [...]tion, and fame that his death was eyther procured,Dio in Tito. An. Do. [...]3. or hastened by [...]mitian.

[...]4 But did the scourge of God vppon the Romans cease during [...]ose two yeares, of the good gouerment of, Titus? No trulie. For [...] that tyme, euen in the verie first yeare of his raigne, the hill in [...]ampania called Vesuuius in the kingdome of Naples, Dio in Tito. cast forth such in­ [...]redible heapes of fierie ashes, and with such violence, that two nota­ [...]le cities named Pompeij, and Herculanum, were ouerwhelmed, and [...]he Amphiater in Rome filled therewith, yea, and the ashes were also [...]ast into Greece, Siria AEgipt, and Africk. Wherebie it may be ghessed [...]hat dammage the same did, not onlie in Rome, but also in those partes [...]f Italy: besides that there presentlie followed such a pestilence, that [...]ictor saith, the like was almost neuer seene before, and there was [Page 140] withall such trembling,Sext. Aureli. Victor in Tito. and roaring of the earth, and such obscuri [...] and darkenes at noone dayes, that men imagined, that the whole wor [...] would perish, as Dion amplie declareth.

45 The yeare following there was such a fire in Rome, for three day [...] together,Dio in Tito Sueton. in Tito cap. 8. that all the famous biuldings of Augustus, with his librar [...] and the baths of Agrippa, the theater of Galba, the temples of Iupit [...] Capitolin, Isis, Serapis, Neptune, and that of all the Gods, called Pa [...] theon, the stage of Pompey, and diuers other principall partes, and grea [...] ornaments of the cittie, were consumed therewith, whereby it may a [...] so be coniectured, how generall and lamentable was the detriment, an [...] losse otherwayes throughout the whole cittie.

Dio in Dom. An. Do. 98.46 After Titus, succeeded the cruell Domitian, being his Brother and next heire, he raigned, or rather raged fifteene yeares, and fiue daye [...] and was killed by a conspiracie of his owne seruants.

47 His next successor Cocceius Nerua, being chosen by the Senate, w [...] a notable Emperour,Idē in Neru. Baro. an 99. and a great freend to Christians, and recalled fro [...] banishment, all those who were banished by Domitian, amongst who [...] was S. Iohn the Euangelist, but he raigned not aboue a yeare and a fe [...] moneths,An. Do. 100 and died his naturall death, as none of the Emperours his pr [...] decessours had done before him, except Vespasian, and Titus, though the [...] was great suspition, as I haue signified before, that Titus was murdred b [...] Domitian.

Dio in Neru.48 After Nerua, followed Traian, whom he had adopted, and ordaine [...] to succeede him. This Traian, though he be counted a verie good Emperour for his clemencie, and iustice, yet he was otherwayes verie vic [...] ous, and persecuted the Christians for a time. And albeit the Roma [...] bore not their wonted yoake of tirannie during his reigne, yet he, an [...] they felt otherwayes the heauie hand of almightie God, as may appear [...] by the pittifull narration which Pliny maketh,Plini. l. 8. ep. ad Macrin. at large, of the ex­cessiue dammage donne in Rome, and in all the territorie thereof, no [...] only by the inundations of Tiber, and other riuers, but also by most vio­lent tempests, and stormes, which caused a miserable desolatiō through­out the whole country.

Plini. li. 36. cap. 15.49 Also during the time of Traian, the wonted punishment of God, fell not onlie vppon Rome by pestilence, and fire (kindled partlie by thunderbolts, and partlie by other casualities) but also vppon the whole empire, by most terrible earthquakes, especiallie at Antioch, whiles Traian himselfe was there,Dio in Tra­iano. where the greatest part of the cit­tie was destroyed, trees pulled vp by the rootes, and the verie bir­des of the aire fell downe dead: and such were the lightnings, thun­ders, [Page 141] and fier that fell from the heauens, that manie men were burnt, [...]d consumed therewith, and great feare conceyued, that the [...]hole worled would be set on fire. After which followed, an ex­ [...]eame, and intollerable heate, and such a generall dust raised eue­ [...]e where, that men could not see one an other, and manie were [...]ifled therewith; besides that, the earthquakes were also, at the [...]me time, so generall, that sundry citties in Greece, and diuerse partes of [...]sia were wholy subuerted, infinit numbers of men killed, mountaines [...]nck into the ground, and riuers dried vp.

[...] And shortlie after this,Idem ibid. the Ievves which then inhabited seue­ [...]ll parts of the world, made great commotions all at once, where­ [...]euer they dwelled as though they had beene all seazed with one fren­ [...]y and especially throughout Africke, where they almost exterminated al [...]e inhabitants, in so much, that Adrian the Emperour, who succeeded [...]raian, was forced to send many new colonies thither, to supply the wāt [...]f people in those partes: and they did the like also in Egipt, and in [...]he Iland of Cipirus, where they killed two hundreth thousand per­ [...]ons wherevppon Traian sent great forces into all those partes, and or­ [...]ained, that all the Ievves inhabiting there, should be put to the sword, [...]hich was executed most rigorouslie, with the slaughter of incredible [...]umbers of them.

[...]1 Finallie I hold it for no small infelicitie of the Romans, at that [...]yme, also that Traian, to entertaine the people, and make them [...]port,Dio in Tra­iano. (according to the custome in those dayes) gaue them tenne [...]housand gladiators, or fencers, to fight to death, and kill on an o­ [...]her in their presence. He raigned nineteene yeares, six mo­nethes, and a halfe, and died naturallie, as most authors af­ [...]irme, though as Dion testifieth,An. Do. 119. he himselfe suspected that he was poisoned.

[...]2 After the one and twenty yeares, of the good Emperours, Nerua, Aelius Spar­tian. in Adr. Dio in Adri. and Traian, succeeded the cruell Adrian by adoption, or as some affirme, by the practise of Plotina, Traians wife, who concealing her hus­bands death some dayes, and shewing to the Praetorian souldiars a coun­terfet instrument, or writting of adoption (as though Traian had in his last sicknes adopted Adrian for his sonne, and successour) procured his election, first by the acclamation of the souldiars, and after by the ap­probation of the senat: His crueltie,Num. 18. and tirannie (whereof I haue spokē before) was accompanied with great famin, and pestilence, inundations, and earthquakes, whereby exceeding great dammage was donne aswell in Rome, as in diuers parts of the Roman empire. And in the end Adrian [Page 142] receiued also euen in this life, some part of the punishment due to h [...] crueltie, aswell towards Christians, as towards all others, being most miserablie tormented in all his limmes, in such sort, that he sought by e [...] treatie, perswasions, and gifts, to moue his fauorits, and friendes to ki [...] him,Poro Mexia in Adriano. Baron. To. 2 An. Do. 140. Dio in Adri. and when he could not obtaine it at their handes, nor die of his torments, he resolued to forbeare to eate, and so famished himselfe as som [...] write, or, as Dio Nicaeus saith, vsed of purpose vnholsome meates, where vppon he died, when he had reigned one and twenty yeares, and eleue [...] months.

53 Adrian, adopted for his sonne, and successour, the famous, Antoni [...] Pius, so called for his great pietie, as he well deserued, whose empire Go [...] blessed, no doubt, with great peace and prosperitie, for the great fauou [...] that he shewed to Christrians, after many cruell persecutions, whic [...] they had suffered vnder his predecessors: for he forbad vpon greueou [...] paines,Eutrop. l. 10. that no man should accuse them for their religion, which he acknowledged to be the worship of the immortall God, affirming also, that the great earthquakes, and such other calamities, wherewith th [...] empire was afflicted, proceeded of the iustice of God, for the iniurie donne to them, as may appeare by the copy of the edict, related by Eutro­pius, Ibidem. and therefore we may well suppose, that God rewarded him wit [...] greater felicitie, then anie pagan emperour, had either before, or afte [...] him, though neuertheles, besides the earthquakes, which he mentioned in his edict,Sext. Aurel. Victor Capi­tolin. in An­tonino Pio. An. Do. 162. we reade of extreame dearth, and famin in Rome, great losse by fire, and inundations of Tiber. He raigned twentie two yeares, sea­uen moneths, and six dayes, and died his naturall death.

54 There followed him, by his adoption, an other good emperour fo [...] his gouerment, though he persecuted the Christians for some time, to wit, Marcus Aurelius, called the Philosopher, who made Lucius Verus his companion in the empire. But how seuere the punishment of God, was vpon the Romans, in the time of Marcus Aurelius, it appeareth by that which Sextus Aurelius Victor, Epito. Sexti Aure. Vict. in Marco Ant. a pagan author writeth briefly thereof. Ab armis, saith he, quies nunquam erat, &c. There vvas neuer anie rest, or repose from armes, the vvarres throughout Italy, France, and all the east partes, vvere continuall, besides earthquakes, vvith the subuersion of citties, inundations of riuers, murrein a­mongst cattell, and fields destroyed vvith locusts, yea, and there is almost no kind of ca­lamitie, that can either be named, or imagined, vvhich did not abound during his raigne. Eutrop li. 10 Thus saith he. And Eutropius affirmeth, that the empire was so mi­serablie infested, and vexed with warres in all partes, that all the Roman armies, were ouerthrowne, and that the plague was so violent euerie where, that the greater part of men, & almost al the souldiars died there­of. [Page 143] Neuertheles he had a notable, and miraculous victorie against nine [...]ndred thousand Marcomanni, Quadi, Chap. 15. Num. 2. and other barbarous people in Ger­ [...]any, by the prayers of his Christian souldiars (as I haue declared in the [...] chap. of the first part of this Treatise) and in respect of that victory, he [...]ased his persecution of the Christians, and made edicts in their fauour: [...]is companion Lucius Verus, An. 172. An. 181. died suddenlie in the eleuenth yeare of his [...]igne, and he hauing reigned eighteene yeares, died his naturall death.

[...] Though the raigne of this emperour was most vnfortunate, for in­ [...]it calamities, and miseries, which oppressed the empire in his time, yet [...]e left behind him a greater plague to the world, then euer had benne in [...]s dayes, I meane his sonne Commodus, who besides the cruel persecuti­ [...]ns which he raised against Christians, vsed all barbarous crueltie to­ [...]ards all sorts of men, as I haue declared before; but after he had reig­ [...]ed twelue yeares, and eight moneths,Num. 16. Num. cod. he was killed by his Concubin, [...]ho as I haue also signified before, finding by chance, her owne name, [...]ith a great number of others,Herodian. in Commodo. of most principall personages designed [...]or the slaughter, in a list written with his owne hand, thought to pre­ [...]ent him with poison, which shee gaue him, & seeing him after he had [...]eceiued it, vomit so freely that she feared he would cast it vp againe,An. Do. 194. [...]he called in one, whose name was also in the list, & betwixt them both [...]hey dispatched him.

[...]6 Besides this cruel tiranny of Commodus, and the affliction ensuing [...]hereon to the Roman empire, there was such horrible contagion, and [...]estilence in his time,Dio in Com. Herodian. in Commodo. that (as Dio saith who was then liuing) he neuer [...]new anie so great, whereby there died in Rome two thousand in one [...]ay. There was also in his raigne so great dearth, and famin, that the peo­ [...]le falling into furie, killed Cleander one of his greatest fauourits. Also a [...]reat part of the cittie, and manie principall ornaments thereof, were [...]wise burnt during his reigne. The first time by a thunderbolt,Idem ibid. which fi­ [...]ed, and burnt the Capitol, the librarie, and all the houses about it: and the [...]ater, by a casuall fire, wherewith his owne pallace, the famous temples of Vesta, and of Peace, with no small part of the cittie, were consumed to the verie ground, which euerie man held to be a iust punishment of God for his wickednes, as Herodian testifieth.

[...]7 But that which may be iustlie counted the greatest calamitie of the Roman empire, both at the time whereof I now treate, and also continu­ [...]ly after vntill Constantins time, was the licentious libertie, and ambitious presumption of the souldiars, not onlie of those which were called prae­ [...]eriani milites, and were the guards of the Emperours) but also of the o­ther legions, that were dispersed throughout the empire, for the defence [Page 144] thereof. For such was the insolencie, first of the Emperours gards [...] Rome, and after of the other souldiars abroad, by their example, that th [...] tooke vpon them to make emperours, and chāge them at their pleasur [...] whereby the emperors themselues, and al the empire was brought to miserable seruitude.

58 This appeared presently after Commodus, vpon whose death, the pr [...] torian souldiars made election of his successor, and chose the worth [...] Captaine Pertinax, Herodianus in Pertinace An. 195. Iulius Capit. & Herodia. in Iuliano. whome the senate partlie for feare, and partlie al [...] for the regard of his great merits, easily approued. But within lesse the [...] three moneths, to wit, eightie fiue dayes, they killed him, by the practi [...] of one, who sought to make himselfe emperour, though he failed of h [...] purpose. For the souldiars sett the empire on sale, making proclamatio [...] that they would giue it, to whosoeuer would giue most: and whereas there were two competitors (to wit Sulpicianus, and Didius Iulianus, bot [...] which offered largelie for it) they preferred Iulianus, partlie because t [...] other was father in law to Pertinax whom they had slaine, and partly because Iulianus, gaue them readie money, wherevppon, they forced the senat to accept him.

59 And the other legions abroad, taking also the like libertie to the [...] selues, at the same time, made emperours in diuers parts: for, the ordinar [...] legions, that were in Siria, made choise of the viceconsul Pescennius Nige [...] who gouerned there,Idem ibid. and the legions in Germanie, chose Septimius Seuer [...] who hasting with his forces to Rome, was admitted by the senate, an [...] Iulianus being abandoned of all men,An. Do. 195 Ibidem. was killed in his pallace, by the senats order, before Seuerus arriued, within lesse then seauen moneths afte [...] his election: And Seuerus shortlie after ouercame Piscinnius, the othe [...] emperour, though with so great bloodshed on both sides, that the ditches of water, where the battaile was fought seemed to be all bloud, [...] againe ere it were long, one Albinus was made Emperour in Britannie by his souldiars, & ouerthrowne also, and slaine by Seuerus in no lesse bloo­die a battaile at Lyons in France. Whereby it may be iudged, how misera­ble were these times by insolencie of the souldiars, which encreasing dailie, grew within a few yeares after, to be so greate, that there were thirtie emperours made by the armies, in diuers parts in the space of fifteene, or sixteene yeares, by meanes whereof, the empire was pitifully rent, & torne with ciuil warrs, and opprest with infinit calamities, and verie many of the emperours themselues killed by the souldiars, which had chosen them, as shall farther appeare hereafter.

60 So that it is hard to say wether the Senat, and people were more ti­rannized by the emperours, or the emperors by the souldiars: but how­soeuer [Page 145] that was, it is euident, that both the Emperours, and souldiars, [...]e instruments of Gods iustice, not onlie one vppon an other, but also [...]on all the Roman empire, and that the souldiars also executed Gods [...]ice vppon them selues, who to maintaine their different elections of [...]perors in diuers places, came cōmonlie in the end to spill each others [...]od, with infinit spoile, dammage, and debilitation of the Romā em­ [...]e, and this continued more or lesse, from the tyme of Commodus, vntill [...]tantin the great, as will euidentlie appeare, by the further prosecu­ [...] of this historie.

[...] Therefore now to returne to Septimius Seuerus (of whose enormious [...]eltie I treated before) he chose for his companion in the empire,Nu. 20. his [...]e Antonius Caracalla, and gouerned together with him eighteene [...]res, and in that tyme besides his other exorbitant cruelties, he ex­ [...]mlie persecuted the Christians (which is counted the fift general [...]secution after Nero) and though he had manie victories, yet they cost [...], and the empire so deare,Oros. li. 7. ca. 17. that Orosius worthilie attributeth the same Gods iust punishment for his persecution of Christians: whereto may [...]o be added his miserable end, being extreamlie tormented not onlie [...]th the gout, and intollerable paines throughout all his bodie, but also [...]th greefe, and anguish of mind, hauing discouered his sonnes deter­ [...]nation to poison him, after he had failed to kill him, with his sword, [...]here vppon he sought to poison himselfe, and being hindred by his [...]uants, he killed himselfe by a voluntarie surfett,An. do. 213. Sext. Aurel. Victor in Septim. Se­uero. Polydor. Vergil. hist. Angl. li. 2. eating such a quanti­ [...] of grose meate, that his stomake was not able to disgest it: which [...]pned in England at Yorke, after he had appeased a great rebelliō there, [...]d built (as Victor saith) a famous wall from sea to sea, in the north [...]rts, to hinder the incursions of the Scotissh, and Picts, though Polidore [...]rgil holdeth it for more certein, that the same wall was built twoo [...]ndreth yeres after Seuerus his time, in the reigne of Theodosius the Em­ [...]rour, by certein capteins sent by AEtius with forces to assist the Britās [...]ainst the Picts and Scottish.

[...] Antonius Caracalla his sonne,Nu. 21. An 215. An. 219. Dio & Spar­tian. in Ca­racalla. exceeding him in bloodie cruel­ [...]e, and all impietie, as I haue also declared before, reigned af­ [...]r him in companie of his brother Geta, whom he slew within [...] yeare, and when he had reigned alone fiue yeares, he was killed of his [...]wne gard; and although he left a sonne called Antonius Heliogabalus, yet [...]he souldiars chose for his successor Macrinus prefector captaine of the [...]ard of whose crueltie I haue alreadie treated) and he presentlie made [...]is owne sonne Diadumenus, his companion in the empire:Nu. 22. But within [...]oureteene moneths after the election of Macrinus, the souldiars, who [Page 146] had chosen him,Iulius Capi­tolin. in Ma­crino. An. do. 220. grew so wearie of him for his tirannie, that they fo [...] sooke him, in fauour of Heliogabalus afore said, sonne to Caracalla, bei [...] not aboue foureteene yeares of age, by whose souldiars Macrinus, a [...] Diadumenus, his sonne, were both slaine.

63 I haue sufficientlie declared before, how monstrous, this Helioga [...] lus was, in crueltie, and all kind of vice, and therfore will onlie add he [...] concerning his end,Lamprid. Herodian. Sext. Aure­lius Victor An. do. 224. that when he had rioted, and reuelled rather th [...] raigned foure yeares or as some say six) the praetorian souldiars, bei [...] his owne garde, slew him, and most ignominiouslie drew his bo [...] throughout the streetes in the dirt, and after threw him into the ri [...] Tiber, with stones about his necke, calling him insatiable bitch, in respe [...] of his effeminat, and most dissolute life.

64 And here I wish thee, good reader to note by the way, how ince [...] the tirānie of the emperours were from Marcus Aurelius, vntill the dea [...] of Heliogabalus: for although the good emperours Pertinax, and Didius [...] lianus gouerned in this meane time, yet forasmuch as they were bo [...] killed, and raigned not a full yeare betwixt them both, and twoo oth [...] emperors chosen also in the meane tyme as I haue declared I count [...] their raigne for anie interruption of the tirannie,Nu. 58. & 59. and of the intollerab [...] oppression of the common welth vnder the fiue forenamed emperors, wit, Cōmodus, Septimi{us} Seuer. Caracalla, Macrinus, & Heliogab. which fiue m [...] miserablie afflicted, and oppressed the empire, for the space of 42. yer [...]

65. And although the souldiars, chose the good emperour Alexan [...] Seuerus, Herodian. Lamprid. Anno 237. Iulius Capi­tolin. in Ma­ximinis. Sext. Aurel. Victor in A­lexandro Seuero. to succeede the wicked Heliogabalus, yet so wicked also we [...] they, that they could not endure his vertue, but killed him within thi [...] teene yeares, and chose an other, to wit, the monstrous Tirant Maxi [...] nus, who imparted the imperiall title, and dignitie to his sonne call [...] also Maximinus. And in this meane time (I meane in the raigne of A [...] xander) the legions in the east chose one Taurinus, and declared him e [...] perour so much against his will that he drowned himselfe in the riu [...] Eufrates: and after Alexanders death, and the election of Maximinus in Ge [...] many, the legions also of Afrik made an other emperour, called Gordia [...] together with his sōne of the same name, which electiō being approue by the senat (for the hatred they bore to Maximinus, Iulius Ca­pitolin. in Gordianis. An. do. 239. in respect of [...] crueltie) the yonger Gordian was ouercome and slaine in battaile, by [...] captaine of Maximinus, where vppō his father hanged him selfe, for so [...] row, and feare, and Maximinus marched towards Rome, to be reuēged o [...] the Romans, Idem in Ma­ximo & Bal­bino. for approuing the electiō of Gordian, and therefore the sena [...] chose for their defence two other ēperors, Pupienu [...] (who was called als [...] Maximus) and Balbinus, and as they marched with their forces to meet [Page 147] with Maximinus, God executed his iustice vppon him,Herodian. & Sext. Aurel. Victor in Maximino. An. do. 240. by the meanes of [...] owne souldiars, who being alreadie growne to detest him for his [...]eltie, killed him, and his yonge sonne, saying, that of so ill a race, there [...]as not to be kept so much as a vvhelpe, and this was within three yeares [...]er they had chosen him.

[...] And although the emperours gards at Rome (called as I haue sayd [...]eteriani milites) seemed to allow for a while, the election of Pupienus, Pomponius Laetus. An. do. 242. Herodianus. [...]d Balbinus, yet within twoo yeeres, they killed them both: besides that, [...]ey had also before that time, during the raigne of Maximinus, misera­ [...]e spoiled, sacked, and burnt Rome, in a sedition which fell out be­ [...]ixt them, and the people, whereby the greatest part of the cittie was [...]rnt, as Herodian witnesseth.

[...] After they had killed Pupienus, and Balbinus, they chose yonge Gordiā, Iul. Capitoli­nus, & Pom­ponius Lae­tus. An. 246. Oros. lib. 7. c. 20. An. 252 Iidē autores. Eutrop. li. 1 [...] [...]andchild to that other Gordian who hanged himselfe in Aphrick, and [...]ithin three or foure yeares after, suffred him to be killed, by one Philip, [...] whom they had before graunted the imperial title to raigne with [...]rdian. And ere six yeares passed, they killed also Philip, and his sonne, [...]hom his father had made his companion in the empire, whereas an o­ [...]er armie of souldiars, being sent against the Gothes (who at the same [...]me inuaded the Roman empire) made emperour their general Marinus, [...]d within a while after, falling in dislike with him, killed him with [...] lesse facilitie and leuitie, then they had chosen him.

[...] And here I cannot omit by the way to make mention of a most strā­ [...], punishment of God vppon the Roman empire,Iulius Capi­tolin. in Gor­diano. in the raigne of Gordian [...]oresaid, by a most terrible, and generall earthquake, whereby the [...]th opened in diuers places, and whole citties with their inhabitants, [...]ere swallowed vp. For the which great sacrifices were made, not onlie [...] Rome, but also ouer all the world (as Capitolinus testifieth: and shortlie [...]ter in the raigne of the two Philips, Rome receiued great detriment by [...]re,Pero Mexia in Philippo. and although Philip was at the later end of his raigne a Christian [...]r as some write, dissembled to be so, to haue the helpe of the Christians [...]gainst Decius) yet it is sure, that he was before, most wicked, and cruell, in [...] much that he is numbred by some amongst the tyrants, yea, and cōpa­ [...]d by Vopiscus for cruelty with Maximinus, Vopiscus in Aureliano. whereof the particulars are [...]ot knowne, because there is litle written of his life, in which respect I [...]aue not nūbred him amōgst the tyrannical emperours. But to proceede.

[...] The souldiars hauing slaine the two Phillips, chose Decius empe­ [...]ur, who declared also his owne sonne for his companion in the em­ [...]re. And the second yeare of his raigne he was ouerthrowne,Pomponius Laetus. and his [...]nne slaine, and his whole army cut in peeces by the Gothes and Scithians, through [Page 148] the treason of Gallus a captaine of his owne,Sext. Aurel. Victor in Decio. An. do. 253. Oros. li. 7. ca. 21. and being hardlie p [...] sued by his enimies, he lepte with his horse into a deepe ditch [...] water, and mudde, wherein he was drowned, and neuer no m [...] seene, or heard of. A iust punishment no doubt, for the great perfe [...] tion which he had raised against the Christians, and in his time a [...] great hurt was done in Rome, by fire, in so much that the Amphithe [...] was burnt.

70 Decius being dead, the souldiars gaue the imperiall title to [...] traitour Gallus, Idem ibidē. An. do. 256. and his sonne Volusianus, and within twoo yea [...] slew them both in fauour of Aemilianus, who being sēt by Gallus agai [...] the Gothes, and hauing giuen them a great ouerthrow, was by his so [...] diars saluted emperour,Sext. Aurel. Victor in Virio Gallo. Eutrop. in Aemiliano li. 10. and in this meane time also, Hostilianus Perpe [...] being chosen emperour by the senate, died of the plague, and AEm [...] nus (who as Eutropius saith) being baselie borne, gouerned the empire baselie, was within foure moneths after his election, slaine also by [...] souldiars.

71 But to speake a word, or two more of Gallus, who succeeded De [...] it is to be vnderstoode, that the Gothes, who ouerthrew, De [...] hauing first forced Gallus to make a shamefull peace with them, [...] condition to pay them a great yearlie tribute,Pomponius Laetus, in Treboniano Gallo. broke the peace prese [...] lie after, and entred againe into the confines of the empire, and [...] stroyed all Macedonia, Misia, Thessalia, and possessed them selues o [...] great part thereof, and of all Thracia, and the Persians did a [...] the like in Mesopotania, and Armonia, and remained in the possess [...] thereof.

72 This affliction was also accompanied with a generall, and most v [...] lent plague, which infested all the Roman empire, infecting the ve [...] water euerie where, in so much that, Orosius saith, it destroied both m [...] and beasts,Oros. li. 7. c. 21. & 27. Eutrop. li. 10 and that there was neither prouince, cittie nor familie, wh [...] was not almost consumed there with, and this no doubt was a iust p [...] nishment of God, for the persecution of the Christians, continued Gallus after the death of Decius.

73 Gallus being slaine as I haue signified, and AEmilianus chosen em [...] rour,Idem ibid. Eutrop. li. 10 by the souldiars of them both, certaine other legions in the A [...] who were vnder the conduct of Valerian, disliking the election of AE [...] lian, made choise of their generall Valeriā to succeede Gallus in the gou [...] ment of the empire, where vppon the souldiars of AEmilian slew [...] and passed to Valerian, An. do. 256 Aurel. Victor in Licinio Valeriano. whose election also the senat admitted.

74 This Valerian being, as Victor saith, a foole, a dullard, and altogeth [...] vnfit, either to counsell, or to execute, chose his sonne Galien for [...] [Page 149] companion in the empire, and within a few yeares was taken prisoner [...]n warre by Sapores king of Persia, Oros. lib. 7. c. 22. who vsed to make him his foote­ [...]toole, when he mounted vppon his horse, and in the end caused him to be fleyed, and salted alyue: which was, no dout a iust iudgement of God vppon him, for his cruel persecution of the Christians,Pero Mexia Agato. orat. Constantini apud Euse­bium. Trebellius Pollio. Sext. Aurel. Victor. Oros. li. 7. ca. 22. Pomponius Laetus. Zozimus. which he [...]till continued after Decius, and Gallus. And allthough Galien his sonne [...]aigned some fifteene yeares, yet the empire endured the greatest mise­rie in his time, that euer was read, or heard of, partlie by the licentious [...]ibertie of the souldiars (whereby thirtie seueral emperours were cho­sen in manie partes of the empire) and partlie by the inuasion of the Gothes, Scithians, and manie other northen people, who destroied a great part of France, and Italie, and came as farre as Rauenna: and partlie by famins, and most horrible plagues, which in his time were vniuersall, and so cruell aswell in Rome, as in other parts, that fiue thousand died thereof some times in one daie, and this saith Zozimus seemed to be some releefe of the other extreame miseries, which were such, that those who were strooken with then plague, thought themselues happie to be rid thereby out of the world.

75 For besides the former calamities, there was a most prodigious darkenes, for manie dayes together,Trebel. Pol­lio. Eusebius ec­cles. hist. li. 7. and such horrible roaring noises heard out of the earth with such earth quakes, that the ground opened in manie places, and swalowed vpp manie houses, with the inhabitants, and the sea-water was found in ditches farre within the land, yea and in some places, the sea it selfe brake in, and drowned manie cities: all which being added to the continuall spoyles, sackes, and bloodshed,Pompon. Lae­tus in Ga­lieno. Iornandes. which happened euerie where throughout Galiens raigne, by the ciuil warrs of the thirtie tyrants abouesaid, and the inundations of barba­rous strangers, may manifest the seueritie of Gods iust, and rigorous iud­gement vppon the Roman empire, and vppon Galien himselfe, who also hauing lead a most brutish, and beastlie life,An. Do. 270 for fifteene yeares (as I haue declared before) was killed in battaile by Aureolus one of the vsurping tyrants, and with Galien were slaine his brother Valerianus, and his owne sonne Saloninus, both which were emperours also, and reigned with him, the former, two yeares, and the latter, a yeare before his death. Besides that, he had imparted also the imperiall dignitie, and title before to Od [...]natus, one of the thirtie tyrants, who had possessed himselfe of all the east parts of the empire, and was afterwards trayterouslie slaine, by a cosen germaine of his owne. So that during these fifteene yeares reigne of Galien, there were fiue emperours which might be counted lawfull: to wit, Galien himselfe, his father Valerian, his brother Valerian, [Page 150] his sonne Saloninus, and Odenatus, though the last was first an vsurper, and after emperour, by composition with Galien.

76 And at the time of Galiens death, Aureolus, who ouerthrew, and slew him,Trebellius Pollio in de­cem Tyran­nis. possessed Milan, and gouerned also all Sclauonia by his captai­nes. And in like manner one Tetricus, an other of the tyrants, had impa­tronized himselfe of all France, and of the greatest part of Spaine, and Germanie; And Zenobia widow of Odenatus, commaunded all the east parts, with the name of empresse. And finallie, the Gothes had in their possession, a great part of Thracia, Macedonia, and manie prouinces both in Europe, and Asia, which I signifie the more particularlie, to shew the miserable distracted state of the Roman empire at that time.

77 After the death of Galien, the souldiars chose Claudius, the second emperour of that name, who was a notable captein, but a great enimie of the Christians,An. do. 272. Trebel. Pol­lio. whom he persecuted, and within two yeeres died of the plague, which in his short raigne was very violent, & vniuersal, be­sids great famin, and the other calamities, that must needes accompanie the continuall warrs he had with the Gothes, Eutrop li. 10 Pompon. Lae­tus. and other barbarous na­tions, who also in his time inuaded the empire, first with three hundreth twentie thousand men, and after with two hundred thousand, all whom he prosperouslie ouerthrew, and slew also Aureolus the tyrant, and re­couered that part of the empire that was in his hands.

78 He was no sooner dead, but the souldiars in Italie, chose for empe­rour his brother Quintilius, Oros. lib. 7. ca. 22. Eutrop. li. 10 Vopiscus in Aureliano. An. do. 272. who had gouerned there in his absence, and was presentlie admitted by the senat. But the victorious armie of Clau­dius in Germanie, elected an other called Aurelianus, whose fame for his great valour, and prowes was such, that Quintilius dispaired to be able to hold the empire, and therefore within seauenteene daies after his ele­ction, killed himselfe, as some say, or as others affirme, was slaine by some of his souldiars, as Aurelianus also was in the end, through a pra­ctise of his owne secretarie, whome he had threatned. This Aurelianus reigned six yeres onlie,An. do. 278. nu. 28. and during that time gouerned most cruellie, as I haue declared before, though in the meane while, he ouerthrew Zen [...] ­bia, Tetricus, and all the other tyrants, and recouered for the empire, all that which they had for some yeares vsurped: neuertheles both he, and the whole empire, receiued not only great disgrace, but also incredible dammage, by the irruptions of the Alnians and Marcomans into Italie, which they spoyled, and destroied pitifullie, and gaue the Romans such a bloudie ouerthrow,Vepisc. in Aurelia. 10. neere to Placentia, vt pene solueretur impertum, that the empire, saith Vopiscus, vvas almost dissolued, and ruined.

79 Aurelian being slaine, Tacitus succeeded by election of the senat, [Page 151] after six moneths vacancie of the empire,Idem in Tacito. for that the souldiars were then so courteous, as it chanced, that they remitted the choise of the emperour to the senate, and the senators were on the other side so respe­ctiue of the souldiars, and so fearefull to offend them, that they refused it, vntill at lenght, after many embassages and replies too and froo, they yeelded to choose Tacitus; Whereby it may appeare, in what seruitude the senat was at that time, and how absolute was the commaunde of the souldiars.

80 But Tacitus died within lesse then six moneths, or asIoan. Bapt. Egnat. in Tacito. An. do. 279. some write was slaine by the souldiars, who also within two moneths after, killedVopisc. in Floriano. Florianus his brother, though they had chosen him emperour before, and the reason was, that the legions in the east, had elected at the same time Aurelius Probus, a man of rare, and singular valour.

81 This Probus, though he was for the short time he raigned,Idem in Probo, Sa­turnino Bo­noso & Pro­culo. one of the most worthy and fortunate emperours in warre, that euer the Roman empire had, hauing recouered France from the Germās, with the slaughter of 400. thousand of them, besids the suppression of three tyrants, Satur­ninus, Proculus and Bonosus, and many notable victories against diuers bar­barous nations,An. do. 283. Pomponius Laetus. yet was killed by his souldiars the fift yeere after his ele­ction. And in his time, Rome was miserablie ransacked by certaine Gla­diatours, who breaking prison to the number of fourescore, and assem­bling a great number of other lost companions, spoyled, and sacked the cittie, with the slaughter of manie.

82 After the death of Probus, the same souldiars, that slew him,Vopiscus in Probo, & Caro. An. do. 284. Idem in Ca­ro & Nume­riano. An eodem. Idem [...]a Nu­meriano & Carino. Pomponius Laetus. chose Carus who was prefect, or capteine of the emperours gards) and he de­clared his two sonnes Numerianus, and Carinus, for his companions in the empire. Carus was within lesse then twoo yeares killed with a thunder­bolt, and Numerianus, who gouerned in the east partes, was also shortlie after slaine by Arrius Aper, his father in law, hoping to make himselfe emperour, though he failed thereof: for the souldiars in place of Nume­rianus, elected Dioclesian, who slew Arrius Aper with his owne hād in re­ [...]eng of Numerianus his death.Nu 29. An. do. 286. And finally Carinus, who gouerned in the west partes, being a most vicious, & cruell tyrant (as I haue declared) was after diuers bloudie conflicts, ouerthrowne, and killed by Dioclesian, in a most cruell battaile in Frāce within lesse thē three yeares after his electiō.

83 This Dioclesian, within two yeares after he was chosen emperour de­clared Maximian, surnamed Herculeus for his companion, in the empire, whome I placed amongst the tyrānicall emperours for that he was most cruell, and bloudy as Victo [...], and Eutropius doe witnesse,Nu. 6. & 30. Sect. A [...]rel. Vist. in Ga­lerio Maxim. and executed not only his owne tyrannicall assignements, but also the rigorous councels [Page 152] and proiects of Dioclesian, who craftelie dissembling his owne crueltie, made him, and others the instruments, and ministers thereof.

84 These two reigned both together twentie yeares. Dioclesian in the east parts,Oros. lib 7. ca. 25. Eutrop. li. 10 Pompon. Lae­tus in Dio­cletiano. and Maximian in Italie, and all the west parts, and for eighteen [...] yeares, they, and the whole empire, were miserablie afflicted, with con­tinuall, and most cruell warrs, partlie by the incursion of the Scithians, Gothes, Sarmati, Alani, Carpi, Cati, Ouati, and other barbarous nations, and partlie by the rebellion of the Quinquegentiani, in Aphrick, and the irruptions of the Almans into France: and partlie also, by the inuasion [...] of Narseus king of Persia, and lastlie by ciuill warrs, with diuers vsur­ping tyrants, who were made emperours by the souldiars, in sundri [...] partes of the empire, as Carausius in Brittanie, Achilleus in Aegipt, and Iu­lianus in Italie, by which meanes, all the Roman empire, was for eigh­teene yeares together, as I haue said, pitifullie distressed, vexed, and spoy­led, though in the end, Dioclesian and Maximian, with the two Caesar (whom they chose to assist them, to wit, Constantius Chlorus, and Galeri [...] Maximianus, surnamed Armentarius) subdued them all, and put the em­pire in peace.

Oros. li. 7. ca. 25. Euseb. eccles. hist. li. 8. c. 1.2.3. &c. An. do. 304. Idem ibid. c. 26. Eutrop. li. 10 An. 307. Sext. Aurel. Victor in Dioclesiano. & Galerio Maximiano An. 316. Sext. Aurel. Vict. Eutrop. li. 11. An do. 306.85 But in the meane time, God extended also his wrath vppon the em­pire, by a terrible earth quake, where with manie thousands of me [...] perished, and in conclusion, Dioclesian, and Maximian, hauing raised th [...] most cruell persecution against the Christians, that euer was in th [...] Church, renounced the empire of their owne voluntarie wills, and retired themselues to a priuat life, and yet neuertheles in the end, they bore the penaltie of their crueltie, aswell toward the Christians, a [...] towards all other.

86 For Maximian, attempting afterwards to recouer the empire, wa [...] taken, and strangled, at Marsels: and Dioclesian hauing receiued some yere [...] after, a threating message, or letter, from Constantin the great, poisone [...] himselfe for feare.

87 These two left the gouerment, and imperial title to the twoo Cae­sars, Constantius Chlorus, and Galerius Maximiamus surnamed Armentan [...] (because he had ben a drouier) of whom the former, succeeding Maxi­mian in the west parts, died within two yeeres after at Yorke in Britanie and the latter, to wit Galerius Maximianus succeeding Dioclesian, no lesse i [...] his persecution of the Christians, then in the gouerment of the eas [...] parts,Euseb. eccles. hist. lib. Oros. lib. 7. ca. 28. Eutrop. li. 11. felt and acknowledged the heauie hand of God vppon himself [...] for the same, being extreamelie tormented, not onlie with an vlcer in his priuie partes, but also with such a horrible disease, proceeding of an inward putrifaction, that he cast aboundance of stinking wormes, ou [...] [Page 153] at his mouth, and hauing put to death manie of his phisicians, because [...]ey could not cure him, he conceiued at last, that it was a punishment [...] God for his persecution of the Christians, and therefore recalled all [...]s former edicts against them, made new in their fauour, yea, and [...]mmended himselfe to their praiers,Idem ibid. An. do. 311. and finding in the end no ease [...] torment, he killed himselfe, as Orosius, and Eutropius, testifie.

[...] And now to end this chapter, and matter, with the three last blou­ [...]e tirants, Maxentius Maximinus, and Licinius (of whom I made men­ [...]on before amongst the tirannicall emperours:) it is to be vnderstood, [...]at Constantius Chlorus, being as I haue signified, dead at York in Brittanny, Eutrop. li. 11. [...]d his sonne Constantin (after surnamed the great) succeeding him in [...]e gouerment of the west parts of the empire, by the election of the [...]uldiars, Galerius Armentarius, who stil gouerned in the east, gaue the [...]le, and dignitie of Caesar, to his nephew Maximinus the same yeare, and [...]axentius, also sonne,Baron. an. 307. or rather as Baronius saith, sonne in law to the em­ [...]rour Maximian aforesaid (according to the inscription of an old coyne [...]elie found) being at the same time in Rome, declared himselfe empe­ [...]ur, by fauour of the praetorian souldiars, and became within a while, [...]e most wicked, and cruell tirant, that euer was in Rome.

For as Eutropius saith, he made the wiues of the senatours, and of the [...]her noble men to be brought him by force, and after he had rauished,Eutrop. li. 11. [...]d dishonored them, he sent them backe to their husbands, who durst [...]t make so much as anie demonstration of sorow, for that he killed [...] anie, not so much for anie offence taken against them, as for his plea­ [...]re, and delight. And such was his barbarous crueltie, that sometimes [...] commaunded his souldiars to goe into the streetes, and to kill all that [...]ey met, of what age, sex, or condition soeuer they were, whereby an [...]finit number of people, saith Eutropius, was murdered.Ibidem. He caused the [...]nators speciallie such as were rich) to be falselie accused, condemned,Euseb. eccles. hist. li. 8. c. 26. [...]d executed, to the end that he might haue the spoile of their goods: [...]d being giuen to the art Magicke, and gouerned wholie by Magicians, [...]e vsed to open the bellies of women with child, and to make his deui­ [...]tions by looking into the intrailes of their infants, whom he also [...]pened for that purpose, and to all this, he added also a most cruell per­ [...]cution of the Christians.

[...] Finallie, such was the feare conceiued of his tirannie, not onlie in [...]ma, but also in all the cities, and townes in that part of Italy, Idem ibid. that most [...]en abandonned their dwellings, and hid them selues, some in caues, [...]nd some in the deserts, where vppon followed extreame famin in Rome, [...]nd thereabout, for lacke of tillage of the ground. For remedie of all [Page 154] which miserie, the senat sent to Cōstantin, and craued his assistaunce, wh [...] marching towards Rome, had that heauenlie vision of the crosse in th [...] aire at midday, and of our Sauiour in his sleepe, by the which he w [...] made a Christian: and after some bloodie battailes, ouerthrew the tira [...] Maxentius, Eutrop. li. 11. who flying into Rome to saue himselfe, and being so hardl [...] pursued, that he was forced to enter vppon a false bridge of boa [...] (which he had made of purpose,Euseb. Eccl. h [...]st. l. 9. c. 8. An. do. 312. to entrap Constantin) Incidit, as the p [...] mist saith, in foueam quam fecit. He fell into the pitt which he made himselfe, for the bridge brake vnder him, and he fell into the riuer Tyb [...] where he was drowned. Thus much concerninge Maxentius, and the m [...] serie of the Romans vnder him, for the space of sixe yeares, for so long [...] reigned, or rather tirannised.

90 No lesse miserable was the east part of the empire, at the same tim [...] and for two yeares after, vnder Maximinus surnamed Iouius, who goue [...] ned there, first as Caesar for the space of fiue yeares, vnder Galerius Arme [...] tarius, and after his death, as emperour for three yeares.

Euseb. Eccl. hist. l. 8. c. 2791 This Maximinus, was, as Eusebius affirmeth, not onlie a great freen [...] and as it were a sworne brother of Maxentius, but also verie like him [...] condition, yea, and more wicked in all respects then he; for besides th [...] he was a mortall enimie, and persecutor of Christians, most libidino [...] giuen to the art magicke, a notorious drunkard, and cruell aboue me [...] sure, he oppressed also all the prouinces of the east part, subiect to h [...] gouerment, with most cruell exactions, impositions, mulcts, and pena [...] ties, he spoiled the richest men to enrich his flatterers, and finallie, [...] gaue his souldiars such free leaue, to vse all kind of rapin, and to sac [...] spoile, and ransacke euerie where throughout his dominions, that the [...] seemed to be no lesse absolute in tirannie then he. And this generall c [...] lamitie was much augmented, with diuers strāge disseases, and the mo [...] pitifull famine,Idem ibid. li. 9. c. 7. and plague, that euer was heard of, as appeareth by th [...] lamentable description thereof, made by Eusebius, who liued in the sam [...] time, and was an eye witnes of it.

92 Here also may be added the bloudie warrs, which Maximinus ha [...] partlie against the Armenians, who defeated him with great slaught [...] of his armie, and partlie against Licinius, who being made Caesar som [...] yeares before, by Galerius Armentarius, gouerned also the east parts o [...] the empire together with Maximinus. And such was the ambition, an [...] intollerable pride of Maximinus, Idem ibid. ca. 8. that he could endure no compan [...] or equall, and therefore sought to suppresse Licinius, who neuerth [...] [...] ouerthrew him, and slew the greatest part of his armie, and in fine G [...] also exacted of Maximinus, the penaltie due to his iustice, for his [...]p [...] tie, [Page 155] and wickednes: for after these other disgraces, and afflictions, he [...]ll sicke with such extreame passion, and paine in his entrails, that he [...]ould neither eat, drinke, nor sleepe, but cast himselfe diuerse times out [...]f his bed, vppon the ground, and so violent was his torment,Ibidem. that his [...]es leapt out of his head, and in the end, after manie daies anguish in [...]is manner, he died, confessing, that God did punish him,An. do. 314. for his per­ [...]cution of the Christians.

[...] Now it resteth onlie, that I speake a word, or twoo of Licinius, who [...]y the death of Maximinus, was the onlie Collegue, and companion in [...]e empire, of Constantine the great, whose sister Constanza he had ma­ [...]ed, hauing now vnder him, all the east parts, as Constantin had the west.

[...]4 This Licinius, was not onlie a persecutor of Christians, but also,Eutrop. li. 11. as [...]trepius affirmeth, most vicious, and coueteous, and such an enimie of [...]arning, that he called it, the poison and plague of common vvealths. And [...]hallie he was, as the same author affirmeth, passionat, and cruell in all [...]tremitie, and therefore when he had serued fifteene yeares for an in­ [...]rument of Gods iustice vppon the empire, he himselfe receiued the due [...]unishment of his wickednes, through his owne foolish ambition,Euseb. in vi­ta Constan­tini li. 2. c. 15.16.17.18. An. do. 318. Sext. Aurel. Victor in Constanti­no. and [...]e enuie he bore to Constantius great glorie, not with standing their affi­ [...]tie, and therefore, first seeking to poison Constantin, and after making [...]pen warr vppon him, he was ouercome by him in two cruel battailes, [...]nd in the end also put to death, by his order, whereby Constantin remai­ [...]ed sole emperour: as almightie God, had in his eternall wisdome, and [...]rouidence ordained, for the extinction of Idolatrie, and the propaga­ [...]on of Christian religion.

[...]5 Therefore, hauing now passed through the whole course of three [...]undred and eighteene yeares after our Sauiours birth, and the raigne [...]f all the pagan emperours, from Augustus to Constantin, as I promised, [...] will therewith end this chapter, and reserue for the next, certaine ob­ [...]ruations, and conclusions, which I meane to draw out of the premis­ [...]es, for the confirmation of my principall intention, and the further [...]tisfaction (as I hope) of my Reader.