MUSIC IN THE ENGLISH MASQUE IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE
                SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
                        by
Peter Gerard Walls
         Thesis submitted for the degree of
        Doctor of Philosophy
                       in the
University of Oxford
                                         ii
ABSTRACT
The texts of Jonsonian masques make extensive use of images which
derive from speculative music, generally to suggest that under the benevolent
and wise rule of the first two Stuarts the British people share in that
harmony which pervades the well-ordered workings of the universe.  A great
deal of music was performed during a masque.  This thesis investigates the
relationship between the literary use of musical images and the music which
was actually performed.
       The special problems inherent in the way the musical and literary
evidence has survived are discussed in the first chapter, and the peculiar
relationship between masque writers and composers is explored.
       The second chapter deals with masque song.  Songs have an important
dramatic function in the masque and analysis of their extant settings shows
that they are stylistically appropriate and sufficiently dignified to sustain
the emphasis given to them.  The nature of the differences between music in
the main masque and various types of antimasque is examined.  It is shown
that the use of song in both antimasque and main masque must be seen in the
context of a complex differentiation between different modes of verbal commu-
nication.  The question of the use of recitative is examined in the light of
this differentiation.
       The third chapter (on dance) begins by demonstrating that masque songs
interpret and give significance to the masquers' set dances and the revels.
Renaissance dance manuals are used in conjunction with Inigo Jones's drawings
and textual evidence to show that the contrast between antimasque and main
masque was given vivid choreographic expression.  Parallel contrasts in the
instrumentation of dance music are discussed in the wider context of the
dramatic use of different types of instrumental music in the masque.  Finally,
a large body of masque dance music is analysed to show that the effects
achieved through choreography and instrumentation were reinforced by the
structure of the dance music itself.
                                                         iii
Jacobean court masques form a reasonably cohesive group, sharing many
musical conventions, and using very similar musical resources.  The dis-
cussions of the Caroline court masque in Chapter 4 and masques away from
court in Chapter 5 concentrate on the ways in which the Jacobean court masque
model was adapted to different circumstances.  The development of a new type of
antimasque in the Caroline masque is explored and its musical implications
considered.  Inigo Jones's most ambitious Caroline masque tableaux are con-
sidered in relation to humanist architectural and musical ideals.  William
Lawes' masque music is used to show the development from the use of discrete
songs and dances in the Jacobean masque towards larger-scale musical struc-
tures in the later period.  Some attempt is made to account for the apparent
simplicity of Lawes' masque music in comparison with his other compositions.
His keen sense of dramatic effectiveness is demonstrated by comparing his
music for <uBritannia Triumphans>u with Davenant's published text.
       The chapter on masques away from court begins by suggesting that despite
the wide range of artistic competence and musical resources of these produc-
tions many of them show some grasp of the musical conventions of court masques.
Then the use of music in four major masques away from court, Jonson's <uGypsies>
u
<uMetamorphosed,>u Milton's <uComus>u, and Shirley's two private masques is disc
ussed.
<uComus>u is seen as a critical exploration of the masque genre in which music i
s
used partly in a way which  establishes continuity with the court masque, and
partly in a way which leads one to question the assumptions on which the
masque form depends.
       It is clear that the vocal and instrumental music and the choreographic
elements cooperated with and contributed to the literary and dramatic concerns
of the masque.  The example of the music of Fame is used to show that this
was more often a matter of general consonance between music and literary con-
cept than a precise musical representation of the idea.  <uOberon>u is discussed
as a way of seeing how the various elements examined in earlier chapters
could combine to produce a work which is dramatically and musically coherent.
                  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My first debt is to my supervisor, Dr. F.W. Sternfeld, for his help
and support.  His interest in my welfare has extended beyond the thesis itself.
Dr. John Caldwell supervised my work for two terms and has since then willingly
given of his time on the several occasions I have sought his help.  I should
like to express my gratitude to Professor Joseph Kerman for his interest and
encourgagement and to Professor Stephen Orgel for many fruitful discussions
during the few months he was in Oxford, and for reading and commenting on some
of my work.  Dr. Roger Savage of Edinburgh University has most generously
offered a profusion of helpful criticisms and stimulating suggestions.
       I should also like to thank those who have helped me in ways which are
less directly related to the thesis.  Professor D.F. McKenzie of Victoria
University of Wellington, New Zealand, excited my interest in renaissance
literature and gave me much encouragement to undertake this research.  I am
grateful to some friends, especially Michael Lowe and Patrick Corran whose
interests in performance have given me a sense of the relevance of my
research and Bernard Thomas for generous collaboration in publishing.
       My debt to my wife, Kathryn, is too great and has too many facets to be
satisfactorily acknowledged here.  Most recently she has many times turned
aside from her own work to consider numerous points of style and argument.
       I should like to thank the University Grants Committee of New Zealand
for the post-graduate scholarship which made my work possible, and the
Committee for Graduate Studies in the University of Oxford, and the governing
body of Exeter College for financial assistance over the past twelve months.
       Mr. Robert Spencer generously allowed me access to the Margaret Board
Lute manuscript, and I have had the benefit of comparing some of my concor-
dances of Jacobean dance music with Mr. Peter Holman's.
       I am grateful to the staff of the following libraries for personal
assistance and for providing microfilms:  the Bodleian Library, the Biblio-
the\que Nationale, Paris, the British Library, Cambridge University Library,
                                                                     vi
the library of Christ Church, Oxford, the Courtauld Institute, Edinburgh
University Library' the Herzog-August-Bibliothek, Wolfenbuttel, the National
Library of Scotland, the New York Public Library, the libraries of St, Michael's
College, Tenbury, Trinity College, Cambridge, and Trinity Co lege, Dublin.
Finally I should like to thank the Bodleian Library, and the libraries of
Christ Church and the Courtauld Institute for the plates used in this thesis.
                                       vii
CONTENTS
<uVolume I>u
                                   Page
                                     ii
v
                                     ix
x
Chapter
       I.
              Speculative and Practical Music in the Masque  1
Attitudes to the Masque
              The Nature of Masque Texts  ...   ...
Musical Sources for the Jacobean Masque
              Musical Sources for the Caroline Masque
The Question of Musical Responsibility
                              ...   ...   ...   ...
The Function and Types of Masque Song
                                                              52
The Place of Vocal Music in the Antimasque    85
                                                             101
114
                                                             114
119
                                                             141
155
                                                             173
174
                                                             183
188
                                                             199
199
                                                             207
211
                                                             220
226
                                                             226
231
                                                             242
                                          viii
CONTENTS (cont.)
    <uVolume II>u
Appendix
        A.
               First Line Index of Masque Songs with
Extant  Seventeenth-Century Settings
               The Problems of Ascribing Masque Dances
Edition of Dances from the Jacobean Masque   273
LIST OF MANUSCRIPTS    ...   ...   ...   ...   ...   ...   475
BIBLIOGRAPHY
       Musical Sources ...   ...   ...   ...   ...   ...   477
  General   ...   ...   ...   ...   ...   ...   ...   479
LIST OF PLATES
                                         Page
'If all these Cupids', from Christ Church,
Oxford, MS. 439, p. 93.
(a)  Inigo Jones, antimasque characters for
<uBritannia Triumphans>u, from the collection of
the Duke of Devonshire.
(b)   Thoinot Arbeau, <uOrche/sographie>u (Langres,
                      ...   ...   ...   ... following 125
III.    (a)  Inigo Jones, 'A Noble Persian Youth'; design
        for <uThe Temple of Love>u, from the collection of
 the Duke of Devonshire.
        (b)  Cesare Negri, <uNuove Inventioni di Balli>u,
 (Milan, 1604), p. 36        ...   ...   ... following 125
        (a)  Inigo Jones, 'Influences of the Stars';
 design for <uAlbion's Triumph>u, from the collection
        of the Duke of Devonshire.
 (b)  Cesare Negri, <uNuove Inventioni di Balli>u, p.131
        p. 131.   ...   ...   ...   ...   ...   ... following 725
 Inigo Jones, 'The Suburbs of a Great City'; design
        for <uSalmacida Spolia>u, from the collection of the
 Duke of Devonshire.   ...   ...   ...   ...    facing 187
                                PREFACE
i.   <uThe Scope of the Topic>u
     The thesis deals with music in the English masque in the first half of
the seventeenth century.  The precise limits which that implies need some
clarification.  I am concerned both with masques performed at court and their
imitations.  All are dramatic presentations which include revels (or, less
frequently, a banquet) and in which members of the social milieu to which it
is presented play a role which is thought to be consonant with their station
in society.  Apart from masques presented at court, this description includes
masques performed at the inns of court, and certain entertainments presented
in the houses of nobility or (in a few cases) at schools.
     Chapters II and III are concerned with song and dance in the Stuart
court masque as a whole, although the focus of both chapters is on the
Jacobean (and especially the Jonsonian) court masque.  Chapter IV deals with
those features of the Caroline court masque which are distinct from Jacobean
masques and Chapter V is concerned with masques performed away from court in
so far as they are different from court masques.  These later chapters are
not, therefore, completely self contained;  where it seems relevant I have
referred both to Caroline court masques and to private masques in the earlier
chapters.
     Indoor entertainments are often like private masques, but they do not
provide for the entrance of masquers or the dancing of revels.  Some of them,
such as the barriers printed as part of the <uHymenaei>u text, or the so-called
<uMasque of Owls>u, have no musical interest, although others, such as <uThe Ent
er->u
<utainment at Welbeck>u  contain quite a lot of music and musical reference.
Many of the more general points made in this thesis about the function of
music in the masque depend on the fact that there is a basic structural
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   A setting by William Lawes of the opening song in this entertainment
survives in the Bodleian Library MS. Mus. Sch. B. 2.  See Murray Lefkowitz,
<uWilliam Lawes>u (1960), pp. 16, 796.
                                     - Xl  -
pattern which is repeated in masque after masque.  Indoor entertainments are
less regular in form, although they often contain episodes which are like
antimasques, or songs which are like masque songs.  The most masque-like of
these entertainments are given some attention in the chapter on private
masques.
     It has not been possible to deal with the entertainments held at various
colleges in Oxford and Cambridge during the first half of the seventeenth
century, even though some of these had much in common with the court masque.
In one of the entertainments performed at St. John's College, Oxford, between
the end of October and mid-February 1607-8, masquers danced the measures, and
an 'anticke' was 'daunced well to the great delite of the beholders'.1  No
outdoor entertainments are included in this study.  Semi-dramatic garden
entertainments often contain quite a lot of music and the conjunction of
musical and imaginative elements is sometimes finely conceived, but it is
quite distinct from the use of music in the masque.  These entertainments are,
of course, exclusively pastoral and they developed a set of musical conven-
tions and devices which are not completely shared even by pastoral masques.
Two of these garden entertainments, those at Ashby and Caversham, lead into
full masques which are dealt with in the chapter on private masques.
     Civic entertainments were influenced by the masque (or shared some of
its concerns) but the little music they contain tends to be very different
from masque music.  Many of these took place largely in the open air (as part
of the Lord Mayor's progress across London), and consequently there was very
little singing (although two printed descriptions of such entertainments
included the music for a song).3
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1.   <uThe Christmas Prince>u, ed. W.W. Greg and F.S. Boas (Oxford, 1922), p. 19
3.
2.   See, for example, David M. Bergeron, <uEnglish Civic Pageantry>u (1971), p.
 218
(on the development of 'antimasques' in Lord Mayors' Shows).
3.   Thomas Middleton, <uThe Triumphs of Truth>u (1613) and John Squire, <uTes I
renes>u
<uTrophaea or The Tryumphs of Peace>u (1620).  Bergeron  op.cit., mentions the
music published with Squire's entertainment (p. 203), but not that published
with Middleton's.
                                - Xii -
Plays with masque elements (even court pastorals like <uFlorimene>u, with
its associated 'ante-masques') and the class of dramatic presentations
described by W.J. Lawrence as 'substantive theatre masques'  lie outside the
bounds of this thesis.  Although the title pages of substantive theatre
masques often advertise them as 'courtly masques', they are structurally
much closer to stage plays than to court masques:  the masque element consists
mainly of a higher proportion of song and dance than would normally be found
in a play for the public theatre, and a superficially allegorical plot.
     Finally, the time-limit indicated in the title is a flexible one.
Although the last court masque was performed in 1640, a number of private
masques were presented after that date.  It would have seemed a pity not to
comment, however briefly, on James Shirley's <uCupid and Death>u (1653 and 1659)
since this private masque is of real interest, not just because a complete
score survives for it, but because it is such an important link between the
early seventeenth-century masque and the later seventeenth century musical
drama.
ii.  <uPrevious Research>u
     Twentieth century critical interest in the masque began on the continent.
R. Brotanek published <uDie englischen Maskenspiele>u in 1902 dealing with the
origins, development, and technique of the masque, and in 19O9 Paul Reyher
published his more extensive study, <uLes Masgues Anglais>u.  Reyher dealt with
the period from 1512, the year in which an Italian entertainment 'called a
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
------
1.   'Early Substantive Theatre Masques', <uTLS>u, 8 December 1921, p. 814, and
'The Origin of the Substantive Theatre Masque', <uPre-Restoration Stage Studies>
u
(1927), pp. 325-39.
2.   There are a number of nineteenth century publications containing editions
of masque texts:  J. Nichols, <uThe Progresses, Processions, and Magnificent>u
<uFestivals of King James the First>u, 4 vols. (1828);  P. Cunningham, <uInigo>u
<uJones: A Life>u (1848); Ben Jonson, <uMasques and Entertainments>u, ed. H. Mor
ley
(1890);  and H.A. Evans (ed.), <uEnglish Masques>u (1897).  The first survey of
the English masque was a published thesis by A. Soergel entitled <uDie>u
<uenglischen Maskenspiele>u (Halle, 1882).
                                   - Xiii -
maske' a thyng not seen afore in Englande' was introduced in the court of
Henry VIII, until 1640, the year of the last Stuart court masque.  Hence his
study is a fairly broad survey of the English masque as a whole.  He includes
a chapter on music, but prefaces it with the caution that,
     Il ne saurait etre question, dans ces quelques pages, d'etudier la
     musique des ballets, encore moins de la juger;  seuls des critiques
     competents, musiciens et historiens de la musique, peuvent entre-
     prendre un pareil travail.  Notre objet est simplement d'indiquer,
     dans la mesure du possible, la part faite a\ cet art dans les ballets,
     sans nous preoccuper encore une fois de la valeur intrinseque ou de
     l'intere\t historique des compositions musicales.2
In this chapter, and the one following on dance, he does no more than attempt
to indicate the extent of music and dancing from the more obvious references
in masque texts.  Amongst his appendices he included a note on music adding
to and correcting Brotanek's list of surviving masque music known and
identified at that time.  He also published transcriptions of a number of
documents relating to masque performances, and a calendar of masques performed
between 1603 and 1640.
     The first significant English work on the masque was Percy Simpson and
C.F. Bell's  Designs by Inigo Jones for Masques and Plays at Court,  which
was published by the Walpole Society in 1924.  The first extensive literary
study in English of the masque was Enid Welsford's <uThe Court Masque:  A study>
u
<uin the relatioship between Poetry and the Revels>u, published in 1927.  This
remains the most thorough exposition of the history and development of the
English masque and of its continental sources and analogues.
     In 1937, Allardyce Nicoll's important study of masque staging, <uStuart>u
<uMasques and the Renaissance Stage>u was published.  Four years later, the
masque volume in the Herford and Simpson edition of Jonson's works appeared,
and so at last, a good scholarly edition of Jonson's masques was available.
Following the publication of this volume, D.J. Gordon published a number of
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   Paul Reyher, <uLes Masques Anglais>u (Paris and London, 1909), p. 12n.
2.   Ibid., p. 424.
articles on Jonson masques.  The first full critical study of these works
did not appear, however, until 1965 when Stephen Orgel's <uThe Jonsonian Masque>
u
was published.  This book seems to have signalled a new period of literary
interest in the masque.  A year later, J.C. Meagher published <uMethod and>u
<uMeaning in Jonson's Masques>u which he described as 'an attempt at placing the
Jonsonian masques in their rather complicated context in order to elucidate
their meaning and explicate their design'.   The title of the first chapter,
'Backgrounds', characterizes the whole book quite well:  there are other
chapters on music and dance which insist, quite rightly, that the use of
music, dance, and musical images in the Jonsonian masque should be seen in
the context of speculative music.
     In 1967, <uA Book of Masques in Honour of Allardyce Nicoll>u (edited by
T.J.B. Spencer and Stanley Wells) provided usable editions of fourteen masque
texts, about half of which were unavailable in modern editions.  In 1973,
Stephen Orgel and Roy Strong published their monumental two-volume <uInigo Jones
:>u
<uThe Theatre of the Stuart Court>u which supersedes Simpson and Bell's  Designs
;
it contains reproductions of all Inigo Jones's stage designs placed in the
context of the relevant texts and documentary evidence.
     The emphasis of musicological research on the masque has so far been on
identifying music which was actually used in original performances.  Numerous
articles by J.P. Cutts describing seventeenth century song manuscripts show
that he, particularly, was on the alert for any play or masque songs.  The
extension of this concern to dance music, however, has not been at all
fruitful and has deflected attention away from more rewarding and interesting
aspects of the music.  Articles by W.J. Lawrence, J.P. Cutts, and David
Fuller, and a thesis by Jean Elizabeth Knowlton are largely concerned with
identifying the original context of masque dances.  Their work is discussed
more fully in Appendix C where the problems of dance ascription are outlined.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1.   J.C. Meagher, <uMethod and Meaning in Jonson's Masques>u (Notre Dame,
Indiana, 1966), p. vi.
Of these writers, Knowlton is the only one who attempts any extensive
evaluation of the dance music, but her conclusion - that it was 'strictly
background music' lacking 'warmth or expressiveness, tuneful melody and
lively rhythms'  - betrays a fundamental lack of sympathy with her material.
     Andrew Sabol's <uSongs and Dances for the Stuart Masque>u (1959) has served
a useful purpose in making some songs from the Stuart masque available for
literary scholars.  The dances included were selected on the basis of very
suspect attributions to particular masques, and they were adapted for key-
board in a way which obscures their real character (although straightforward
transcriptions were published above these keyboard adaptations).  This book
is now out of print and there is a great need for a new volume which would
cover the same ground in a more comprehensive and musicologically accep-
table fashion.
     Murray Lefkowitz's publication, <uTrois Masques a la Cour de Charles 1>u
<ud'Angleterre>u (1970) provides an edition of all the music from court masques
found in the William Lawes autograph manuscript, Bodleian MS. Mus. Sch. B.
2, as well as the other vocal music known to him at the time, and the texts
for the relevant three masques.  This is a most useful publication although
there are a few inaccuracies in the edition of the music, and it is a pity
that the texts provided are not in a critical edition.
     There are several articles which have made quite significant contri-
butions.  In 1948, Otto Gombosi clarified the significance of the term
'measures' so frequently found in masque texts in an article entitled
'Some Musical Aspects of the English Court Masque'.  In 1965 Murray
Lefkowitz, and in 1966 Andrew Sabol published articles on the contents of
the Longleat Papers of Bulstrode Whitelocke which contained much valuable
information about the performances of <uThe Triumph of Peace>u.  Ian Spink
first articulated his views on the importance of masque song in the
1.   Jean Elizabeth Knowlton, 'Some Dances of the Stuart Masque Identified
and Analyzed' (Unpublished Ph. D. thesis, Indiana University, 1966), pp. 489f.
2.  Publication details of all books and articles to which only general
reference is made here may be found in the Bibliography.
Development of an English declamatory style in his paper 'English Cavalier
Song  published in the <uProceedings of the Royal Musical Association>u (1959-60
),
and he developed these ideas further in <uEnglish Song, Dowland to Purcell>u,
published in 1974.  (His views are discussed in Chapter II.)
     There are several important studies of the masque from a literary and
visual point of view.  In this thesis I have attempted to give the music in
the masque the same kind of detailed scrutiny and careful evaluation that
these other elements have received.  The form itself demands that musicolo-
gical investigation be evenly balanced with literary judgement.  Since inter-
disciplinary studies are fraught with dangers, a brief apologia seems
necessary here.
     One of the most stimulating literary/musical studies of this period is
John Hollander's <uThe Untuning of the Sky>u.  Hollander's insights often seem
applicable to the masque, although he does not deal with the court masque at
all.  A full study of music in the masque requires more than the extension
of Hollander's approach to masque material, however, since the form embraces
both speculative and practical music.  There are some significant studies of
the use of music in a dramatic context,  but these could not be used as
models for an undertaking such as this since it has special pitfalls.  Music
in the masque, unlike songs or instrumental music embedded in a play, begins
as an independent and necessary element of the entertainment, which is yoked
more or less successfully to the imaginative design by the skill of the
'inventor'.  One could, therefore, see the masque as some seventeenth-century
commentators saw it, as a seemingly gratuitous combination of 'excellent
scenes, ingenious speeches, rare songs, and a great varietie of most
delicate musique'.   The integration of the elements cannot be taken for
granted.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.   See, for example, F.W. Sternfeld, <uMusic in Shakespearean Tragedy>u (1963)
.
2.   Edmund Howes referring to Ben Jonson's <uOberon>u;  quoted by Nichols,
<uProgresses of James I>u, Vol. II, p. 375.
                                - xvii -
If one were dealing with late sixteenth century Florentine <uintermedii>u
or French <uballets de cour>u, the theories of the <ucamerata>u surrounding Coun
t
Bardi, or of the <uAcademie>u founded by Baif would give a basis for relating
specific elements of musical style to the humanist theory which informs the
texts of these entertainments.  The representation of a golden age and the
concepts of an acceptable musical style met in the imitation of the ancients.
In England, there was no musical theory to bridge the gap between humanist
myth and musical composition, at least in such specific matters of style.
Even the titles of early seventeenth century musical treatises emphasise that
they were concerned almost exclusively with practical questions:  Coperario's
<uRules How to Compose>u, Campion's <uNew Way of making Four Parts in Counterpoi
nt>u,
Morley's <uPlain and Easy Introduction to Practical Music>u, or Simpson's
<uCompendium of Practical Music>u.  (The titles - and the contents of continen-
tal treatises make an obvious contrast:  compare, for example, Vicenzo
Galilei's <uDialogo della Musica antica e della moderna>u of 1581, or Marin
Mersenne's <uHarmonie Universelle>u of 1636.)
     The critical task is therefore one of establishing how music was
presented dramatically in the masque, and then, through close examination of
the surviving music itself, of deciding whether or in what sense it is in
keeping with the other elements in the masque.  For much of the time one is
juxtaposing literary analysis and musical analysis to arrive at conclusions
about the relationship between the two elements.  Literary and musical
evidence are often drawn together by documentary evidence which relates to
both dramatic and musical aspects of masque productions.  A continuously
integrated discussion of text and extant music is only rarely possible, and
often the integration of the two elements comes only in the conclusions
drawn from related but separate lines of investigation.  The kind of very
integrated discussion of music and libretto found in the chapter on three
masques in Wilfrid Mellers' <uHarmonious Meeting>u (1965) is for this particular
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-------
1.   Part II, Chapter 2 deals with Thomas Campion's <uLord Hay's Masque>u, Willi
am
Browne's <uInner Temple Masque>u, and Milton's <uComus>u.  (Part II, Chapter 4 i
s
concerned in part with James Shirley's <uCupid and Death.>u)
- xviii -
topic unsatisfactory and misleading since it assumes (wrongly, I think) that
the relationship between literary or dramatic elements and the music in the
masque is comparable to the relationship between opera libretto and music.
     Finally, it would be quite impossible to discuss the dramatic function
of the dance music without considering the choreography of the dances them-
selves;  thus the topic is even more broadly inter-disciplinary than might
at first be expected.
             <uChapter I>u
THE TOPIC:  BACKGROUND AND SOURCES
1.   <uSpeculative and Practical Music in the Masque>u
     In Samuel Daniel's <uVision of the Twelve Goddesses>u (the first full masqu
e
of James I's reign), Iris describes Britain as 'the land of civil music and
of rest' (line 259).   The phrase indicates quite succinctly the symbolic
importance music assumed in the Stuart masque.  Jonson often uses a similar
form of expression;  in <uThe Irish Masque>u, for example, a gentleman proclaims
to an Irish Bard,
          This is that IAMES of which long since thou sung'st,
Should end our countreyes most vnnaturall broyles;
          And if her eare, then deafned with the drum,
 Would stoupe but to the musique of his peace,
          Shee need not with the spheares change harmo
                                                  (lines 156-160)
'The music of his peace' is a key phrase;  Jonson uses it in two later
masques.  In <uNews from the New World>u, the herald who introduces the masquers
proclaims to the king that their movements are formed 'to the musicke of
your peace' (line 314), and in <uPan's Anniversary,>u a shepherd reports that
all the bravest spirits of Arcadia are discussing what rites would be best
fitted to 'the Musique of his peace' (line 68).  Later, the shepherd calls
forth the masquers in a speech which reiterates the concept of a social
harmony with its source in the good government of the king:
          And come you prime Arcadians forth, that taught
By PAN the rites of true societie,
          From his loud Musicke, all your manners wraught
And made you Common-wealth a harmonie ...    (lines 159-62)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--------
1.   This and all subsequent line references to this masque are from the
 edition in <uA Book of Masques>u, ed. T.J.B. Spencer and S. Wells (Cambridge, 1
967).
      The spelling in all quotations is the same as that in the source cited.
Italicization is indicated by underlining, but in passages where the original
is printed in italic type with only the occasional word in roman type this
procedure has been reversed.
2.   This and all subsequent line references to masques by Ben Jonson are
from <uBen Jonson>u, ed. C.H. Herford and Percy and Evelyn Simpson, 11 vols.
(Oxford, 1925-52), Vol. VII.
                                    - 2 -
In <uHymenaei>u, Hymen speaks in praise of union for bringing 'eu'rie discord
in true musique' (line 102) and later, Reason asks, 'all is <upeace>u, and <ulou
e>u
and <ufaith>u, and <ublisse>u:  What <uharmony>u like this?' (line 326f.).  In L
ove
<uRestored>u, Cupid gives the king a similar, if slightly more extensive,
definition of the harmony the masquers are about to demonstrate in their
dancing:
          As <umusique>u them in forme shall put,
          So will they keep their measures true,
And make still their proportions new,
          Till all become one <uharmonie,>u
Of <uhonor>u, and of <ucourtesie>u,
          True <uvalure>u, and <uvrbranitie,>u
 Of <uconfidence>u, <ualacritie>u,
          Of <upromptnesse>u, and of <uindustrie,>u
<uHabilitie>u, <uRealitie>u.
          Nor shall those graces euer quit your Court ...
                                                  (lines 260-69)
Civil music, the harmony of the commonwealth, 'the well-set partes of our
affections and our harts'1 - such phrases are only the most obvious
expressions of a set of ideas which recur again and again in masque texts.
They imply a humanist acceptance or use of speculative music, a theory which
accounted for the ultimate position of music in the created universe.  The
music of the king's peace was not just a figure of speech, but a reference
to another dimension of musical harmony, that which informed a healthy body
or a well-governed body politic.
into three species, called by Boethius <umusica mundana, musica humana>u, and
<umusica instrumentalis>u.  <uMusice mundana>u is the harmony of the well-ordere
d
motions of the universe and it has its most specific manifestation in the
music of the spheres. <uMusice humana>u is the harmony which characterizes a
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1.   <uTethys Festival>u,lines 335f.  This and all subsequent line references
to this masque are from Samuel Daniel, <uThe Complete Works>u, ed. A.B. Grosart,
5 vols. (1885-6), Vol. III.
2.   A full discussion of speculative music may be found in John Hollander,
<uThe Untuning of the Sky>u (1961; rpt. New York, 1970), especially Chapters
II and IV.
physically and mentally healthy body:  it is, in other words, a microcosmi
parallel to the macrocosmic harmony which Boethius termed musica mundana
The harmony of a human body ought also to be evident in the body politic of
the commonwealth.  <uMusica instrumentalis>u is music performed by singers and
instrumentalists and it is governed by the rules of practical music.  Each
of these three species of music should be seen, not as completely separate
phenomena, but as different aspects or manifestations of a universal harmony.
Normally only <umusica instrumentalis>u, the most inconsequential of the three
branches of music, was audible to our imperfect human faculties.
       Linked to this division of music into three species are the ideas
expressed in the Orpheus, Arion, and Amphion myths, that practical music, or
<umusica instrumentalis>u, could by a kind of sympathetic vibration influence th
e
harmony of creation.  The effects of music were such that, by playing in the
right modes, a skilled musician could incite men to war, placate them once
they were roused, or cure a distempered body.
      The quantity and variety of music actually performed during the presen-
tation of a court masque was very great indeed.  When the king entered the
masquing room and took his seat under the state, the music of loud wind
instruments was heard.  The performance which followed usually fell into two
parts:  an antimasque and a main masque.  The grotesque or comic antimasque
contrasted strongly with the main masque and was often, although by no means
always, in moral opposition to it.  It always contained at least one dance,
and sometimes it included singing as well.  When this world of misrule or
vulgarity vanished (at a visually spectacular moment known as the transformation
scene), more loud music was heard.  The masquers were revealed and came forward
to music, and from this point until the dancing of the revels they would
perform several set dances which were interspersed with a number of songs.
Another song introduced the revels in which the masquers (courtiers, and not
professional actors like the performers in the antimasque) 'took out' members
of the audience to dance with them.  After several hours of dancing, another
song, and possibly a final set dance, brought the entertainment to a close.
The variations on that pattern were manifold, but it will serve in the mean-
time as an index of the amount and variety of music which was heard in the
courtly masque.
      Masque texts contain substantial literary use of musical ideas;  they
also indicate that a great deal of music was actually performed in the presen-
tation of a masque.  This thesis sets out to investigate the relationship
between these two musical dimensions, which we may refer to as speculative
and practical music.  It seeks to establish how far and in what hays the
music performed in the masque could articulate, project, or validate the
allusions to speculative music which informed the text, and how far the
elements of speculative music in the text could give special significance to
the music and dancing actually performed.  It is thus concerned with the
dramatic function given to music by the words of the text and by the overall
imaginative device, and with the suitability of the actual music to its
dramatic function.
      At the outset it may be said that a meaningful relationship between
speculative and practical  music is strongly implied by the type of dramatic
role given to performing musicians in the masque.  The musicians who sang and
played in the main masque were invariably characterized in a way which gave
them a certain dignity, and their utterances an oracular weight.
      In <uThe Masque of Beauty>u, Vulturnus claimed that
         Hither, as to their new <uElysium>u,
           The spirits of the antique <uGreekes>u are come,
<uPoets>u and <uSinge[r]s>u, <uLinus>u, <uOrpheus>u all
           That have excell'd in knowledge musicall ...
                                             (lines 136-39)
The musicians in the masque appear as the confirmation of this announcement,
since they 'represented the <uShades>u of the olde <uPoets>u, and were attir'd i
n a
<uPriest>u-like habit of <uCrimson>u, and <uPurple>u, with <uLaurell>u gyrlonds'
 (lines 245ff.).
The double suggestion of Orphic and priest-like status was made in masque
after masque.  It is, of course, a dramatic representation of the renaissance
commonplaces that 'the Ancients called <uPoesy, Artem musicam>u',  and that poet
s
'range, only reined with learned discretion, into the divine consideration
of what may be and should be' and therefore, 'may justly be termed vates' 2
      In <uLove Freed from Ignorance and Folly>u, Love is the prisoner of the
Sphynx and must solve her riddle to be free.  Love complains that Ignorance
      Thinkes she doth her selfe aduance,
           If of problemes cleare, shee make
Riddles, and the sense forsake,
           Which came gentle from the Muses,
Till her vttring, it abuses.
                                          (lines 235-39)
The insight necessary to solve the enigma comes, significantly, in a song
performed by the musicians who are here characterized as the Muses' Priests.3
      In <uThe Somerset Masque>u, the Orphic guise of the musicians is given a
more specifically musical slant, and they appear as 'Harmony with nine
Musitians more, in long Taffata robes and caps of Tinsell, with Garlands
  .        .        .                     4
guilt' playing and singing  (lines 31ff.).   In Browne's <uMasque of the Inner>u
<uTemple>u, the musicians are not actually called the Muses' priests, but they
are dressed in 'crimson taffeta robes, with chaplets of laurel on their heads,
their lutes by them' (lines 139f.).   In <uNeptune's Triumph>u Jonson prescribed
that '<uApollo>u, with <uMercury,>u some <uMuses>u & the Goddesse <uHarmony>u ma
ke the
musique' (line  335).  For <uThe Fortunate Isles>u this had been reduced to
'APOLLO with <uHarmony>u, and the spirits of Musique' (lines 445f.).  In both
cases the characterization suggests that the music performed in the main
masque approaches harmonic perfection and that the words sung have a more
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1.    Jonson's gloss on <uThe Masque of Beauty>u, line 139 (quoted above).
2.    Sir Philip Sidney, <uAn Apology for Poetry>u (1595), lines 292-95;  in
<uEnglish Critical Texts>u, ed. D.J. Enright and Ernst de Chickera (1962).
3.    The riddle in this masque, like the one in <uThe Masque of Blackness>u
(lines 189ff.), has at its heart the analogy between James I and the sun.
4.    This and all subsequent line references to masques by Thomas Campion
are from <uCampion's Works>u, ed. Percival Vivian (Oxford, 1909).
5.    This and all subsequent line references to this masque are from <uA Book>u
<uof Masques>u.
than mortal authority.  Townshend uses exactly the same characterization in
<uTempe Restored>u where '<uHarmony>u comes foorth attended by a <uChorus>u of M
usique'
(p. 88).   He gives another group of musicians the even higher status of
'the eight spheres' (p. 90).
      Other later masques repeat the idea of musicians as venerable poets
or priests.  In <uAlbion's Triumph>u, one group of musicians appear as '<uOrpheu
s>u,
<uAmphion>u, <uArion>u, and three old Poets and Musicians more' (p. 61).  There
is
also a chorus of High Priests and Sacrificers in this masque (p. 71).  There
is a chorus of Poets in Davenant's <uTemple of Love>u, and in <uThe Triumph of>u
<uPeace>u the musicians were 'like priests and sibyls, sons and daughters of
Harmony, some with coronets, others with wreaths of laurel and myrtle, playing
upon their lutes' (lines 85ff.).   (Bulstrode Whitelocke described these
musicians as being 'in the habits of heathen priests'.)3
      In many other masques the musicians are still presented as priests,
In <uThe Haddington Masque>u they appeared as Hymen's priests, in <uThe Masque o
f>u
<uthe Inner Temple and Gray's Inn>u they were the priests of Jove, and in <uThe>
u
<uMemorable Masque>u the 'choice musicians of our kingdom' appeared 'attired lik
e
Virginian priests, by whom the sun is there adored, and therefore called the
                    4
Phoebades' (p. 439).   In <uTime Vindicated>u, the Chorus is described simply as
'certaine <uVotaries>u' (line 273), and in <uPan's Anniversary>u the musicians a
re
'atty'rd like the Priests of Pan' (lines 48f.).  The chorus in <uLove's Triumph>
u
<uthrough Callipolis>u are not actually called priests but they 'walke about wit
h
their censers' (line 82).  In Davenant's <uTemple of Love>u the musicians are
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1.    This and all subsequent page references to masques by Aurelian Townshend
are from <uAurelian Townshend's Poems and Masks>u, ed. E.K. Chambers, (Oxford, 1
912).
2.    This and all subsequent line references to Shirley's <uThe Triumph  of>u
<uPeace>u is from <uA Book of Masques>u.
3.    Bulstrode Whitelocke, <uMemorials of English Affairs>u (1732), p. 2O.
4.    This and all subsequent page references to this masque are from George
Chapman, <uThe Plays and Poems of George Chapman:  The Comedies>u, ed. T.M. Parr
ott
(1914).
Brachmani and Priests of the Temple of Love, and in <uThe Triumphs of the>u
<uPrince d'Amour>u we are confronted with three groups of musicians, Priests of
Mars, Venus, and Apollo.1
      Occasionally musicians were dignified in other ways;  in <uHymenaei>u they
appeared as 'spirites of the ayre' (line 222), and in <uOberon>u there are fairy
musicians.  Musicians in <uThe Masque of Flowers>u are presented as
      The Garden-gods, in number twelve, apparelled in long robes
     of green rich taffeta, caps on their heads and chaplets of
                                                          (lines 307-09)2
Interestingly, the convention of having musician-priests was so well estab-
lished by this time (1614) that later in the text of this masque, the writer
slips and refers to the Garden Gods simply as 'the Priests' (line 350).
      Thus it is clear that songs and instrumental music performed in the
main masque were given special weight by the portentous characterization of
the musicians who performed them.  As priests they are important participants
in the masque's festive ritual.
ii.   <uAttitudes to the Masque>u
      Up to this point I have been assuming that the Jonsonian court masque
and the Stuart court masque as a whole can be discussed a a fairly unified
genre.  Since I shall continue to discuss texts by Jonson and other writers
together this assumption calls for a brief word of justification.
      Jonson's clearest statement of his view of the masque's didactic poten-
tial comes in a note entitled 'To Make the Spectators vnderstanders' which
prefaces the text of <uLove's Triumph through Callipolis>u:
1.    In the pastoral <uFlorime\ne>u (1635), the musicians are Priests of Diana
with an Arch Flamine and Sacrificers.  See Stephen Orgel, 'Florime\ne and the
Ante-Masques', <uRenaissance Drama,>u New Series IV, 1971, pp. 135-153.
2.    This and all subsequent line references to this masque are from <uA Book>u
<uof Masques>u.
Whereas all Repraesentations, especially those of this nature
in court, publique Spectacles, eyther haue bene, or ought to
be the mirrors of mans life, whose ends, for the excellence
of their exhibiters (as being the donatiues, of great Princes,
to their people) ought alwayes to carry a mixture of profit,
with them, no lesse then delight
                                                         (lines 1-7)
A mixture of profit and delight was, for Jonson as for other renaissance
writers, an essential characteristic of poetry.  We may deduce that for
Jonson the masque, like poetry, could offer 'to mankinde a certaine rule,
and Patterne of living well, and happily, disposing us to all Civill offices
of Society'.   The masque had a more specialised social function in that it
emphasized the role of the king, who, by preserving order and dispensing
wisdom and justice, safeguarded the good society.
      Occasionally, other masque writers went out of their way to make it
clear that they did not accept Jonson's priorities.  In the preface to
<uTethys Festival>u, Samuel Daniel declared that 'in these things wherein the
onely life consists in shew;  the arte and inuention of the Architect giues
the greatest grace, and is of most importance:  ours, the least part and of
least note in the time of the performance thereof ...' (lines 74-8).
Davenant, in <uLuminalia>u, stated his (and Inigo Jones's) rejection of
 Jonson's view of the masque's character:
       The Kings Majesties Masque being performed, the Queene commanded
       <uInigo Iones>u Surveyor of  er Majesties works, to make a new
   subject of a Masque for her selfe, that with high and hearty
       invention, might give occasion for variety of Scenes, strange
   aparitions, Songs, Musick and dancing of severall kinds:  from
       whence doth result the true pleasure peculiar to our English
   Masques, which by strangers and travellers of judgement, are
       held to be as noble and ingenious, as those of any other nations
                                                                   (p. 613)
        It might be thought that the Daniel/Davenant/Jones view of the masque
 would result in something very different from the morally serious Jonsonian
 masque.  But there was a stronger, non-aesthetic principle which ensured at
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---.
 1.    Jonson, <uDiscoveries>u, lines 2386-8, in <uBen Jonson>u VIII, p. 636.
 2.    This and all subsequent page references to this masque are from the
 edition in <uMiscellanies of the Fuller Worthies' Libra>ury,  4   vols. (187O-6
),
 Vol. IV, pp. 612-30.
least a superficial similarity:  the masque, according to Lysippus in
Beaumont and Fletcher's <uMaid's Tragedy>u,
           ... must commend their king, and speak in praise
Of the assembly, bless the bride and bride-groom
           In person of some god;  they're tied to rules of flattery.
In practice  no masque writer could afford to move too far away from the
Jonsonian  type which was so perfectly adapted to the representation of king
and court as models of wisdom, honour and virtue ('with purpose to have made
them such', Jonson may have claimed ).
    Many elements in the Jonsonian masque became purely conventional,
almost meaningless cliches in the masques of other writers, but this does at
least make it possible to make some generalizations about conventions which
have some bearing on the musical content of the Stuart masque as a whole.
      In the performance of a Jonsonian masque the court was first presented
with and then made part of a visionofa model human society.  Jonson's title-
pages had a habit of insisting that a kind of miracle was realised.  <uThe>u
<uGolden Age Restor'd>u is not just the title of Jonson's 1615 masque, but also
a description of something that was actually supposed to have happened;  the
1616 Folio has, 'The Golden Age Restor'd.  In a Maske at Court, 1615.  by
the Lords, and Gentlemen, the Kings seruants'.  That rather equivocal phrasing
is quite typical, and one feels that some ellipsis is hinted at:  'Love [was]
<uRestor'd>u.  In a Masque at Court, by Gentlemen the Kings Seruants', or
'<uMercurie>u [was] <uVindicated from the Alchemists at Court>u, by Gentlemen th
e
Kings Seruants'.
      Part of this meeting of real and ideal was provided for by the carefully
contrived congruity between the event to be celebrated and the device of the
masque.  When Prince Charles returned from his expedition to Spain, the court
prepared to celebrate <uNeptune's Triumph for the Return of Albion>u, and King
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.    <uThe Maid's Tragedy>u, I, i.
2.    'An Epistle to Master John Selden', line 22, in <uBen Jonson>u VIII, p. 15
9.
                                    - 10 -
James's birthday in 1620 occasioned <uPan's Anniversary>u.  In more distracted
times, this congruity between imagination and reality became more a matter
of polemics and hysterical assertion, so that when Charles I was having to
cope with fierce criticism of his rule, and in particular with an attack
upon his indulgence in masques, he responded by ordering the inns of court
to produce the most lavish masque of all, defiantly entitled, <uThe Triumph>u
<uof Pea>uce.1
      By 1640, such a response was scarcely possible, and the nation's
troubles impinge even on the main masque of <uSalmacida Spolia>u:
           O who but he could thus endure
             To live and govern in a sullen age,
When it is harder far to cure
             The People's folly than resist their rage?              2
                                         (lines 176-79)2
It seems appropriate that the 'masque' which most strongly asserted the peace
and concord of the king's rule and its success in quelling discordant
elements was a  closet masque', a totally speculative affair, not even
intended for realisation dramatically:  J. Sadler's <uMasguerade du Ciel3>u  is
visualized as taking place in the macrocosm with the heavenly bodies as
masquers and it asserts that Charles I's rule was a pattern of the celestial
order.
      In tbe prefatory section of <uHymenaei>u, Jonson set forth his view of the
ideal relationship between a masque device and the actual circumstances of
its performance:
1.    This masque was partly a response to William Prynne's <uHistrio-Mastix>u
of 1633 which attacked plasys and those who patronised them.  His attack on
women actors was seen as a direct insult to the queen who participated in
court pastorals and masques.  See Bulstrode Whitelocke's account of the
affair in his <uMemorial>us (1732), p. 18.
2.    This and all subsequent line references to this masque are from the
edition in <uA Book of Masques>u.  In her essay entitled 'The Last Masque'
C.V. Wedgwood sets out to recreate imaginatively the atmosphere of mixed
political tension and reckless folly in which <uSalmacida Spolia>u took place;
see <uTruth and Opinion>u (London, 1960), pp. 139-56.
3.    Published in London in 1640.
This it is hath made the most royall <uPrinces>u, and greatest
<upersons>u (who are commonly the <upersonaters>u of these <uactions>u)
not onely studious of riches, and magnificence in the
outward celebration, or shew;  (which rightly becomes them)
but curious after the most high, and heartie <uinuentions>u,
to furnish the inward parts:  (and those grounde-d vpon
<uantiguitie>u, and solide <ulearnings>u) which, though their <uvoyce>u
be taught to sound to present occasions, their <usense>u, or
doth, or should alwayes lay hold on more remou'd mysteries.
                                                         (lines 10-19)
George Chapman echoes Jonson's ideas in his preface to <uThe Memorable Masque>u
of<u the Middle Temple and Lincoln's Inn>u:
      all these courtly and honouring inventions (having poesy and
    oration in them, and a fountain to be expressed, from whence
      their rivers flow) should expressively arise out of the
   places and persons for and by whom they are presented;
       without which limits they are luxurious and vain.
                                                            (p' 444)
The implications of those statements could be summarised in two propositions:
firstly the masque is a potentially didactic form, snd secondly each masque,
being closely linked to a unique occasion, has no enduring dramatic life.
Of those two propositions, the first was, as we have seen, a matter of some
dispute, while the second represents a generally held point of view in the
early seventeenth century.  It is largely because the masque was so transient
that it could be used as an image of all that is vain, fickle, and imper-
manent in society.  An anonymous poem in a Bodleian manuscript collection of
early seventeenth-century poetry uses the masque as an image of worldly vanity:
           Life is a Maske disguis'd & puft with pleasures,
           Whose ground is but a common Cinque-pace.
The meaner sort doe onely tread the measures,
            High lofty trickes note those of higher place.
In the antimasque of Jonson's <uLove Restored>u, the miserly Plutus, god of
money, voices stock objections to masquing:
      I tell thee, I will haue no more masquing;  I will not buy a
      false, and fleeting delight so deare:  The merry madnesse of
   one hower shall not cost me the repentance of an age...
                                                               (lines 34-6)
1.    Bodleian MS. Rawl. poet. 26, fol. 13.  Decorum is upset in the dancing
conceits:  the meaner sort would normally attempt high lofty tricks while
those of higher place would dance the dignified measures (see below pp.123ff.
The cinque-pace or galliard is not built on a ground.
                             - 12 -
While not accepting that disparaging view of the masque, writers like
Campion and Jonson acknowledged the undeniable fact of the masque's transience.
The care with which 'more remou'd mysteries' were related to 'present occasions'
made a series of performances or revivals of masque productions impossible
and pointless.  Moreover, courtier-masquers - unlike a company of actors -
would not be available for more than one or two performances.  Hence the
masque on Twelfth Night would come and go, and for those few hours something
quite remarkable might take place in the masquing hall, but after that it
became, to use Campion's words, like a 'golden dream', quite irretrievable.
At the end of <uHymenaei >uJonson voiced his regret that this was so:
      Onely the enuie was, that it lasted not still, or (now it is
    past) cannot by imagination, much lesse description, be
      recouered to a part of that <uspirit>u it had in the gliding by.
                                                              (lines 576-9)
The realisation that the masque enjoyed only a fleeting existence was
beautifully expressed by Samuel Daniel in one of the songs for <uTethys Festival
>u:
              Are they shadowes that we see?
And can shadowes pleasure goe?
              Pleasures onely shadowes bee
Cast by bodies we conceiue,
              And are made the thinges we deeme,
In those figures which they seem.
           But these pleasures vanish fast,
Which by shadowes are exprest:
              Pleasures are not, if they last,
In their passing, is their best.
              Glory is most bright and gay
  In a flash, and so away.
           Feed apace then greedy eyes
On the wonder you behold.
              Take it sodaine as it flies
Though you take it not to hold:
              When your eyes haue done their part,
Thought must length it in the hart.
                                                 (lines 341-58)
More well-known are Prospero's comments about the 'insubstantial pageant' he
conjures up for Ferdinand and Miranda 1
      At the performance of <uOberon>u in 1611, the court seemed so ready to acc
ept
the impermanence of the masque, that one observer was quite baffled:
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-------
1.    <uThe Tempest>u, IV, i, 148ff.
                            - 13 -
the masques being laid aside, the king and queen with the
ladies and gentlemen of the masque proceeded to the banqueting
hall ... and in a moment everything was thrown down with
furious haste, according to the strange custom of the country.
Bulstrode Whitelocke ends his lengthy account of <uThe Triumph of Peace>u in his
<uMemorials>u with the sentence, 'Thus  was this earthly Pomp and Glory  if not
Vanity, soon past over and gone, as if it had never been' 2
iii.  <uThe Nature of Masque Texts>u
      Jonson explained his printing of <uThe Characters of Two Royall Masques,>u
<uthe one of Blacknesse, the other of Beautie>u as an attempt to prevent the
imaginative element of these masques from following the spectacular show
into oblivion:
      The honor, and splendor of these <uspectacles>u was such in the
      performance, as could those houres haue lasted, this of mine,
    now, had been a most vnprofitable worke.  But (when it is the
      fate, euen of the greatest, and most absolute births, to need,
    and borrow a life of posteritie) little had beene done to the
      studie of <umagnificence>u in these, if presently with the rage of
    the people, who was a part of greatnesse) are priuiledged by
      custome, to deface their <ucarkasses>u, the <uspirits>u had also
    perished.  In dutie, therefore, to that <uMaiestie>u, who gaue
      them their authoritie, and grace ...  I adde this later hand,
    to redeeme them as well from Ignorance, as Enuie, two common
      euills, the one of <ucensure>u, the other of <uobliuion>u.
                        --------               --------    (lines 1-14)
The texts themselves usually acknowledge the masque's transience in their
use of the past tense to describe the action of the masque.  They are essen-
tially reports of past events.  The running-title of the 1607 edition  of
Campion's <uLord Hay's Masque>u reads simply <uThe Description of a Maske>u;  su
ch
a title could accurately be applied to the texts of most Stuart court masques
since they are essentially authorial accounts of performances.  They were not
printed with revived productions in mind, and hence we find (quite lengthy)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.    'A Short Account of the Masque Made by the Prince of Wales' from the
Papers of William Trumbull the Elder 1611-12;  printed in <uBen Jonson>u X,
p. 523.
2.    Memorials, p. 21
                                      - 14 -
descriptions of action (rather than stage <udirections>u).
The fact that they are authorial reports is not, however, an unqualified
  bonus if we are seeking to establish what actually happened musically at a
  performance.  Apart from their  varying degrees of interest in and under-
  standing of the musical aspects of masque productions, different authors may
  have had different priorities in preparing a text for publication.
        Campion, especially in his first masque text, shows much more interest
 in the nature and disposition of musical resources than any other writer, and
 he apparently provides a genuine report since he acknowledges (although only
 in a marginal gloss) that there were problems with the machinery:
       Either by the simplicity, negligence, or conspiracy of the
   painter, the passing away of the trees was somewhat hazarded;
        the patterne of them the same day having bene showne with
   much admiration, and the 9 trees beeing left unsett together
        even to the same night.
                                                   (p. 70, line 26n.)
 In <uThe Somerset Masque>u, Campion again complained that the visual elements
 fell short of what had been intended.
        There are a few details reported in Beaumont's text of <uThe Masque of>u
 <uthe Inner Temple and Gray's Inn>u which make it clear that it is a real accou
nt
 of the performance:
        the perpetual laughter and applause was above the music ...
       It pleased his Majesty to call for it again at the end, as
   he did likewise for the first anti-masque, but one of the
        Statues by that time was undressed 2
                                                           (lines 241-8)
   Jonson early on in his masque-writing career was occasionally prepared
 to admit deficiencies in the production.  Like Campion, he was unhappy with
 the work of the painters for The <uMasque of Beauty>u, but he insisted that
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
 1.    'The work-manship whereof was vndertaken by M. <uConstantine,>u an Italia
n
 Architect to our late Prince <uHenry>u:  but he being too much of him selfe, an
d
 no way to be drawne to impart his intentions, fayled so farre in the assurance
 he gaue that the mayne inuention, euen at the last cast, was drawne into a
 farre narrower compasse then was from the beginning intended ...' (p. 149,
 lines 17-23).
 2.    This and all subsequent line references to this masque are from <uA Book>
u
 <uof Masques>u.
                                      - 15 -
their bad workmanship 'must not bee imputed a crime either to the inuention,
or designe' (lines 275f.)  It would be true to say that Jonson was generally
more concerned with communicating the invention than he was with giving his
readers an accurate picture of what took place.  The abundance of marginal
glosses in his early masque texts make it clear that one of his basic aims
was to show how the production conformed to customs and truths endorsed by
the ancients.  In his attempt to redeem his masques from censure and oblivion,
he seems concerned above all to preserve the integrity of the imaginative
concept rather than to report on the vicissitudes of particular productions.
       There is also an important group of extant masque texts by Jonson
which were prepared before the performances;  obviously in these the invention
is all, and there can be no question of reporting what actually happened.
      For every Jonson masque we have at least a folio edition, either of
the first Folio of 1616 or of the later 1640 Folio.  Where we also have an
earlier copy of a Jonson masque than the Folio edition, it often seems that
the copy was prepared for the night of the performance itself.  This was
certainly the case with the surviving manuscript for <uThe Masque of Blackness>u
which was given to the Queen for the performance on 6 January 16O5.  As one
might expect, what happens on stage is described in this manuscript in the
present tense, while the Quarto edition which was printed after the event,
and the Folio edition both use the past tense to describe action, scenes,
and costumes.   The manuscript of <uPleasure Reconciled to Virtue>u is a
beautifully neat copy by Ralph Crane which has all the marks of being a
presentation copy prepared for the night of the masque, and it too uses the
present tense.
       Some quarto editions printed in the year of the masque's performance
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.    The manuscript of <uThe Masque of Queens>u is a holograph prepared for
Prince Henry after the performance and uses the past tense throughout.
Detailed descriptions of these manuscripts and early printed texts may be
found in the textual notes which precede the edition of each masque in
<uBen Jonson>u VII.
                                    - 16 -
seem designed to fulfil the same kind of function as these manuscripts.  They
are distinguished by their use of the present tense in descriptive passages  by
the absence of an imprint on the title page, and by the lack of any reference
acknowledging the work of Jonson, Jones, or any other person whose imagination
and skill contributed to the entertainment.   There are five quartos which
fall into this category, and for two of them at least, there is positive evi-
dence that they were prepared before the occasion of the masque itself.  The
title page of <uNeptune's Triumph>u claims that it was 'celebrated in a Masque a
t
the Court on Twelfth Night 1623' whereas the actual performance was deferred
because of squabbles amongst the ambassadors who might have been invited.  The
Quarto for <uThe Fortunate Isles>u prepared for the following year is more cauti
ous
about the date, and claims only that the masque was 'disign'd for the Court, on
the Twelfth Night 1624' when, in fact, it took place.  Obviously both of these
must have been printed before the projected date of performance.
     As we shall see, we need to be very conscious of the nature of these
various types of text in assessing the evidence they provide about musical
aspects of the productions.  With Jonson and with some other writers we can
see that almost every musical reference has a literary point, and that it is
this which may account for its inclusion in the text (while many other
musical details are not provided).
     In a number of cases it is possible to check textual evidence against
other documentary sources, but these too much be treated with caution.
Observer's reports, for example, vary in their usefulness depending on the
particular writer's interests.  Some are interested in the masque only as an
occasion for ambassadorial intrigue while others have positions to defend
which may well restrict the detail they report.  E. Howes, in his continuation
of Stow's Chronicle, for example, seems anxious to give a generally favourable
picture of everything that went on under the auspices of the court, and his
comments about music in the masques are vague and uncritical 2
1.  One state of the quarto edition of the <uMasque of Augurs>u mentions the con
tri-
butions of Ferrabosco and Lanier.  See below, p.
2.  See, for example, his remarks on  <uOberon>u quoted above, p.xvi.
                    - 17 -
<uTable 1:  Extant Texts for Jonson's Masques>u
Q  =  quarto edition printed in the same year as the masque
F  =  either 1616 or 1640 Folio of Jonson's <uWorks>u
[F] =  Folio text set from the quarto text (according to Herford and Simpson)
 Quartos marked with an asterisk (*) have neither imprint, nor any
 reference on their title pages to Ben Jonson, Inigo Jones, or any
other inventor.
Editions underlined (e.g., <uF>u) have descriptive sections in the
present tense.
1605     Masque of Blackness
1606     Hymenaei
1608     Masque of Beauty
         Haddington Masque
1609     Masque of Queens
1611     0beron
         Love Freed
1612     Love Restored
1613     Irish Masque
1615     Golden Age Restored
1616     Christmas His Masque
         Mercury Vindicated
              [1st Folio Printed]
1617     Lovers Made Men
         Vision of Delight
1618     Pleasure Reconciled
         For Wales
1620     News from the New World
         Pan's Anniversary
1621     Gypsies Metamorphosed
1622     Masque of Augurs
1623     Time Vindicated
1624     Neptune's Triumph
1625     The Fortunate Isles
1630     Chloridia
1631     Love's Triumph
               [2nd Folio Printed]
                              - 18 -
While the transience of masque performances prompted (or was used to
justify) the printing of masque texts, there was unfortunately no  corres-
ponding impulse to preserve the music used in masque performances.  Given the
fact that each performance was a unique occasion and that the masque would
not be revived, there must have seemed little point in preserving performing
copies.
iv.   <uMusical Sources for the Jacobean Masque>u
      The survival of masque music was, for the most part fortuitous, and
rarely  was it preserved because it was masque music.  There are three quarto
editions of masque texts which seem to be exceptions to this, although even
with these, the choice of songs and the way in which they were printed provide
further evidence that any lasting appeal of masque music depended on its
adaptability.  The beautifully printed editions of Campion's <uLord Hays->u
<uMasque>u (1607) and his <uSomerset Masque>u (1613), and some copies of <uThe M
asque>u
of Flowers (1614) include music used in the masques concerned.  Campion, at
least, seemed to think that the masque deserved to be remembered for more
than its device and poetry.  But in each of these cases, the justification
for setting the music down seems to have been, not so much to provide a
musical record which would complement the literary one, as to supply a few
pieces for amateur diversion.  It is interesting that of all the songs
performed in <uThe Masque of Flowers>u it is not any of the five which were
dignified enough to warrant the title of 'Cantus' in the text, but one which
is in a popular style, the 'Catch' or 'Freeman's song' from the section of
the masque described as 'The Antic-Masque of the Song'.
      There were five songs printed after the text in <uThe Lord Hay's Masque,>u
but a note following them makes it clear that they have been adapted for
amateur enjoyment:
       These Songes were vsed in the Maske, whereof the first two
       Ayres were made by M. <uCampion>u, the third and last by M. <uLupo,>u
the fourth by M. <uTho. Giles>u, and though the last three Ayres
were deuised onely for dauncing, yet they are here set forth
with words that they may be sung to the Lute or Violl.
The words supplied for the last three tunes do, in fact, celebrate the joy
of a kingdom whose ruler ensures the peace which makes such festivities
possible:
           Shewes and nightly reuels, signes of ioy and peace,
Fill royall Britaines court while cruell warre farre off
               doth rage, for euer hence exiled ...
But despite their masque-like theme, the express purpose of the words is to
present the dance tunes in a form which would make them suitable for use in
contexts quite unconnected with the masque itself.
      The songs printed with the <uSomerset Masque>u are advertised in the text
in a very similar fashion:
      Ayres, made by seuerall Authors:  and Sung in the Maske at the
    Marriage of the Right Honourable Robert, Earle of Somerset, and
      the Right Noble and Lady Frances Howard.  Set forth for the lute
    and Base Violl, and may be exprest by a single voyce, to eyther
      of those instruments.3
    One of the songs (the declamatory ayre 'Bring away this Sacred Tree')
is prefaced in the text by the words, 'Eternitie Singes Alone' and was,
according to a note with the music, 'made and exprest by Mr. Nicholas Lanier'.
Another note with the music says that the remaining three songs were
'composed by Mr. Coprario and sung by Mr. John Allin and Mr. Lanier'.  For
two of them, there is nothing in the text to indicate that they were not
sung as solos, but the remaining song, 'While dancing rests', would appear
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.    The <uDiscription of a Maske>u ... <uin honour of the Lord Hayes>u, ed. Pe
ter
Holman (1607);  facsimile rpt. 1973), sig. E24.
2.    Ibid., sig. D4 .  Some years later, Thomas Carew also expressed the
association of good and peaceful government with revelry:
           Let us that in myrtle bowers sit
Under secure shades, use the benefit
           Of peace and plenty, which the blessed hand
Of our good King, gives this obdurate land;
           Let us of Revels sing ...
- 'An Elegy  on the Death of the King of Sweden' (1632), <uThe Poems of Thomas>u
<uCarew>u, ed. R. Dunlap (Oxford, 1949), p. 75, lines 45-9.
3.    <uThe Masque at the Earl of Somerset's Marriage>u, ed. Peter Holman (1614;
facsimile rpt, 1973), sig. C1.
to have undergone quite extensive modification in order to present it in
this form.  According to the text this was a song 'of three partes, with a
Chorus of five partes' and the words indicate that each stanza finished with
a musical echo effect;  yet the setting is printed at the back of the text
as a solo ayre without provision for either chorus or echo.  No settings
were printed for the other songs in this masque, all of which required
several voices, and it seems that they were left out simply because they
would not have been readily adaptable for a single voice with lute accom-
paniment.1
      The printed text of <uThe Somerset Masque>u provides one more example of
the apparently fortuitous survival of masque music.  The beautiful song from
Campion's <uLords' Masque>u, 'Woo her and Win her', was printed with these other
songs for apparently no better reason than to complete a gathering in the
printed book.  It is introduced by a note saying
      Song, made by Th. <uCampion>u, and sung in the Lords Maske
    at the <uCount Palatines>u Marriage, we haue here added, to
      fill vp these emptie pages 2
    Campion does seem to have been one of the few people interested in
seeing masque songs published, and he may have had a hand in the printing of
the only volume of songs specifically given over to the music for a courtly
entertainment, <uThe Ayres that were Sung and Played at Brougham Castle in>u
<uWestmerland in the King's Entertainment>u (1618).  These ten songs by George
Mason and John Earsden were performed at entertainments given before the
king on three successive nights in 1617, and we know that Campion's services
were drawn on for these, possibly to write the text, or perhaps just as an
expert advisor.3
1.    Similarly, the only songs not extant for <uThe Masque of Beauty>u are thos
e
which, according to the text, required more than one voice.
2.    <uThe Masque at the Earl of Somerset's Marriage>u, sig. D1v.
3.    See Ian Spink, 'Campion's Entertainment at Brougham Castle, 1617' in
<uMusic in English Renaissance Drama>u, ed. J.H. Long (Lexington, 1968), pp.
57-74.
                            - 21 -
The most extensive printed collection of settings of masque songs is
Alphonso Ferrabosco II's <uAyres>u of 1609 which includes amongst its twenty-fiv
e
songs eight from masques by Jonson and three other songs which appear to be
from an unidentified courtly entertainment.   The volume has other circum-
stantial links with the courtly masque:  there are commendatory verses by
Ben Jonson and Thomas Campion, and it is dedicated to Prince Henry for whom,
in the same year, Jonson had prepared ('according to yor gracious command,
and a desire borne out of iudgement') a holograph  copy of his <uMasque of>u
<uQueens>u.  <uOberon>u (1611) also was 'a Masque of Prince Henries'.  If the pr
ince's
interest in masques was as genuine as this would seem to indicate, then it
is possible that there is some connection between the high incidence of
masque songs in Ferrabosco's published <uAyres>u, and the dedication to the youn
g
Prince of Wales.
      The masque songs in the 1609 <uAyres>u do not appear to have undergone the
rearranging that was evident in the songs printed with Campion's masque.
In every case, the direction in the text that a particular song was sung by
a soprano or tenor corresponds with the clef used in the music.  The only
song which ends out in this respect is 'Why Stays the Bridegroom to Invade
Her' from <uThe Haddington Masque>u (1608).  This is, in fact, one stanza of
the seven stanza Epithalamion about which Jonson wrote that 'because it was
sung in pieces, betweene the <udaunces>u, shew'd to be so many seuerall <usongs;
>u
but was made to be read an intire <uPoeme>u' (lines 340-42).  He added that the
song was 'varied with voyces, onely keeping the same Chorus' (lines 345f.).
The existence of a highly ornamented version of this setting  makes it quite
certain that this stanza must have been sung as a solo, but the refrain,
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1.    Songs XII-XIV ('Sing we then heroic grace' etc.).  In the British
Library copy a note reading 'A Comp[limen]t to ye Prince' is pencilled above
Song XI;  see Alfonso Ferrabosco, <uAyres>u, ed. David Greer (1609;  facsimile
rpt. 1970), sig. E1v.
2.    <uThe Masque of Queens>u, lines 34f.
3.    In Christ Church MS 439, pp. 60f.
'Sine Hesperus, Shine forth, thou wished starre' which ends each stanza
(and is presumably what was sung by the Chorus Jonson mentions) is simply
left out.  Hence, although there is none of the adaptation of 'full' songs
into solo ayres which characterized the published songs from Campion's
masques, the same principle still applies.  The only masque music by
Ferrabosco which was preserved were solo ayres which would be readily
accessible to the amateur musician;  anything involving larger resources
has disappeared.
      We have seen that some masque song settings were adapted to make them
viable outside their original masque context.  The same principle seems to
be at work in the provision of alternative sets of words for masque song
settings.
      Campion's song from <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u, 'Move now with Measured
Sound' uses a melody which Campion later had published in <uTwo Bookes of Ayres>
u
(ca.   1613) with a completely different set of words ('The Peaceful Western
Wind').  Both sets of words have (in all but one stanza) a relaxed and
joyous tone, and they fit equally well with Campion's graceful melody.
There is even a link between the two lyrics, since one celebrates the new
life which the western wind brings in the spring, while the other instigates
the dancing of golden trees in the presence of Zephyrus.  Despite this
possible allusion from one lyric to the other, the contrast between the two
poems is quite illuminating.  The masque lyric is a public epithalamion:
           Yet neerer <uPhoebus>u throne
  Mete on your winding waies,
           Your Brydall mirth make knowne
  In your high-graced <uHayes>u.
           Let Hymen lead your sliding rounds,
  and guide them with his Light,
           While we do Io Hymen sing
  in honour of this night,
           Ioyne three by three, for so the night
  by triple spel decrees,
           Now to release <uApollos>u knights
   from these enchanted trees.
                                           (p. 70, lines 11-18)
                                    - 23 -
The song-book lyric' on the other hand' is quite personal, especially in the
last stanza where the singer complains that he stands outside the ha    and
festive mood of his surroundings:
           If all things life present,
           Why die my comforts then?
Why suffers my content?
           Am I the worst of men?
   0, beautie, be not thou accus'd
           Too iustly in this case:
   Vnkindly if true loue be vs'd,
           'Twill yeeld thee little grace.
This reversal at the end of the poem is a typical Campion device, but it is
particularly interesting here since it points up the contrast between the
impersonal celebratory nature of the masque version (which ironically could
not very well survive outside the masque context) and the intimate and
personal vein of the ayre published later (in a more universally viable form).
The same situation exists for another of the songs from a Campion masque;
'Come away, bring thy golden theft' from <uThe Lords' Masque>u is so similar
metrically to the song 'Come away, arm'd with loves delights' in his <uSecond>u
<uBook of Ayres>u, that they must have shared the same setting.  Once again, the
words for the masque song are too closely related to the masque device to
make much sense in another context:
            Come away;  bring they golden theft,
               Bring, bright <uPrometheus>u, all thy lights;
Thy fires from Heau'n bereft
               Shew not to humane sights.
Come quickly, come:  thy stars to our stars straight present,
               For pleasure being too much defer'd, loseth her best content ...
                                           (p. 92, lines 1-8)
The version in the <uBook of Ayres>u (which was published about the same time as
the masque) re-applies phrases like 'come quickly, come' to a self-sufficient
conceit about love's transitoriness:
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--
1.    <uCampion's Works>u, p. 139, lines 25-32.  The difference in the form of t
his
stanza from that of the masque song is explained by the fact that only the
first half of the setting is repeated in 'The Peaceful Western Wind' whereas
both halves of the setting are repeated to accomodate the words of the
masque song.
Come away, arm'd with loues delights,
   The sprite full graces bring with thee,
When loues longing fights,
   They must the sticklers be.
Come quickly, come, the promis'd houre is wel-nye spent
   And pleasure being too much deferr'd looseth her best content.
Lanier's song 'Bring away this Sacred Tree' is found in several manuscript
sources with a set of words which turn a song which relates to a very specific
moment in the masque into a conventional complaint against women's cruelty:
                   <uMasque text>u
           Bring away this Sacred Tree,
The Tree of Grace and Bountie,
              Set it in Bel-Annas eye,
For she, she, only she
              Can all Knotted spels vnty . . .
                           (pp. 152f., lines 42ff.)
                   <uIndependent ayre>u
Weep no more my wearied eyes,
           Leave off your sad lamenting,
   Cease my voice your mournful cries,
           Since she, cruel she'               2
   Pleasure takes in my tormenting.
The version of the song printed with the text of The Somerset Masque is the
only one surviving with the actual masque words.
      There is a very curious example of this adaptation of a masque lyric
to give it greater self-sufficiency in two Bodleian manuscripts (which
unfortunately, do not contain any settings for the song in question).  In
<uLove Freed from Ignorance and Folly>u, the Muses' Priests sing a song
celebrating the fact that the liberated lovers can now appreciate the
wit, grace, and beauty of the Daughters of the Morn with whom they dance:
1.    <uCampion's Works>u, p. 142, lines 1-6.  Vivian (p. 365, note to p. 142)
points out the strong similarity between this song and the masque song.
Walter R. Davis, in his edition of <uThe Works of Thomas Campion>u (1969)
suggests that the same setting was probably used for both songs (p. 108, n.38).
2.    'Weep no  more' is published in <uEnglish Songs 1625-1660>u, ed. Ian spink
(Musica Britannica XXXIII, 1971), p. 1.
                         - 25 -
O what a fault, nay, what a sinne
In <uFate>u, or Fortune, had it beene
So much beautie to haue lost!
Could the world with all her cost
Haue redeem'd it?
                                 (lines 338-42)
The two Bodleian manuscripts (both collections of early seventeenth century
poetry) contain that song as the first stanza of a poem with the title,
'On his <umistris>u yt had ye smale pox'.  The second stanza of this poem, which
completely reverses the mood of the masque version, runs as follows:
           unmanerly disease yt durst
threaten yt face y ere first
           askd leaue of nature who had spent
such paynes to make it excellent
              & soe estemed it ...1
Like the songs, masque dances have survived in a form which gives very little
information about the way they would have been performed in the masque itself.
In other words, they have come down to us as pieces for lute or virginals,
or as fairly simple consort pieces.  By far the largest collection of masque
dances, and the collection which is most directly related to the masques
themselves, is an incomplete set of part books (treble and bass only)
comprising B.L. Add. MS. 10444, which Miss Pamela Willets identified as
                                                          2
having belonged to Sir Nicholas Le Strange of Hunstanton.   Le Strange, and
another less capable copyist, probably copied the books in about 1624, when
it seems he was studying at Lincoln's Inn.  (Apart from the historical
probability that Le Strange's year at Lincoln's Inn would have been a likely
time for him to have made the collection, none of the items in it which can
be dated with a reasonable degree of certainty are any later than 7623.)
The collection begins with twenty-six tunes which are not from masques,
including pieces by Gibbons (an instrumental version of 'The Silver Swan'),
Dowland, and Bull.  Following these twenty-six items there are two blank
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.    Bodleian MS. CCC. 328, fol. 88;  also found in Bodleian MS. Eng. Poet.
e. 14, fol. 11v.
2.    See Pamela Willets, 'Sir Nicholas Le Strange's Collection of Masque
Music', <uBritish Museum Quarterly>u, XXIX (1965), 79-81.
leaves and then the collection of one hundred and thirty-nine masque dances.
      Masque dances found their way into various manuscript collections of
virginal music (notably the Fitzwilliam Virginal Book) and of lute music;
B.L. Add. MS. 38539, known as John Sturt's Lute Book, contains quite a number
of masque pieces.
      The earliest masque dances to be printed were those from <uThe Masque of>u
<uQueens>u, published in Robert Dowland's <uVarietie of Lute Lessons>u (76O9), a
nd a
few masque dances appeared in the virginal book  <uParthenia-Inviolata>u (ca. 16
13).
      The only printed book specifically given over to masque music is John
Adson's <uCourtly Masquing Ayres>u (1621) which, according to its title page is
'composed to 5 and 6 parts for Violins, Consorts, and Cornets'.  The thirty
tunes in this volume are printed for private enjoyment, and Adson shows no
interest in their original context.  They have no titles, which might have
given some hint of their masque history.  Fifteen of the tunes in Adson are
found in Add. MS. 1O444, but for the rest we have only Adson's equivocal
statement in his dedication to Buckingham that, 'They are all (for the most
part) <uCourtly Masquing Ayres>u, framed onely for <uInstruments>u;  of which ki
nde,
these are the first that haue beene euer Printed ...'.
      A much larger and more informative printed collection of masque dances
is to be found in William Brade's <uNewe Ausserlesene liebliche Branden>u,
published in  Lubeck in 1617.  The title page emphasises that these tunes
are presented in a form which makes them very suitable for domestic enter-
         2
tainment:
1.    John Adson, <uCourtly Masquing Ayres>u (1621), sig. A2.  It seems necessar
y
to correct a rather widespread error.  M.C. Boyd in <uElizabethan Music and>u
<uMusical Criticism>u (Philadelphia, 194O), pp.  175f.W.L. Woodfill in <uMusicia
ns in>u
<uEnglish Society>u, p. 51, Thurston Dart in his entry on Adson in the fifth
edition of <uGrove's Dictionary>u (1954) and Murray Lefkowitz in 'The Longleat
Papers of Bulstrode Whitelock; New Light on Shirley's <uTruiumph of Race>u'(<uJo
urnal>u
<uof the American Musicological Society XVIII, 1965), p. 45, all refer to a
1611 edition of <uCourtley Masquing Ayres>u and assume that the 1621 publicataio
n
was a second edition.  There was no 1611 edition.
2.  Woodfill, op.cit., pp. 227f. draws attention to the way in which title
pages of printed music often advertised the easiness of the music.
                      - 27 -
Newe Ausserlesene liebliche Branden, Intraden,
Masqueraden, Ballatten, Allmanden, Couranten,
Volten, Aufzuge und frembde Tantz, saint schonene
lieblichen Fruhlings allerlei Musichalichen
Instrumenten, insonderheit auf Violen, zu
gebrauchen ... Durch Wilhelm Brade English.
Four years later, a similar collection, called <uTaffel Consort>u, was also
published in Hamburg by another expatriate Englishman, Thomas Simpson.  It
appears that the English masquing tunes must have travelled to Germany with
the so-called 'English comedians', much of whose appeal apparently lay in the
music they performed.1
v.    <uMusical Sources for the Caroline Masque>u
       The musical sources in the Jacobean period present real problems for
anyone interested in establishing exactly what music was performed in a
particular masque and how it was arranged for the instrumental and vocal
resources available.  The problems of dealing with music in the court masques
of the Caroline period are rather different.  The one major source of masque
music preserves,music in a form which is author:tative and which gives a
very clear idea of how it was accommodated in the production.  The William
Lawes autograph manuscript, Bodleian Mus. Sch. B. 2, contains music for three
court masques,  and one song from a private masque.  It has cues describing
stage movements written in which make it an excellent record of the music as
it was actually performed in the masque production.  The value of this source
can hardly be overestimated.  Another William Lawes autograph manuscript,
B.L. Add. 31432 contains a further song for <uThe Triumph of Peace>u.  Apart fro
m
these autograph manuscripts, however, the situation is rather bleak.  There
is one Henry Lawes song for <uThe Triumphs of the Prince D'Amour>u ('Whither so
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.    See Albert Cohn, <uShakespeare in Germany in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth
>u
<uCenturies>u (1865), especially pp. lxxx and l-xxx-i-:-------------------------
-------
2.    Murray  Lefkowitz had edited this music in <uTrois Masques a la Cour de>u
<uCharles 1er d'Angleterre>u, Le Choeur des Muses series, (Paris:  Centre Nation
al
de la Recherche Scientifique, 1970).
gladly and so fast') in Playford's <uSelect Ayres and Dialogues>u (1669).  I hav
e
been able to piece together more of the William Lawes song from <uThe Triumph>u
<uof Peace>u, 'Why do you Dwell', by the fortunate recovery in recent years of
a companion part-book to the Edinburgh University Library song manuscript
Dc. 1.69.  (A sung bass part of the original three part set is still missing.)
Unfortunately, the version of 'Why do you dwell' may not be very close to
William Lawes' original composition.
      These manuscript part-books were copied by Edward Lowe, who succeeded
John Wilson as Professor of Music at 0xford, and they contain a very high
proportion of songs by Wilson.   The William Lawes masque songs are in a
group of nine Lawes songs at the end of the manuscripts.  (The volumes have
been reversed and the new group of songs copied into the last ten or so
folios, working back in towards the centre of each volume.)  Apart from the
setting of 'Why do you dwell' from <uThe Triumph of Peace>u, there are settings
of 'Cease warring Thoughts' (from Shirley's private masque, <uThe Triumph of>u
Beauty) and 'Behold how this Conjunction thrives' (from Davenant's <uThe>u
<uTriumphs of the Prince D'Amour>u).
      'Cease warring Thoughts' and 'Behold how this Conjunction thrives' also
occur in the William Lawes autograph, Bodleian MS. Ms. Sch. B. 2, (although
'Cease warring Thoughts' is crossed out).  A comparison of the two versions
of both these songs reveals numerous substantial differences.  In both songs,
the overall harmonic plan of the manuscript part-book versions is quite
different from the autograph versions, although the basic key of each piece
is the same.  For the most part, the manuscript part-book versions of these
two songs preserve the motivic ideas of the autograph versions, but their
contrapuntal continuation of these is often so different as to make the two
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1. A note on the Bodleian manuscript (mus,d.238) by Miss Margaret Crum appeared
in
<uThe Bodleian Library Record>u, Vol. IX, No.2 (March 1974), 126-7. The
Edinburugh University Library manuscript is described as J.P. Cutts in
'Seventeenth Century Songs and Lyrics in Edinburugh University Library MS.
Dc. 1. 69', <uMusica Disciplina>u, XIII (1959), 169-94.
versions scarcely recognizable as the same song.  Occasionally, not even the
motivic ideas are shared.  The section beginning 'Ye warbling nightingales'
in 'Cease warring Thoughts' is treated quite differently in the manuscript
part-books than it is in the (crossed-out) autograph version;  where the
autograph version has a melodic line which descends by step, the other version
has a canonic phrase which begins with rising two-note slurs.  This new motive
can, however, be found at the beginning of another Lawes masque song in the
Bodleian autograph - Fame's 'Ciacona' in Davenant's masque, <uBritannia Triumpha
ns>u
(see example 1).
 The relationship between these songs and the versions in the autograph
manuscript is very curious, and it is not at all clear how one accounts for
the differences.   The fact that 'Cease warring Thoughts' is crossed out in
the autograph manuscript might suggest that the version in the manuscript
part-books is Lawes' revision of a song with which he was clearly dissatisfied;
but since 'Behold how this Conjunction thrives' (with which Lawes apparently
was happy) is almost equally different in the two sources, this seems unlikely.
The manuscript part-books differ so much from the autograph versions that
they cannot be accepted uncritically as an authoratative source for the
William Lawes songs contained in them.  Hence, although it is pleasing to
have recovered an attractive setting which is ascribed to Lawes of 'Why do
you Dwell', we must admit the possibility that this version may not reflect
the composer's intentions very closely.  (A transcription  of the song appears
below, pp. 190-3.)
      These sources give quite a lot of music for three Caroline masques,
<uThe Triumph of Peace>u, <uThe Triumphs of the Prince D'Amour>u, and <uBritanni
a>u
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1.    It seems possible that these are John Wilson's adaptations of Lawes'
songs. The central section of the manuscript part-books provides examples of
Wilson's adapting other composers' songs (especially songs by Robert Johnson).
There is even a rather tenuous link between <uThe Triumph of Beauty>u song in
the manuscript part-books and John Wilson since 'Cease warring Thoughts' was
also set by John Gamble who seems to have made a habit of setting songs which
had previously received Wilson's attention.
<uTriumphans>u, but no vocal music survives for the other eight court masques.
It is, of course, arguably more useful to have a reasonably full picture of
the music for a few main masques than to have quite a lot of songs spread out
over a greater number of productions.
 There is much less positively identifiable instrumental and dance music
for the Caroline masque than there is for the Jacobean masque. In the first
place, one can never be sure that an instrumental piece with a masque title
which occurs in a source later than 1625 does not, in fact, come from an
earlier masque.  In view of the fact that titles are as unspecific in the
later period as they are for the Jacobean era, we are thrown back on concor-
danceswith established material.  This means,in effect, that one just cannot
get very far past the William Lawes autograph manuscript, Mus. Sch. B. 2.
 Elizabeth Roger's Virginal Book,  for example, has the date 1656 on the
                                                           :First folio,
and it contains a number of pieces with masque titles.  One,
other sources.   If Gibbons composed or (more probably) arranged this tune
for the keyboard, then it must have been written before 1625.  The manuscript
also contains the tune 'The fairest Nymphs' which is ascribed to Gibbons in
some sources, and which is identified as a masque tune in other Jacobean
sources.3 For all but one of the other tunes called 'A Maske' it is difficult
to ascribe dates, let alone suggest contexts for their original performance.
The exception is the tune on fol. 19v (No. 31 in George Sargent's edition)
which is an arrangement of the symphony which preceded Irene's song,
'Wherefore do my sisters stay' in <uThe Triumph of Peace>u.  Earlier in  the
manuscript there are two pieces on facing pages with the title 'One of the
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.    B.L. Add. MS. 1O337.  This has been published in an edition by George
Sargent (Corpus of Early Keyboard Music, Vol. 19, American Institute of
Musicology, 1971).
2.    See Orlando Gibbons, <uKeyboard Music>u, ed. Gerald Hendrie, Musica
Britannica XX (1967), concordance for No. 41, 'Nann's Mask or French Alman'.
3.    See concordance and commentary for Add. MS. 10444, No. 102, below p. 346.
4.   The date reads 2 Feb. 1656 (i.e. 1657 new style).
Symphonies';  the second of these is the symphony which preceded Irene's
first song in <uThe Triumph of Peace>u, and hence it would seem a reasonable
assumption that the other piece in Elizabeth Rogers' book is also by Lawes
and probably from the same masque.  This assumption is strengthened by similar
circumstantial evidence in other sources.
      By establishing links of this kind with MS. Mus. Sch. B. 2 it is possible
to build up a list of instrumental pieces which were probably used in Caroline
masques.  Table 2 (see page 33) demonstrates this process by listing concor-
dances for the instrumental pieces in the Lawes masque music in MS. Mus. Sch.
B. 2, and then by setting out the 'linked' tunes in the sources which contain
Caroline masque tunes positively identified by these concordances with the
Lawes autograph.  On the left-hand side of the table concordances with
instrumental pieces in the Lawes masque music are listed in columns under-
neath the relevant tune.  0n the right-hand side of the table pieces from the
same sources which have titles or composers which suggest some connection
with the masque tunes on the left-hand side are listed.  The process by which
one decides that these tunes were probably used in a Caroline court masque
can best be described by referring to the second of the tunes listed on the
right-hand side of the table.  In Christ Church MS. 431 this is called 'Anne
Piffs Maske', a title which, apart from telling us that it was probably used
in some masque or other, doesn't get us very far.  Butin Anne Cromwell's
Virginal Book this is called a 'Symphony' and it immediately follows another
Symphony which can be positively identified as music from <uThe Triumph of>u
<uPeace>u.  In B.L. Add. MSS. 1894O-44 this tune is called a 'Fancy' and, althou
gh
this title does not suggest a masque context at all, it is ascribed to Simon
Ives who shared with William Lawes the composition of songs and symphonies
for <uThe Triumph of Peace>u.  All this makes it seem likely that this tune is
one of the missing instrumental pieces for <uThe Triumph of Peace>u.
      Apart from these tunes with circumstantial links  to  identifiable
Caroline masque tunes, some of the sources listed in the table contain a
1.    See <uAnna Cromwell's Virginal Book,>u, ed. Howard Ferguson,
1974, Nos. 23 & 24.
number of other tunes which could also have come from a Caroline masque.
Anne Cromwell's Virginal Book, for example, has a considerable number of
pieces by Simon Ives, and a number of tunes with unspecific or puzzling masque
titles.
      What one can learn from virginal or recorder arrangements of instrumental
music for Caroline court masques is limited.  They do provide evidence that,
structurally at least, the symphonies in the Lawes autograph are typical of
their kind.  It is, however, possible that none of these sources supply any
actual dance music.  The function of the symphonies was, it seems, to accompany
not dancing but stage movement (usually of the performers positioning them-
selves for the next song).  The cues in the Lawes autograph often indicate
what is taking place during the symphony:  above the symphony to Song I in
<uThe Triumph of Peace>u, for example, we read, 'the howers descending'.  The
cue sheet which survives for songs I-V of The <uTriumph of Peace>u specifies tha
t
the first symphony is to be played twice, but the second symphony (during
which no stage movement is indicated either by the text or the score) is to
be played only once.   The set dances of the masquers occur later in <uThe>u
<uTriumph of Peace>u (before and after Song VI, for which no music survives).
Cues written above the music for <uThe Triumphs of the Prince D'Amour>u indicate
                  . .                    .              .   2
that groups of musicians came forward during the symphonies.
      Apparently obvious sources of instrumental music for the Caroline
masque are some of Playford's publications.  In particular, <uCourt Ayres>u (165
5)
and <uCourtly Masquing Ayres>u (1662) have been suggested as likely sources of
dance music for the Caroline masque.  Murray Lefkowitz has written:
1.    See the transcription of this cue sheet in A.J. Sabol, 'New documents
on Shirley's Masque " The Triumph of Peace"', <uMusic and Letters>u, XLVII (1966
),
p  24.                                        -------------------
2.    On this point I disagree with Lefkowitz who speaks of the'identical
function of the "symfony" and dance tune of the period';  see 'New Facts
concerning William Lawes and the Caroline Masque', <uMusic and Letters>u, XL
(1959), 329.
                        - 35 -
Playford's publications of 'Court-Ayres' and 'Courtly
Masquing Ayres' have to some extent been neglected as sources
for the original dances, 'symfonys' and dance-songs of the
Caroline masque ... the titles of these volumes must be taken
at face value.  Indeed, I have made other and more significant
identification, sin these volumes, identifications which prove
that many of these two-part tunes are but simplifications of
much larger and more complex instrumental consorts which were
performed at court.  Without doubt, further study of these
books will disclose still more valuable information concerning
the masques, plays and instrumental music of the period.  Thus,
what appear to be two rather inconsequential volumes of simple
two-part dances tunes may be the most complete extant record
of dramatic music from the reign of Charles I.
Such a view overestimates the value of these publications.  There is
no way apart from the very few concordances with more satisfactory sources
of establishing which of the hundreds of tunes in these two volumes were
originally masque tunes.  Even if it were possible (or worth while) to
distinguish masque dances from other dances in the collection, the point
which Lefkowitz makes about the simplification for popular consumption of
more complex compositions in <uCourt Ayres>u and <uCourtly Masquing Ayres>u rath
er
undermines their value as a reliable record of the kind of instrumental
music used in the performances of masques at court.
      The significance of these volumes seems to be of a much more general
kind.  <uCourtly Masquing Ayres>u, for example, has a very large section of
fifty-four dances by Davis Mell, who composed music for the antimasques in
<uThe Triumph of Peace>u.  This gives a rough idea of the kind of run-of-the-mil
l,
binary dances that Mell might have composed for <uThe Triumph of Peace>u.  Almos
t
any of the ayres, corantos, moriscoes, sarabands, country dances, and jigs
in this section would have made suitable material for the kind of antimasque
seen in that masque.
vi.   <uThe Question of Musical Responsibility>u
      There is another aspect of the masque's genesis which prevents us from
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.    'New Facts concerning William Lawes and the Caroline Masque', p. 33O;
he puts the the same point of view even more strongly in <uTrois Masques a la Co
urt de Charles Ier d'Angleterre', p.184.
                                 - 36 -
assuming too readily that the music and the other elements of the enter-
tainment shared the kind of unity of purpose found in the libretto and score
of an opera.  The production of a court masque involved not just the colla-
boration of librettist and musician, or even of librettist, designer, and
musician, since what we might think of as the composer's role was subdivided
among several people.
      In warmly acknowledging Ferrabosco's contribution to <uHymenaei>u, Jonson
praised him for promoting 'the soul of our invention'.  It is clear from the
<uHymenaei>u quarto and from his two commendatory epigrams  that Jonson valued
Ferrabosco as an intelligent and sensitive partner.  His two brief references
to Nicholas Lanier2 suggest that he thought of him in a similar light.  But
the cooperation and understanding which seems to have existed between Jonson
and Ferrabosco and Jonson and Lanier (or between later masque writers and
William and Henry Lawes) may not have informed all the music which was heard
in  a  masque performance.  Ferrabosco's contribution to Jonson's masques
did not necessarily extend further than providing settings for the songs;
the dance music at least appears often, if not always, to have been composed
and arranged by other musicians over whom Ferrabosco may or may not have had
a supervisory role.
      Apart from commending Ferrabosco, the quarto text of <uHymenaei>u praised
Thomas Giles, who 'made and taught' the dances.  Giles also 'made the dances'
for <uThe Masque of Beauty>u (lines 296ff.) and was the 'author' of an ingenious
graphic dance in <uThe Masque of Queens>u (line 756).  He received forty pounds
(as much as Jonson and Jones and apparently twice as much as Ferrabosco ' 'for
three dances' in <uOberon>u.  Jeremy Herne is described as 'the maker' of the
witches dance in <uThe Masque of Queens >u(lines 351ff.).  He and a French
dancing master, Monsieur Confesse, are named in a warrant in favour of
1.    See <uBen Jonson>u, VII, pp. 82f.
2.    <uLovers Made Men>u, lines 26ff., and in one state of the quarto of <uThe>
u
<uMasque of Augurs>u;  see <uBen Jonson>u, VII, p. 625.
                                - 37 -
'Alphonso fferabosco and others for the Maske' in 1611 (for <uOberon>u) which
gave to each of them 'the summe of twentie pounde<us>u by waie of reward for
their paines having bene imployed in the Princes late Mask by the space
almost of sixe weekes'.
      This comparatively high remuneration, even though it is obviously
intended to cover rehearsal costs, suggests that these musicians had an
important role.  The exact limits of their contribution are not made clear
by the texts, and the vagueness of such expressions as 'made the dances' can
be very frustrating indeed.  In the text of <uThe Haddington Masque>u, for examp
le,
we are told, following the description of set dances, that
      The two latter were made by M. <uTH0.GILES>u, the two first by
    <uM. HIE. HERNE>u:  who, in the persons of the two <uCyclopes>u,
      beat a time to them, with their hammers.  The tunes were
     <uM. ALPHONSO FERRABOSCO'S>u.  The device and act of the scene,
      <uM. YNIGO IONES>u his...
     ----------------
      At first sight this would seem to mean that Ferrabosco composed the
tunes for the dances, and Giles and Herne choreographed them, but it seems
more likely, in view of the other evidence relating to this issue, that
Giles and Herne composed the music as well as devising the choreography for
the dances, and that the 'tunes' to which Jonson refers are the songs which
Ferrabosco composed for this masque.  The ayre by Thomas Giles printed at
the back of <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u and 'devised onely for dauncing' is
positive evidence that he was composer as well as choreographer.   He also
received payment 'for three dances' in <uOberon>u.  The Margaret Board Lute
manuscript contains an 'Antiq masque by Mr. Confesso set by Mr. Taylor
which is further evidence of dancing masters providing their own tunes.
      The development of the pochette or kit during the seventeenth century
serves to remind us that dancing masters would, as a basic skill, be able to
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1.    The <u0beron>u accounts are printed in <uBen Jonson>u, X, pp. 52Of.
2.    See above pp.18ff.
3'    0n fol' 27v.  This manuscript is in the possession of Mr. Robert Spencer.
play dance tunes on a violin'  Masque records show that in the early seven-
teenth century dancing masters were also skilled violinists (or rather,
skilled violinists were expected to devise and coach dances).  Jacques
Cordier (known as Bocan), who taught some of the dances for <uLove Freed>u and
was involved in <uThe Lords' Masque>u, was famous in his native France not simpl
y
as the Queen's dancing master, but as a gifted violinist.   Davis Mell, one
of the King's Musicians for the Violins, was paid twenty pounds for <uThe>u
<uTriumph of Peace>u,
      being the reward of the Inns of Courte for service performed
    in attending the graund masquers practise playing to them on
      the treble violin and making some of the tunes for the anti-
    masques.2
      The general point to emerge from this is that the concept of a composer
assisted by a choreographer simply does not apply to the masque in the way
it does to (later) ballet or opera.  Moreover, the whole business of composing
dance tunes, devising choreography, teaching dances, and arranging the tunes
for instruments seems to have belonged in quite a separate department from
the composition of songs.  In <u0beron>u, for which songs by Ferrabosco survive,
Robert Johnson was paid twenty pounds for 'making' the dances, and Thomas
Lupo five pounds for 'setting them to the violins.  (And, as mentioned
earlier, Thomas Giles was also paid 'for three dances'.)
      It is clear that for any single court masque, a number of people would
have had a hand in composing the music or arranging it for the instrumental
resources available.  The accounts for <uLove Freed from Ignorance and Folly>u
show that Ferrabosco received the normal twenty pounds for 'making the
songes', Robert Johnson five pounds for 'setting the <usonges>u to the lutes',
and Thomas Lupo five pounds 'for setting the dances to the violins'.  It is
not clear who wrote the dance tunes, although it may have been Confesse who
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--
1.    See Henry Prunieres, <uLe Ballet de Cour>u (Paris, 1914), p. 175n.
2.    Quoted by Lefkowitz, <uTrois Masques>u, p. 51.
3.    Printed in <uBen Jonson>u, X, pp. 528ff.
It seems likely that one musician, such as Ferrabosco, had an over-
seeing role and thus ensured that the different aspects of the music conformed
with the literary and dramatic ends of the masque.  After all, Jonson does
refer to 'the music master' in his 'Expostulation with Inigo Jones'.   Even
so, in looking at the music's relation to what may be called the literary
concerns of the masque, we are examining not a three-fold cooperation between
writer, designer, and composer, gut something much more various.  The writer
and designer must have relied upon the talents and inventiveness of a whole
group of musicians to provide the sweetness and variety of the music which
they so often claimed they heard.
It is with Campion most of all that we are forced to abandon any easily-
made assumption of close cooperation and unity of artistic purpose between
poet and musician.  Since Campion was proficient in both roles he would seem
to have been in an ideal position to retain complete control over the place
of music in the imaginative design;  but he too shared the musical composition
with others.  For <uThe Lord Hay's Masgue>u he wrote all the song settings which
survive but, as we have seen, some of the dance music at least was composed
by Thomas Giles and Thomas Lupo.  Some of his own vocal music for <uThe Lords'>u
<uMasque>u survives, but the accounts for this production 2 mention Jeremy Herne
,
Jacques Cordier ('Bochan'), Thomas Giles, Giovanni Coperario, Confesse,
Robert Johnson, and Thomas Lupo, some of whom would undoubtedly have supplied
some of the music which was performed.  All the songs which survive for <uThe>u
<uSomerset Masque>u (and, as we have seen, these account for most of the music
sung in the masque) are by Nicholas Lanier and Coperario.
The most well documented example of the coordination of various
musicians is <uThe Triumph of Peace>u, but because it is so much later than the
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.  uBen Jonson>u, VIII, pp. 4O2-6 , line 63.
 2. These accounts are printed in Reyher, pp. 5O8f.
                                     - 4O -
typical Jonsonian masque and because it was a collaboration between the four
Inns of Court rather than a straightforward court production it cannot be
assumed that it is at all a representative case.  For all that, it is an
extremely interesting one, and it seems likely that Whitelocke's role would
earlier in the century have been carried out on a more modest scale by a
superintendant musician such as Ferrabosco or Lanier.  The example of <uThe>u
<uTriumph of Peace>u gives us some idea of the way in which the music for court
masque productions could have been shaped by a controlling intelligence.  In
Whitelocke's <uMemorials>u, we are told that a committee was set up amongst the
four Inns to organize the production, and this committee established several
subcommittees:
one subcommittee to take care of the poetical part of the business;
another for the several properties of the Masquers, and Anti-
Masquers, and other actors;  another was for the Dancing, and to
<uWhitelocke>u in particular was committed the whole care and charge
of all the Musick for this great Masque, which was so performed,
that it excelled any Musick that ever before that time had been
heard in <uEngland>u ...
<uWhitelocke>u made choice of Mr. <uSimon Ivy>u, an honest and able
Musician, of excellent skill in his Art, and of Mr. <uLaws>u to compose
the Airs, Lessons, and Songs for the Masque, and to be Master of
all the Musick under him.  He also made choice of Four of the most
excellent Musicians of the Queen's Chappel ... and of divers others
of foreign Nations, who were most eminent in their Art ...1
While Whitelocke acted as a musical manager, he wisely left the artistic
direction of these matters in the hands of William Lawes, whose autograph
manuscript, Bodleian Mus. Sch. B. 2, reveals that he himself composed the
music for the most important and central parts of the masque.  Hence it would
seem that the musical manager, William Whitelocke, appointed William Lawes
musical director, with Simon Ives and Davis Mell working under him.
The fact that the music for any one masque was normally the product of
several hands, and the different problems of dealing with the sources of
vocal music and the sources of dance music, seem reason enough for dealing
with dance and vocal music in separate chapters.
1. <uMemorials>u (1732), p.19.
  - 41 -
<uChapter II>u
MASQUE SONG
i. <uThe function and types of main masque songs>u
Masque musicians, as we have seen, are most commonly characterized as
priests or poets.  They are, in other words, men of more than ordinary wisdom
and authority.  Their songs elucidate the mysteries of the masque's device
or rituals and initiate the miraculous scenic and moral transformations which
are so central in virtually every court masque.  It has already been mentioned
that in <uLove Freed from Ignorance and Folly>u song is used as the means of
bringing insight to the captive Love.  The words sung have a special potency
and restore order and harmony to a perplexed and confused mind.  There are
a number of other examples in which music effects miraculous results.  In
<uThe Masque of Flowers>u, the Garden-gods descend to the stage and sing to
lutes and theorboes 'The Song that Induced the Charm'.  The second part of
this song is the charm itself:
Hearken, ye fresh and springing flowers,
The Sun shines full upon your earth;
Disclose out of your shady bowers,
He will not blast your tender birth.
Descend you from your hill,
Take spirit at his will,
No flowers, but flourish still.
(lines 321-7)
Then we are told that 'the loud music again sounded.  The banks of flowers
softly descending and vanishing, the Masquers, in number thirteen, appeared seat
ed
in their arches' (lines 328-3O).  Here it is the song which effects the
restoration of the men from flowers.  In <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u Night, having
been persuaded to assist in the festivities, ascended to the grove of trees
in which Apollo's knights are trapped and announced:
By vertue of this wand, and touch deuine,
These <uSiluan>u shadowes back to earth resigne:
Your natiue formes resume, with habite faire,
While solemne musick shall enchant the aire.
(p. 70, lines 22-5)
Then followed a 'Songe of transformation', during which the masquers were
released from the trees.  In <u0beron>u a triumphant song, 'Melt earth to sea,
Sea flow to air', is performed when Oberon's palace is revealed.  Similarly,
in <uThe Memorable Masque>u, the transformation in which a mountain opens and
spreads like a sky at sunset revealing the masquers in a golden mine beneath
is accomplished while the six voices and six lutes of the Phoebades sing
0pe, Earth, thy womb of gold,
Show, Heaven, thy cope of stars.
All glad aspects unfold,
Shine out and clear our cares,
Kiss, Heaven and Earth, and so combine
In all mix'd joy our nuptial twine.
(lines 238-43)
The use of imperative verb forms in these songs suggests that the musician-
priests control the action rather than simply describe it.  In the preliminary
section of the text outlining the argument of the masque, Chapman is more
explicit about the musicians' power;  he says that this first full song was
'used for an Orphean virtue for the state of the mines opening' (P. 443).
A very similar transformation in <uPleasure Reconciled>u takes place to a
quite similar (although poetically more accomplished) song;  even the way
Jonson introduces this in his text emphasises its efficacy:
Here ye whole Quire of Musique call ye Masquers forth from
ye Lap of ye Mountaine:  wch now opens wth this Song
0pe, aged Atlas, open then thy lap
and from thy beamy bosom, strike a light,
yt men may read in thy misterious map
all lines
and signes
of roial education, and the righ[t]
(lines 214-23)
This transformation is virtually repeated later in Carew's <uCoelum Britannicum>
u,
and there the three Kingdoms sing:
0pen thy strong entrailes wide
And breake old <uAtlas,>u that the pride
0f three fam'd kingdomesmay be spy'd.
(lines 942-4)
1. This and all subsequent line references to this masque are from <uThe Poems>u
of <uThomas Carew>u.
                                  - 43 -
Davenant's <uBritannia Triumphans>u has a transformation song which is performed
by a Chorus of Poets.  It contains the usual imperative verb forms:
Break forth!  thou treasure of our sight,
   That art the hopeful morn of every day . .
                                                             (p. 204)
Knights who have been trapped in darkness by some very ill-defined spells are
freed in <uThe Mountebanks Masque>u 'by virtue of a charming song':
THE CALL, 0R S0NG 0F 0BSCURITY
Appear, appear, you happy Knights!
Here are several sorts of Lights ...
Come away;  and from your eyes
Th' old shades remove,
For now the Destinies
 Release you at the suit of Love.
                                               (P. 434)
Perhaps a song which is so obviously derivative illustrates as well as any
how the efficacious transformation song had become a convention.
     Related to this type of song are those which banish disruptive forces
and establish a 'sanctified' atmosphere in which the happy rites of the
masque proper may proceed.  Perhaps the most obvious example of this is the
song in <uThe Somerset Masque>u which halts the confused dancing of the anti-
masque and imposes the peace and order of the main masque:
Vanish, vanish hence, confusion;
Dimme no  <uHymens>u goulden light
With false illusion ...
                              (p. 152, lines 35-7)
     <uThe Masque of Blackness>u opened with a song sung by one Triton (a tenor)
and two sea-maids (trebles).  The text describes it as 'lowd musique', and
the words, too, suggest that it had a fanfare-like quality:
          Sound, sound aloud
          The welcome of the <u0rient>u floud,
Into the <uWest>u ...
                                         (lines 97-9)
1.   This and all subsequent page references to this masque are from the
edition in Lefkowitz, <uTrois Masques>u.
2.   This and all subsequent page references to this masque are from the
edition included in John Marston, <uWorks>u, 3 vols., ed. A.H. Bullen (1887),
Vol. III.
<uHY-menaei>u began with a song which is very similar to <uThe Somerset Masque>u
song and which emphasises the masque's ritual and quasi-religious dimension:
          Bid all profane away;
Hone here may stay
To view our <umysteries>u,
But, Who themselues haue beene,
0r will, in time, be seene
The self-same <usacrifice>u....
                                        (lines 67-72)
     The opening of this song was echoed years later when, in <uThe Triumph of>u
<uPeace>u, Irene or Peace descended and banished the antimasquers with her song
beginning, 'Hence, ye profane, far hence away!' (lines 491ff.).
There is a beautiful song performed by Euphemus in <uLove's Triumph>u
<uthrough Callipolis>u which separates profane antimasque from virtuous masque.
The song begins with a description of Love's 'chaste desires':
Loue is the right affection of the minde,
The noble appetite of what is best:
Desire of vnion with the thing design'd,
But in fruition of it cannot rest....
                                    (lines 54-7)
It continues, after a section addressed to the queen as 'the top of beauty',
with a warning that Love cannot be present until the depraved lovers of the
antimasque are thoroughly banished:
Loue, in perfection, longeth to appeare,
But prayes, of fauour, he be not call'd on,
Till all the suburbes, and the skirts bee cleare
0f perturbations, and th' infection gon....
                                             (lines 74-7)
Euphemus' song is followed by a chorus, sung while the place is purified
with censers:
Meane time, wee make lustration of the place,
   And with our solemne fires, and waters proue
          T[o]' haue frighted, hence, the weake diseased race
   0f those were tortur'd on the wheele of loue....
             Sound, sound, and treble all our ioyes agen,
Who had the power, and vertue to remooue
Such monsters from the labyrinth of loue.
                                             (lines 84-99)
1.   Jonson had used the image of Love's labyrinth in <uPleasure Reconciled to>u
<uVirtue>u, where Daedalus, addressing the masquers immediately before the revel
s,
sings 'It followes now, you are to proue/the subtlest maze of all:  that's
<uLoue>u ...' (lines 299ff.).
                                 - 45 -
These songs are typical of main masque songs in having an important structural
function (unlike antimasque songs, which are mostly gratuitous).  Song was
also used to announce the end of the night's festivities, and certain types
of concluding song recur in masque after masque.  The song which concludes
<uThe Masque of Blackness>u is an aubade of a kind which was to become quite
common in the Jacobean and Caroline masque:  the night being almost over, the
revels must cease.  This particular song draws attention to the declining
moon, and so works in terms of the central device of this masque since it
was Diana who had initiated the Aethiopian's quest for James I's court:
         Now DIAN, with her burning face,
             Declines apace:
By which our Waters know
             To ebbe, that late did flow.
Back <uSeas>u back <uNymphs>u;  but, with a forward grace,
Keepe, still, your reuerence to the place:
And shout with ioy of fauor, you haue wonne,
In sight of <uAlbion>u, NEPTUNES sonne.
The song also underlines the decorum in the way the masquers depart, paying
their respects to the king until the very end.
     The concluding song in <uLove Freed>u also emphasises the way in which
masquers and musicians leave while paying homage to the king:
Thus should the <uMuses>u PRIESTS, and GRACES goe to rest
Bowing to the Sunne, throned in the West.
                                               (lines 377ff.)
<u0beron>u, <uLove Restored>u, and <uThe Vision of Delight>u all have concluding
songs which mention the approach of dawn.  <u0beron>u, in fact, has two concludi
ng
songs.  The first of them, sung by a sylvan when Phosphorus, the day star,
appeared, is 'Gentle Knights' which Ferrabosco set so beautifully.   The
second is a full song expressing the lateness of the hour with more urgency
and dismay:
O yet, how early, and before her time,
The enuious <uMorning>u vp doth clime,
             Though shee not loue her bed!
                             (lines 448-50)
1.   Setting of Jacobean masque songs are discussed  below pp. 52ff.
     The concluding song in <uThe Vision of Delight>u was sung by Aurora (as
Night and the Moon descended) and answered by a chorus.  Aurora's words (for
which a very ornate setting survives) express the customary reluctance that
the festivities must end:
 I was not wearier where I lay
By frozen <uTythons>u side to night;
Then I am willing now to stay,
And be a part of your delight.
But I am urged by the Day,
Against my will, to bid you come away.
                                                  (lines 237-42)
Most Caroline masques conclude with a hymn of praise to Charles and
Henrietta Maria, but <uThe Triumph of Peace>u and <uBritannia Triumphans>u share
 the
characteristics of the earlier period.  <uThe Triumph of Peace>u has a song
associated with Amphiluce ('the forerunner of the morning') but sung 'by
other voices':
Come away, away, away,
See the dawning of the day,
Risen from the murmuring streams . . .
Bid your active sports adieu,
The morning else will blush for you
                                                    (lines 76O-7)
In <uBritannia Triumphans>u, the concluding song does not deal with the
approaching dawn as such, but with the sleepiness that comes with the lateness
of the hour:
Wise Nature, that the dew of sleep prepares
To intermit our joys and ease our cares,
Invites you from these triumphs to your rest!
                                                             (p. 208)
     In masques associated with wedding celebrations, these aubades are
given a rather different emphasis:  the regret at the passing of the revels
is modified by the sense that as time goes on, the courtly celebrations can
only hinder nuptial joys.  This is given its clearest expression in the
brief song which concludes <uThe Lord's Masque>u:
No longer wrong the night
0f her <uHymenaean>u right;
A thousand <uCupids>u call away,
Fearing the approaching day;
The Cocks alreadie crow:
Dance then and goe.
                                         (p. 100 lines 23-8)
Such songs are an interesting translation into a public and ceremonial form
of the extensive genre of intimate lyrics in which lovers complain about
the approaching dawn (the best-known example being Donne's 'The Sun Rising').
     <uHymenaei>u ('Thinke, yet, how <unight>u doth wast'), <uThe Masque of the
inner>u
<uTemple and Gray's Inn>u, and <uThe Memorable Masque>u all have concluding song
s
which share this theme.  Ferrabosoo's 'Why stays the Bridegroom' for <uThe>u
<uHaddington Masque>u is also a fine example of this type of farewell song.
The second stanza of the Goperario 'Come ashore, come, Merry Mates' also
belongs to this class of song:  it is sung at the very end of <uThe Somerset>u
<uMasque>u:
          Hast aboord, hast now away;
Hymen frownes at your delay:
          Hymen doth long nights affect;
Yield him then his due respect.
                                               (p. 156, lines 18-21)
This is also a sailors' song, calling the men back to their ships, and
such songs were not uncommon in masques with a maritime theme or motif.
The surviving Ferrabosco song from <uThe Masque of Blackness>u, for example,
can be seen to be a modified sailors' song of this kind.  The lady masquers
who had arrived from the sea in 'a great concaue shall, like mother of
pearle' (line 59) are called back to sea with this 'charme, sung by a tenor
voyce':
          Come away, come away,
We grow iealous of your stay ...
                                              (lines 295f.)
1.   The entertainment put on by the Merchant Taylors' Company for the King
in 1607 concluded with a sailors' song:  '... after all which his Majesty
came down to the Great Hall, and, sitting in a chair of Estate, did hear a
melodious song of farewell, by three rare men in the shippe, being apparelled
in watchet silk, like seamen, which song so pleased his Majesty, that he
caused the same to be sung three times over' (Nichols, <uProgresses of>u
<uJames I>u, Vol. II, p. 139).  Ben Jonson was called in to advise the company
'about a Speech to be made to welcome his Majesty;  by reason that the
Company doubt that their Scholemaster and Schollers be not acquainted with
suche kind of Entertagnements' (ibid., p. 136).
                                  - 48 -
Another of these modified sailors' songs occurs at the end of <uNeptune's>u
<uTriumph>u  where the three maritime deities who are presenters of the masque
each claim they must return to the sea.
     There is one concluding song which does not adopt any of the usual
conventions but which is too fine an example of the thematic weight given
to song in the masque to pass over here.  The final song in <uPleasure Recon->u
ciled  makes a link between the ideal virtue represented in the masque and
the difficulty of living virtuously in the real world:
          Theis, theis are howres, by Vertue spar'd
   hirself, she being her owne reward,
                But she will haue you know,
   that though
              hir sports be soft, hir life is hard.
                                    (lines 328-32)
This song is obviously very important in the overall poetic design of the
masque.  Jonson Has apparently so concerned that the words of this song be
heard clearly that it was first declaimed by Mercury and then 'repeated in
Song, by 2. <utrebles,>u 2 <utenors, a base>u, and y  whole Chorus' (lines 320f.
)
     The two types of masque song discussed so far are of considerable
structural significance:  they give emphasis and a sense of triumph to the
opening and closing moments of the main masque.  Each step in the main
masque's ritual pattern is punctuated by song, and the largest and most
important group of masque songs - those which introduce and interpret the
set dances and the revels - must be discussed in some detail in the context
of masque dancing.  Structurally and thematically these songs lie at the
very heart of the masque.
     There is one further convention in masque songs which should be men-
tioned:  the use of echo songs.  It has already been noted that the surviving
version of Coperario's 'While Dancing Rests' from <uThe Somerset Masque>u lacks
1.   The main masque section of <uThe Fortunate Isles>u is almost identical
to <uNeptune's Triumph>u (for reasons explained above, p. 16) and hence, unless
otherwise stated, any reference to this section of the text of <uNeptune>u's
<uTriumph>u also applies to later text.
                                  - 49 -
an echo mentioned in the text.  These echoes, which occur after the last
line of each stanza, are of the kind which add to or modify the meaning of
the lines they reflect:
          Kind eares with ioy enchaunting,   chaunting
                                                           (p. 154, line 21)
euer
          We leave with charmes enclosing,   closing
                                                (p. 154, line 31)
There is an echo song in <uThe Masque of Blackness>u (the second of two songs
calling the lady masquers back to the sea).  In that song, too, the echo
is something of a verbal trick since it reverses the meaning of the state-
ment it repeats:
          Daughters of the subtle floud,
Doe not let earth longer intertayne you:
          1.  <uEcch>u.  Let earth longer intertayne you.
   2.  <uEcch>u.  Longer intertayne you
                                                     (lines 306-9)
The echo expresses the general reluctance to allow the masquers to retreat
from the dancing area and so bring the festivity to a close.  The echo in
the next stanza again seems to voice the despair of the gentleman with whom
the lady masquers have danced:
              'Tis to them, inough of good,
           That you giue this little hope, to gayne you.
1.  <uEcch>u.  Giue this little hope, to gayne you.
              2.  <uEcch>u.  Little hopei to gayne you
     There are two echo songs in <uThe Masque of Beauty>u - the only two songs
from this masque for which no settings survive.  The second of them has
some verbal play such as we have seen in the other echo songs;  a proposi-
tion made by the Chorus is turned into a positive statement by the echo:
          Still turne, and imitate the heauen
    In motion swift and euen . . .
          So all that see your <ubeauties>u sphaere,
           May know the '<uElysian>u fields are here.
           <uEcch>u.  Th' <uElysian>u fields are here.
    <uEcch>u.  <uElysian>u fields are here.
                                               (lines 399-409)
                              - 50 -
The other echo song, the first song in the masque, has no such subtle
twists:
          When Loue, at first, did mooue
From out of <uChaos,>u brightned
          So was the world, and lightned,
 As now!  <uEccho>u.  As now!  <uEcch>u.  As now!
                                                   (lines 282-5)
The ingenuity here lay in the way these echoes were produced;  we are told
that 'this full Song [was] iteratedin the closes of two <uEccho>u's, rising
out of the Fountaines' (lines 279f.).   This was, however, more than just
a clever sound effect, and Jonson takes pains to point out (in a speech by
Vulturnus) the significance of these fountains;  the Chorus of Poets and
Singers,
          Sing hymnes in celebration of their [the masquers'] worth.
           Whilst, to their songs, two fountsines flow, one hight
0f <ulasting Youth>u, the other <uchast Delight,>u
           That at the closes, from their bottomes spring,
And strike the ayre to <ueccho>u what they sing.
                                                         (lines 144-8)
In other words, Youth and chast Delight endorse the singers' praise.  (Jonson
used a variation on this idea in his last mssque, <uChloridia>u, where Spring
sings several songs in which the Fountains 'follow with the close';  what
they sing, hcwever, is not an actual echo of Spring's words.)
     Echo songs in the masque tend to fall into two categories:  pastoral
echo songs, in which a perfect Arcadian environment joins in and confirms
the reasons for the singers' celebrations, and songs in which the echoes
of fame attest that those present are enjoying an historic era of peace and
good government.  Often, as in the second echo song of <uThe Masque of Beaut'y>u
,
the two suggestions are interwoven.  They are similarly combined in <uThe>u
<uLord Hay's Masque>u:  the words of one echo song (a brief chorus) are heroic,
while the description of its performance (and of the instrumental music
which followed) indicates a thoroughly pastoral treatment:
          Againe this song reuiue end sound it hie:
          Long live <uApollo>u, Brittaines glorious eye.
                            - 51 -
This <uChorus>u was in the manner of an Eccho seconded by the
Cornets ... which kind of ecchoing musicke rarely became
their Siluan attire ...
                                                 (p. 71, lines 26ff.,
p. 72, line 4)
An even more obvious example of the mixing of these two strands occurs
in <uPan's Anniversary>u, where the Arcadians sing,
          0f <uPAN>u we sing, the best of Singers, Pan,
That taught us swaines, how first to tune our layes ...
          CH0.  Heare, 0 you groves, and hills, resound his worth.
And while his powers, and praises thus we sing,
          The Valleys let rebound, and all the rivers ring.
                                              (lines 172-89)
The third 'hymn' continues this idea with actual echoes.
     The convention of echoes in pastoral scenes is derived from a natural
phenomenon.  The echoes of Fame have an allegorical rather than a natura-
listic foundation, and tend to be given rather different musical realisations.
In William Browne's <uInner Temple Masque>u, the echoes of the Song of the Nymph
s
in the Wood are made to seem as much a natural phenomenon as possible:
     Presently in the wood was heard a full  music of lutes
     which, descending to the stage, had to them sung this
     following song, the Echoes being placed in several parts
    of the boscage.1
     The use of echo effects suggests that the whole environment endorses
the sentiments of praise, triumph, or joy which are the subject of all
these songs.2  The cooperation of nature in the festivities seems to be the
basic idea underlying all of these examples.  0ver and above that, however,
1.   This and all subsequent line references to this masque are from the
edition in <uA Book of Masques>u.
2.   It is interesting to note Baltasar Beaujoyeulx's explanation for the
're/ponse de la Voute Dore/e' which accompanied each song in the <uBalet Conique
>u
<ude la Royne>u (performed in 1581 and published by Ballard in Paris, 1;582):
'Laquelle... aucuns de l'assistance estimerent estre la mesme voix qui fut
conuertie en air repercussif, appele/ depuis Echo:  & d'aultres plus instruits
en la discipline Platonique, l'estimerent estre la vraye harmonie du ciel
de laquelle toutes les choses qui sont en estre, sont conseruees & maintenues'
(fol. 5v).  ('Some of the audience thought that it was that voice which was
turned into reverberating air and since named Echo, while others,better
versed in Platonic philosophy, considered that it was the true celestial
harmony by which all things are preserved and maintained'.)
                                   - 52 -
there is the suggestion that the echo has an authority which surpasses mere
human statement.  This is very clearly the case in many non-masque uses of
echo in this period.
     It is clear from all of this that crucual points in the unfolding device
and ritual of the main masque were marked by song which served both to
emphasise the importance of these moments and to comment on their significance.
The settings which survive of Jacobean main masque songs indicate that the
music which was heard was sufficiently sophisticated to sustain the structural
and thematic weight given to the songs while being suitable for performance
in a large hall.  The largest groups of these songs are those by Ferrabosco.
His 1609 <uAyres>u and Tenbury MS. 1018 together provide a substantial number of
settings of songs for Jonson masques up until 1611.  Since Ferrabosco was
the composer most closely associated with Jonson's early masques, these songs
merit quite detailed consideration.
ii.  <uMasque song settings>u
     The first masque song in the 1609 <uAyres>u is 'Come away',  which was sung
by a tenor in <uThe Masque of Blackness>u  to call the nymphs (the lady masquers
)
back to the sea.  The opening phrase is very obviously declamatory2 in style;
1.   Appendix B contains a list of all extant settings of masque songs and
their sources, together with any modern editions.
2.   I use the term 'declamatory' in the sense which has become the accepted
way of describing a certain type of seventeenth century English song.  This
style is most fully described by McDonald Emslie:  'The declamatory ayre's
voice-line, like that of recitative but to a less degree, models itself on
the time-movement, and to a certain extent the pitch movement, that the
words would have if given spoken declamation.  The result is a song form
more tuneful than early recitative proper - that is, its music makes a
greater contribution in its own medium to the total song - but none the less
the effect it frequently produces is, like recitative, that of musically
heightened speech.
     Declamatory ayre settings are largely syllabic.  Parts of the text are
seldom or never repeated to let the music increase its contribution at certain
places;  its units of meaning are usually presented once only, separated by
cadences....'  ('Nicholas Lanier's Innovations in English Song', <uMusic and>u
<uLetters>u, XLI (1960), pp. 20f.)   Ian Spink gives a similar description in
his paper 'Campion's Entertainment at Brougham Castle 1617', p. 63.
the words which follow the initial isolated chord in the accompaniment are
set in a rhythm which agrees well with the natural spoken rhythm of the
words (see Example 1).  Rhythmically, this became a stock declamatory phrase;
it is virtually the same rhythm as that used by Campion in setting an iden-
tical phrase in <uThe Lords' Masque>u, and more significantly perhaps, it is
also similar to the opening of Lanier's archetypal declamatory ayre, 'Bring
away this sacred tree' (see <uExample 1).1
                                   Example 1
   This phrase comes closest of all to a phrase in another of Ferrabosco's
   songs, 'Come home my troubled thoughts', which immediately precedes 'Come
   away' in the <uAyres>u.  (The two songs were, in fact, printed on facing page
s.)
  The phrase as it occurs in 'Come home my troubled thoughts' can be seen to
  hold the key to all of Ferrabosco's declamatory gestures since (as we shall
  see again and again) there is an immediate dramatic justification for its
  use: the poet is apostrophising his own thoughts on the vanity of human
  desires:
            Come then obay this summons, come away,
            For here vaine hopes must serue you for your pay.
  Ferrabosco, in setting these lines, uses not only the same rhythm for the
  phrase 'come away' but even the same notes that he had used in the masque
  song.  With its rising and falling pattern within the musically incomplete-
  1.   Unless otherewise stated, the musical examples in this chapter have
  been prepared from the original sources (or facaimile reprints of them)
  although modern editions have always been consulted where they were available.
  Editorial bar lines have been indicated by dotted lines.  Spelling has been
  modernised to avoid the problem of adapting old spellings to modern conven-
  tions of word underlay.
                                - 54 -
sounding compass of a tritone,  the phrase does suggest a natural speech
inflection, and Ferrabosco may have used it in both songs because he felt
it was so apt.  Printed side by side in the 16O9 publication, however, the
first song looks very much like an ironic (although possibly unintentional)
comment on the vanity of such courtly pursuits as those served by the masque
See example2
                                     Example 2
 Perhaps the most interesting and significant thing about the declamatory
opening of 'Come Away' is pointed to by the contrast between the first and
second phrases of the song.  In the second phrase we see one of the primary
elements of a declamatory rhythm - as established by the first phrase -
transmuted into a dance-like feature.  As in the first phrase, a single lute
chord sounds in the stressed position at the beginning of the bar, and the
voice enters on the following (weaker) beat with syllables which would be
unaccented in normal speech.  But Ferrabosco does not match the first
phrase and write 'we grow jealous of your stay,;  instead he introduces
a syncopation which gives the rhythm an importance which is quite independent
of the words.  From this point on in the song there is frequent syncopation
in the vocal line against regular chords in the accompaniment (see Example 3).
This device gives the piece a rhythmic buoyancy which is very much akin to
Ferrabosco's dance style as we see it in some of his simpler consort
pieces (such as the 'Alman' quoted in Example 4).
1.   This example is reproduced from <uJacobean Consort Music>u, 2nd. revised
edition, ed, Thurston Dart and William Coates, Musica Britannica IX (1966),
p. 105.
                               - 56 -
In this first masque song, then, the declamatory opening is appropriate
dramatically since it is meant to call the masquers away from the dancing
area and back to sea, but once Ferrabosco has made that dramatic gesture, he
goes on to produce a song whose lively rhythms would have consorted well with
the music played for the dances.  No words are repeated, and there is no
use of melisma, but even so, the word setting after the opening phrase is
not consistently declamatory.  The accompaniment in this song is chordal
with only an occasional passing note to suggest anything more linear.  Such
consort pieces as his Fantasias on the hexachord or his In Nomine Fantasia1
show that this situation did not arise from a lack of sympathy with contra-
puntal writing on Ferrabosco's part, but must have been a response to the
particular demands of the masque including, no doubt, the acoustics of the
large rooms in which masques were performed.2  The range of the vocal line
extends only over one octave (from d' to d").  Characteristically, Ferrabosco
gives the piece shape by the way he uses this range; he reaches the highest
note only once, in the middle of the song, and the climactic sense of this
phrase is reinforced by its being the only one apart from the opening phrase
to be without any syncopation.  The range of the voice expands outwards towards
the middle of the piece, and back in again at the end.
     The basic tonality of the piece is G minor, but Ferrabosco extends the
very common practice of raising the third of the tonic chord beyond cadential
uses to the extent that he approaches a continuous ambiguity between major
1.   See <uJacobean Consort Music>u, pp. 32-4, 62-4 and 122-6.
2.   Ian Spink has several times expressed the view that Ferrabosco's masque
songs are of prime importance in the development of the English declamatory
ayre.  He maintains that the acoustic conditions of masquing rooms and the
heroic vein of the words of masque lyrics led to the development of an
indigenous English declamatory style:  'Above all the aim seems to have been
to make the words audible in a large hall ... clearly declaimed above an
accompaniment of several lutes.  Subtleties of harmonic nuance or polyphonic
elaboration were unnecessary.'  (<uEnglish Song, Dowland to Purcell>u, 1974, p.
41.)  This view involves a rejection of the idea that the English declamatory
style was influenced by early seventeenth century Italian monody.  Whatever
the merits of that hypothesis, the view of Ferrabosco's song needs to be
qualified,
                                 - 57 -
and minor.  This ambiguity is further extended beyond the tonic by the use
of dominant chords with both sharpened and flattened leading notes (see
Example 3, p. 55 above).
     The salient features of this song - a vocalle which moves between
declamatory and dance rhythms and which is coloured by expressive intervals,
a fluid harmonic scheme, and a structural use of the vocal range in the
song - recur in many of Ferrabosco's masque songs, as a few examples will
demonstrate.
     'Why stays the Bridegroom' from <uThe Haddington Masque>u has a declamatory
opening (with the voice entering after a simple lute chord), and once again,
the song moves towards dance rhythms in the second phrase (where, as in
'Come away', the voice enters after a lute chord, but then embarks on a
quite strongly syncopated line).  Something very similar happens later in
the piece;  a chord introduces a declamatory phrase, after which a more
broken melody line and less obviously declamatory rhythms take over (see
Example 5).  (Here again we see Ferrabosco using a tritone in association
with a declamatory rhythm.)
     A mixture of declamtory and non-declamatory rhythms is particularly
evident in the song 'If all the Ages of the Earth' from <uThe Masque of Queens>u
.
In the second half of the song especially, Ferrabosco subordinates declama-
tion to other musical techniques.  There we find melisma and a vocal rhythm
which is so strongly syncopated that it almost dislocates the sense of the
lines:  quite unimportant words (notably 'of') are thrown into prominence by
the length of the notes and the syncopated rhythms.  This vocal line could
well be described as heroic, but not as declamatory (see Example 6).
                                 Example 6
     Ferrabosco's tendency to write angular vocal lines which have a heroic,
almost fanfare-like quality, is most apparent in one of the Tenbury MS.
1018 songs, 'Bow near to Good' (from <uLove Freed from Ignorance and Folly).>u
A motif with wide leaps (built initially on the notes of the tonic chord)
recurs at the beginning of every phrase in the first half of the piece (see
Example 7).  The voice has to cope with a wider range in this song than in
any other Ferrabosco masque song;  this combined with the angularity of the
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   It is this song which Ian Spink uses to support his view that Ferrabosco's
masque songs hold the key to the development of the English declamatory ayre;
see <uEnglish Song, Dowland to Purcell,>u pp. 41f.
                                  59
vocal line must make it one of the most technically difficult of all these
songs.
                                Example 7
     Ferrabosco's fluid harmonies are well illustrated by 'If all these
Cupids'.  At the end of the first phrase, the dominant chord leads to a
major version of the tonic chord, and from there through two further degrees
in the circle of fifths.  From an F major chord, the harmony shifts back to
a minor form of the tonic chord, then to the dominant and an interrupted
on to a B flat major chord (see Example 8).
                                      Example  8
      The most extreme example of this kind of harmonic mobility comes in
'Sing the nobles of his race', one of the three masque songs in the <uArres>u
whose context has not been identified.  In the space of a few bars (at
'breaking all the bounds') this works its way around the circle of fifths
from C major to A flat major, and from there it moves via C minor to G major.
     The structural use of the vocal range noticed in 'Come away' is quite
typical.  In 'Yes, were the loves', the range extends from d' to g', but
              the g" is saved for the final climactic phrase of the stanza:
       They do not war with different darts,
                        But strike a music of like hearts.
This couplet is the poetic climax of three linked songs in <uThe Masque of>u
             <uBeauty>u and it resolves the speculation with which they had begu
n.  The
couplet is repeated with some musical variation in Ferrabosco's setting.
                  In 'Senses by unjust force Banished',  Ferrabosco has again or
ganised
his pitches carefully so that the highest note in the piece has a climactic
            impact.  It is approached from a steadily ascending movement which s
tarts at
the beginning of the song;  the high g' is reserved for the word 'treasure'
            in the line which contains the central idea of the poem:
         Senses by unjust force banished
                       From the object of your pleasure,
Now of you is all end vanished;
                       You who late possessed more treasure,
When eyes fed on what did shine,
                       And ears drank what was divine,
Than the Earth's broad arms could measure.
            The climactic sense at 'treasure' is reinforced by the use of melism
a (which
parallels the only other incidence of melisma in the piece on the word
            'vanished').  From this climactic point (Example 9) to the end of th
e piece,
the voice gradually descends.
                                             Example 9
            1.   In Tenbury MS. 1018, this song occurs on fol. 37 between '0 wha
t a
             fault' and 'How near to good' from <uLove Freed from>u <uIgnorance
and Folly.>u
Although the words of 'Senses by unjust force banished' do not occur in
             Jonson's text, the song must have been performed in or intended for
 this
masque.
                   This kind of organization of pitches is only one of the ways
in which
Ferrabosco gives structure to his songs.  The basic motivie organization of
             'Why Stays the Bridegroom', for example, is both clear and satisfyi
ng and
it ties in quite neatly with the pitch organization.  The first half of the
             song (which, as usual, is binary) has its own internal balance.  Th
e first
phrase descends by step (and rises a fourth at the end);  this is answered
            by a short contrasting phrase which contains an octave leap.  The co
ntrast
between stepwise downward movement and upward movement by leap is carried
            right through the piece.  The two opening phrases are then repeated
in an
abridged form the second phrase in the repeated version leading to a perfect
            cadence on to the tonic major (instead of the relative major which i
s heard
the first time).  The second half of the song contains its musical and poetic
            climax:
           To morrow, rise the same
                      Your <umother>u is, and vse a <unobler>u name.
                       (lines 419-20)
            It begins with the rising octave motif.  The voice up until this poi
nt has
moved between e' and e", but here, Ferrabosco takes it up to g" (and then
            uses little melismatic figures in bringing the voice back down to c'
).  As
in 'Come away', this climactic point is free from syncopation
           The intervallic leaps narrow and the note values generally lengthen t
owards
the end of the piece.
                The first half of 'If all these Cupids' has something in common
with
the ABA'B' of the first half of 'Why stays the Bridegroom'.  Here, though,
           the two A phrases are answered by quite different contrasting phrases
, and
the second A phrase is a rhythmic repetition of the first rather than a
           melodic one (although it begins as a melodic inversion of the first).
     The motivic organization of 'Had those that dwell in error foul' is
          also very clear.  An opening motif built around the interval of a thir
d has
a tail piece which moves upward by step;  it is then repeated (with a different
          rhythm), but this time the tail piece moves downward to the tonic.  Af
ter a
                                 - 62 -
short section which introduces new material, the first motif with the second
tail-piece reappears a fifth higher (so that it ends on the dominant);  and
then, finally, an abridged version of this is repeated at the original pitch
(see Example 10).
     The new material which appears in the middle section is interesting
since it has its own logic.  Harmonically, this section is moving towards
C major, and two short phrases approach the d" of the dominant chord, the
first from above, the second from below.
     0ne of the most finely structured of these songs is 'So Beauty on the
Waters Stood'.  It was sung by a 'loud tenor' at the end of a set dance
while the masquers were standing still 'in the figure of a <uDiamant>u'.  It is
a most beautiful song and it provides an expressive musical image of Jonson's
verse:
          So beautie on the waters stood,
When <uloue>u had seuer'd earth, from flood.'
          So when he parted ayre, from fir
He did with concord all inspire!
                                                 (lines 324-7)
The setting projects a mood of stately calm.  It is completely symmetrical,
consisting of two (repeated) phrases, the second of which is virtually an
inversion of the first:  the first is built on an ascending step-wise line,
the second on a descending one, and they are rhythmically identical.  They
are tonally undisturbed since the first phrase moves to the dominant and
the second returns to the tonic.
     The second section provides a melodic contrast which mirrors a change
in the content of the verse (most obviously in the way a descriptive use of
melisma on the word 'motion' breaks up the step-wise descent of the line).
                                   - 63 -
The second phrase in this section ascends to the highest note in the piece
(g") and this climactic point is made more emphatic through being approached
by leap.  The accompaniment takes on some linear interest for one bar in
which it has a diminished and transposed version of the opening phrase (see
Example 11).
                                Example 11
The very last phrase of the piece picks up the opening rising phrase
(although it is rhythmically abridged).  Ferrabosco approaches this by a
short quasi-sequential phrase, the range of which encloses, as it were,
the tonic (c') on which the voice finally comes to rest.
     The rhythmic disposition of the words in this song is as undisturbed
and as close to natural speech as these ayres ever come.  The most remark-
able aspects of this song are its symmetry, the smoothness of the melodic
transitions from one section to the next, and its undisturbed harmonies.
These features have an obvious relationship to the content of the poem which
is set.
     Ferrabosoo quite often uses melisma as an illustrative device (such as
we have seen in this song).  In 'Gentle Knights' (one of the Tenbury>u 1018
songs) 'motion' is again the subject of melismatic treatment.  In 'bad those tha
t dwell in error foul', the word 'error' is set meliamatirally, appa-
rently a musical illustration of the idea of wandering.  The most exten-
sively melismatic song, however, does not have this naively descriptive
element.  The effect of the melisma in 'Yes, were the Loves' is primarily
to give the vocal line a joyous quality.  The melody is very melismatic
                                   - 64 -
throughout and is constructed from sequential patterns which are constantly
syncopated against a regular chordal accompaniment (see Example 12).
                                   Example 12
     Here we see melisma and sequence' both features which are not asso-
ciated with a declamatory style (since they imply a musical rather than a
verbal rationale), combined with the chordal accompaniment which is thought
to be one of the hallmarks of the declamatory ayre.  Ferrabosco often uses
a regular chordsl accompaniment, or a harmonically varied irregular chords1
accompaniment, to throw a syncopated vocal line into relief.  His accom-
paniments sometimes take on more intrinsic musical interest.  In the second
half of 'It was no policy of Court', for example, the accompaniment has an
almost continuously linear aspect.  Even in the first half of the song there
is one point of imitation between voice and lute.
     It should not be surprising that in songs which are as carefully
structured as these the use of sequence is not uncommon.  The second half
of 'If all these Cupids' contains two sequences (the second of them with
repeated words) and the accompaniment takes on a loosely polyphonic texture.
Similarly, the closing lines of 'It was no Policy of Court' contain one
quite extensive sequence which is built on a section of an earlier phrase.
                             - 65 -
More often than not, the masque songs were interpolated between various
dances, and these buoyant ayres would have been quite in keeping with the
festive atmosphere.  The declamatory elements in these songs sometimes consist
of little more than one or two gestures (perhaps just the initial voice entry);
not just being sung 'to entertain the time' but that someone is actually
coming forward to proclaim the significance of a dance or to urge the dancers
on.  0nce the song is under way, however, Ferrabosco generally pays less
regard to the metre and inflexion of the spoken word, and his melodies and
rhythms become more closely related to the context of dance music in which
they were heard.
     These songs, with their clear structure, varied and expressive vocal
lines, their fluid harmonies, and lightly syncopated rhythms, are musically
sophisticated;  but in quite a different way from Dowland's lute songs.
They are also different stylistically from the songs of Lanier or Henry
Lawes.  Ferrabosco's masque song style is a distinct achievement, well suited
to its dramatic end festive context.
     A comparison of Ferrabosco's masque songs with his other songs rein-
forces one's impression that the masque songs were written with the context
of their performance very much in mind.  It is clear that the general
stylistic uniformity of the masque songs is a matter of design, since a
much wider variety of style is evident in the non-masque songs.  There are
a few in which the lute accompaniment has more sustained interest than in
any of the masque songs (Unconstant Love', No. XVIII of the <uAyres>u, for
example).  But one also finds a number of light and inconsequential ayres,
such as the strophi songs 'Young and Simple though I am' (No. VIII), and
'I am a Lover' (No. X).  A good example of this uncomplicated style is
No. V, 'Fain I would but 0 I dare not'.  For all its apparent simplicity,
it has a number of ingenious touches of a kind which are possibly too
intimate in scale to succeed in a masque context.  For example, the voice
                                   - 66 -
is taken up to its highest pitch for the phrase (ostensibly spoken by Love
to the Lover) 'thy speech can no <uhigher>u raise her', but the fact that it
reaches f" natural when the basic tonality is G major suggests amusingly
(in the way it falls short of the tonic) that the lover's praises will not
reach the heights that his imagination Might envisage.  Needless to say, the
phrase 'thy speech than thy thoughts are lower' is set on a descending line.
There is just a suggestion of declamation in the middle of the song for the
words "Speak the best", cries Love, "and spare not"'.
      This brings us to the interesting observation that, outside the masque
ayres, wherever Ferrabosco makes any kind of declamatory gesture, the words
of the song give it an immediate dramatic justification.  We have already
seen that No. II, 'Come home my troubled Thoughts', mirrors at one point the
declamatory opening of the 'Come Away' song from <uThe Masque of Blackness>u, an
d
that this is appropriate since the singer apostrophises his own thoughts.  In
No. IV, the voice enters in a semi-declamatory manner, after an initial lute
chord, and again, the words make this style quite apt since a lover addresses
his beloved:
           Deere when to thee my sad complaint I make
           And shew how oft Loue doth my death renue ...
Exactly the same rationale lies behind the use of a declamatory style for the
setting of Donne's poem, 'The Expiration' (No. VII), which begins dramatically
with the words,
           So, so, leaue off this last lamenting kisse,
           Which sucks two soules and vapours both away ...
In No. IX, a lover again addresses his beloved and the declamatory suggestion
is made very clearly, especially in the phrase, 'My dearest love' (see Example
13).
Example 13
                             - 67 -
The song most like the masque songs in style is, interestingly, 'Come
my Celia, let us Prove', which is the song sung by Volpone in his attempt to
seduce the virtuous wife of Corvino;  once again, the dramatic situation
explains the presence of declamatory elements.
     'O eyes, O mortal Stars' (No. XXV) has very marked declamatory traits,and
these are of special interest since the words set are a translation of a
madrigal by Guarini.  Tenbury MS. 1019 actually contains a version of the
song with both the English and the original Italian words.   Each phrase in
this song is set in a rhythm which is appropriate from a declamatory point of vi
ew
(although the entire second half of the song consists of a sequential
repetition of the couplet, 'If closed you annoy me, /Being open you destroy
me').
      Ferrabosco's Italian songs in Tenbury MS. 1018 are declamatory in
quite an uncompromising way.  'Udite Legrimose spir'ti d'Averno', for example,
has a vocal line which is consistently declamatory in its metrical arrange-
ment and in a number of places, several syllables are uttered on the same note.
The bass is quite static and never approaches a note-against-note relationship
with the vocal line.  In other words, the voice is left relatively free to
declaim the words with something of the elasticity of ordinary speech (see
Example 14).
the same characteristics.  These four Italian songs are published in <uAlfonso>u
<uFerrabosco II:  <uManuscript Songs>u, ed. Ian Spink, The English Lute-Songs,
second series, 19 (1966).
         These songs demonstrate that Ferrabosco's masque song style is not
simply an incipient declamatory style; but a medium which could project the
dramatic idea that someone is actually proclaiming the joys of the occasion,
and at the same time convey a sense of its splendid festivity.  It was, in
other words, a style carefully suited to the mood of the occasion, the climatic
nature of the entertainment, and the acoustic conditions in which the songs were
performed.  It is limiting to see it simply as heroic declamation, since that
overlooks many of the most characteristic and appealing features of the songs,
and since they are so different from the straight declamation that we see in
Ferrabosco's Italian solo ayres (or, for that matter, in the English declamation
of Lanier).  It is important to recognize that the masque songs have a clear
musical structure and that this, together with the rhythmic subtleties and
harmonic nuances, gave them a sophistication which befitted their courtly contex
t.
        It is nevertheless true that, to some extent, declamatory elements must
have been considered appropriate for masque songs in the early seventeenth centu
ry.
The clearest evidence for this, however, comes not from the declamatory gestures
which inform Ferrabosco's very personal idiom, but from the masque songs by
Dowland which were printed in 1612 in <uA Pilgrimes Solace>u.  'Up merry mates',
'Welcome black night', and 'Cease these false sports' (Nos. XIX-XXI)  all con-
tain declamatory material which distinguishes all but a very few other Dowland
songs, and seems to imply an association between the declamatory style and a
masque context.
                      <uDowland>u (1972) suggests pp. 267, 272, 276 and 309 that
 a
number of other Dow and songs come from masques or similar entertainments.
As all of these are earlier than 1603 and do not show the stylistic character-
istics which make these later masque songs so interesting, I do not discuss
them in this chapter.  It seems extremely unlikely, however, that 'Come yee
heavy States of Night' - No. XIV in <uThe Second Book of Songs or Ayres>u (1600)
 -
could have been a masque song as Poulton suggests;  it may have come from a
play.  No. XXII in the same volume, 'Humour what Mak'st thou Here', and No. III
of <uThe Third and Last Book of Songs or Ayres>u (1603), 'Behold a wonder Here'
almost certainly would have come from a masque or courtly entertainment.
Edward Doughtie's suggestion (<uLyrics from English Airs, 1596-1622>u, Cambridge
,
Mass., 1970, p. 513) that this last song could have come from 'A deuice made
by the Earle of Essex for the entertainment of the Queene' seems plausible.
                             - 69 -
The exact provenance of these songs is unknown, but it is thought that
they may have been written for the wedding celebrations of Lord Howard de Walden
which were to have taken place in January 7611 but were postponed until March
in the following year.   Certainly, 'Welcome black Night' and 'Cease these
False Sports' (labelled as the first and second parts of a song pair) must have
been written for wedding festivities.  The words of both songs identify them as
conventional masque epithalamia.  'Cease these false Sports', for example, has
one stanza which runs,
             Good night, yet virgin Bride,
But look ere day be spide,
             You change that fruitlesse name,
    Least you your sex defame,
          Fear not <uHymens>u peaceful war,
 You'le conquer though you subdued are ...
The similarity to the Jonson/Ferrabosco song, 'Why stays the Bridegroom to
Invade her' from <uThe Haddington Masque>u is quite striking:
                 Good-night, whilst yet we may
Good-night, to you a <uvirgin>u, say:
                To-morrow, rise the same
Your <umother>u is, and vse a <unobler>u name.
                Speed well in HYMEN'S warre,
That, what you are'
                By your perfection, wee
And all may see
       The other song in this group, 'Up Merry Mates', is also a recognisable
masque type, combining a nautical theme with an exhortation to sing and dance:
              Vp merry mates, to <uNeptunes>u prayse,
Your voices high aduance:
                The watrie nymphs shall dance,
And Eolus shall whistle to your layes ...
The words, and indeed the style of the setting for these opening few lines,
invite comparison with Coperario's lively sailors' song, 'Come ashore, Come
2
Merry Mates' which was heard in 1614 at the end of Campion's <uSomerset Masque>u
.
        'Up Merry Mates' begins as a robust and tuneful ayre which is rhyth-
mically and harmonically quite uncomplicated.  After the first four lines,
        See Diana Poulton, op. cit., p. 370.
  See below p.
                                       - 7O -
however, there is an abrupt change in style.  A brief dialogue between the
first singer and a 'steerman' begins (appropriately enough) in a freely decla-
matory style.  The first singer puts his questions in natural speech rhythms
with the support of tonic chords in the accompaniment.  As in other early
seventeenth-century dialogues, the bass answers have a more rigid rhythmic and
harmonic structure, the result of having to function as bass rather than as a
melodic line which could move with relative freedom above the stable continuo
(see Example 15).
Example 15
a descriptive phrase which descends (in suspensions) across the words 'sink,
sink, sink, Despair', and then with a short triple section, a gentle galliard
which suggests beautifully the contentment it celebrates ('Come, solace, to
the mind').  A mostly homophonic chorus follows in which the lute part
doubles the voices (although it has occasional added idiomatic lute figures).
     The opening of 'Welcome Black Night' is more obviously declamatory than
any English song by Ferrabosco, but by the end of the second line the vocal
line has become shaped by more purely melodic factors, and the lute accom-
paniment has a linear interest of its own (and has short solo passages).
The second section of the piece makes a transition from the declamatory style
to one which is close to the 'old manner' which Dowland acknowledged as his
own in the preface to <uA Pilgrimes Solace.>u
     Since these songs stand in such sharp contrast to most of his writing,
it would seem that Dowland, like Ferrabosco, considered a style with decla-
matory elements right for a masque context.  It must, however, be emphasised
that the words of the songs always provide an immediate dramatic justification
for the use of such a style.  The declamatory style is reserved for the more
obviously dramatic passages in the verses set.
     Campion's two groups of masque songs (for <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u, 1607,
and <uThe Lords' Masque>u, 1613) show a shift from the simple tuneful ayres most
characteristic of Campion towards the kind of writing we have seen in
Ferrabosco's masque songs.  Ironically, perhaps, there is a much more patent
concern for the clear delivery of the words in Campion's masque songs than
in almost any of the Ferrabosco songs which have declamatory traits (which
again suggests that the declamatory elements in Ferrabosco must be seen as
rhetorical gestures rather than something designed purely for undistorted
delivery of the words).
     The two Campion songs from <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u both accompany rhythmi
c
movement.  'Now hath Flora robbed her Bowers' was sung by Zephyrus and two
Silvans as they scattered flowers about the stage.   Before the three singers
(accompanied by four other Silvans playing lutes and a bandora) began, the
song was played by a consort of ten instruments (lutes, bandora, sackbut,
harpsichord, and two violins ).  Such instrumental transcription clearly
requires a melody which hassufficient musical logic to stand on its own.
Metrically, this song is very regular and quite undisturbed by any synco-
pation;  the harmony is never less than smooth.  The treble part moves
exclusively by step, and the lower parts never ruffle the delivery of
Campion's regular verse.  Although this description might suggest that the
song as a whole is rather bland, it is quite attractive in its simplicity of
line and easy relaxed rhythms.  Campion's claims to diligence in coupling
'words and notes lovingly together'  seem justified;  he uses, for example,
a sequence to support an analogous verbal structure (see Example 16).
                                  Example 16
     'Move now with Measured Sound' shares many of the features of 'Now
Hath Flora'.  It has a metrical evenness and a melodic grace which are
uninterrupted by any rhythmic complication or intervallic leaps.  Like 'Now
Hath Flora', this song (or at least the opening strain) was played by
instruments before the singing began.  The melody line moves almost entirely
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--
1.   The song 'With Fragrant Flowers we strew the Way' was performed while
the singers scattered flowers in the entertainment presented to Elizabeth I
at Elvetham in 1591.  See Ernest Brennecke, 'The Entertainment at Elvetham,
7591', <uMusic in English Renaissance Drama>u, p. 38.
2.   See <uCampion's Works>u, p. 62, lines 16-18.
3.   See the preface to <uTwo Books of Ayres>u (ca. 1613);  <uCampion's Works>u,
 p. 115.
by step, except for one central contrasting phrase which saves the piece
from becoming monotonous by moving in fourth and fifth leaps across the whole
compass of the melody.
     This song was printed with a sung bass part as well as the treble part.
It was sung in a two-part version, although the text makes it clear that both
voices were doubled 'that the words of the song might be heard of all';  one
pair of singers was placed near the king (who, of course, had to hear every-
thing that was sung or said in any masque) and the other treble and bass
were placed near the dancers whose actions were fitted to 'the time which the
                                                                           (p. 7
0).
musitians kept in singing and the nature of the wordes which they delivered'/
Like the inner parts of 'Now Hath Flora', the sung bass part has a syllable
to syllable relationship with the treble and would not obstruct the clear
enunciation of the words in any way.  Again, Campion's melodic line is
appropriate for the text;  'measured sound' characterizes the music very well,
and the combination of words and music leaves little doubt about the nature of
the dancing in passages like Example 17.
                                Example 17
    With both of these songs from <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u, one cannot help
but admire the aural grace, and even the intrinsic musicality of the poems.
Both seem full of open vowel sounds which give the verse, even when spoken,
a sonorous quality:
          Now hath <uFlora>u rob'd her bowers
To befrend this place with flowers ...
                                                   (p. 65, lines 1-2)
Move now with measured sound,
You charmed grove of gould ...
                                (p. 70, lines 3-4)
The two Campion songs which survive from <uThe Lords' Masque>u (performed
some six years later in February 1613) show a shift in style.  Just as
Campion's general plan for his masque now took account of Jonsonian models
(<uThe Lords' Masque>u has, for example, a clear antimasque section), his 1613
masque songs seem closer stylistically to Ferrabosco's masque songs.
     Campion's admiration for Ferrabosco found expression in his commendatory
epigram published in the 16O9 <uAyres>u, and these songs suggest that this
admiration extended almost to emulation.  In <uThe Lords' Masque>u, at least,
we find Campion writing in a style which comes very much closer to Ferrabosco's
masque song style.
     Almost every phrase of 'Come away, bring thy golden theft' has the
characteristically declamatory off-beat entry to accommodate an iambic speech
rhythm, and the use of dotted rhythms at the ends of phrases always succeeds
in transfering speech rhythms into musical ones.  The accompaniment is almost
entirely chordal, but like Ferrabosco's masque song accompaniments, the
chords occur too regularly to leave the vocal line as free as one might expect
in a truly declamatory style.  Moreover, Campion's lyrical impulse is such
that this song never moves very far from the kind of tuneful ayres which
graced <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u.  The occasional use of syncopation is also
reminiscent of the dance-like character of Ferrabosco's songs (see Example 18).
Example 18
In the last line of the song (Example 18) there is a sequence which in its
second statement is rhythmically abbreviated, thereby combining syncopation
with a kind of stretto effect (which is made more marked by the introduction
of an imitative point in the bass).  The musical idea suits the urgency or
the words.
     The other surviving song from <uThe Lords' Masque>u, 'Woo her and Win her',
lacks the declamatory gestures of 'Come Away', but is similar to Ferrabosco's
masque song style in other ways.  While the musical rhythms in this song
everywhere underline the verbal ones they do not simply reflect them:  there
is, in fact, a pervading rhythmic counterpoint between the two.  Much of
the song's interest comes from its shifting rhythmic pulse, the constant
ambiguity as to whether the metre is triple or duple.  The rhythmic groups
are articulated by the changes in harmony, so that each stressed note in the
vocal line is accompanied by a significant chord change.  As well as this,
the purely rhythmic disposition of chords in the accompaniment frequently
sets up a cross rhythm.  In the opening, for example, the change to a D major
chord on the fourth crotchet supports what seems to be a clearly triple
rhythm in the melodic line, while the return to a minim G minor chord on the
next crotchet changes the perspective and makes this seem like a syncopation
in common time (see Example 19).  This harmonic articulation of synchronous
rhythms even allows for successive accents on adjacent notes (see 'each
woman' in Example 19).  Such rhythmic subtlety makes this the most inte-
resting of Campion's masque songs.
     The three Coperario songs which survive from <uThe Somerset Masque>u are
all very different from each other in character, but they are alike in
having little affinity with the declamatory style.  This is interesting in
view of the fact that the final dialogue in <uFuneral Teares>u of 7606, and
almost all of the <uSongs of Mourning>u published in 7613 give ample evidence of
Coperario's fluency in the new style.  The dialogue, 'Foe of Mankind', for
example, is an interesting early example of English heroic declamation, and
                               - 76 -
the other songs in the 1613 publication demonstrate that Coperario felt that
such a style was appropriate for panegyric.  But the songs he provided for
<uThe Somerset Masque>u do not lend support to the view that the declamatory
style had become accepted as the natural vehicle for masque lyrics.
     'Go Happy Man' is a concise and graceful ayre which accompanies an
important piece of stage action (Squires brings an enchanted bough from the
Queen towards the scene).  It is binary, and the two halves balance perfectly,
while the rhythmic evenness of the first half sets off the metrical variety
of the second.  Melodically, the two phrases in the first half parallel each
other, although the piquancy given to the first phrase by a prominent aug-
mented second interval is replaced in the answering phrase by a more open
sounding melodic line.
     The metre in the second half of the song is more disturbed than the
first and shifts between duple and triple.  This metrical variety coincides
with a more melismatic treatment of the words, and, as in Campion's 'Woo
her and Win her', the shifting metre is underlined by significant changes
                                   - 77
in the accompaniment.
     The other two Coperario <uSomerset Masque>u songs are embedded in dancing.
'While Dancing Rests'  provides an interlude between the masquers' first
and second dances, and it seem thoroughly appropriate in style:  its lively
triple rhythms themselves suggest a galliard.  At the end of each phrase,
the basic triple rhythm is varied by a hemiola, and this rhythmic expansion
tends to coincide with a slightly more melismatic or florid treatment of the
words.  This basic pattern never becomes predictable, however, since the
number of triple bars before the hemiola is varied in each phrase.  The
structure could be represented schematically as follows (where 3 stands for
a triple bar):
     1.   3 + 3 + hemiola - cadence
     2.   3 + 3 + 3 + hemiola - cadence
     3.   3 + hemiola - cadence [+ cadential echo]
     - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
     4.   [Chorus] 3 + 3 + C - cadence
Rhythmically, the Chorus is quite robust;  there is nothing (like the
connecting notes and cross rhythms in the accompaniment of the first half)
to lighten the movement of the two triple bars, and the alla breve bar which
replaces the hemiolas of the first half has the effect of a written-out
allargando, which seems quite in keeping with the celebratory nature of the
song.
     The other song is a sailors' song, introducing twelve skippers who
'daunced a brave and lively daunce, shouting and tryumphing after their
manner'.  Coperario's music changes from the subtlety of 'Go Happy Man' and
'While Dancing Rests' to something which is indeed brave and lively.  The
regular and swiftly moving rhythms of the song are broken up by a series
of
one twist with the brief excursion into a flat in the closing bars.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1.   See above pp.48f.
                              - 78 -
Campion's and Coperario's songs for masques performed in 1613 have some
of the rhythmic interest of Ferrabosco's masque songs but (with the one
exception of Campion's 'Come Away') none of the declamatory gestures.  In
different ways they all seem fit for a prestigious courtly setting.
     Nicholas Lanier also made an important contribution to <uThe Somerset>u
<uMasque>u.   'Bring Away this Sacred Tree' is much more clearly declamatory tha
n
any masque song considered so far.  The verbal rhythm is accommodated perfectly
by the musical rhythm (and this is more true for the masque words than for the
alternative 'Weep no more' set which, presumably, must have been provided
later).  Lanier even has two phrases which the singer chants on a single note
(see Example 20).
1.   Lanier's prestige and influence as a musician and courtier seems to have
been very considerable.  From 1626 until the fall of Charles I, and from 1660
until his death in 1666 he was Master of the King's Music, a post which gave
                                                                  (cont.)
                                  - 79 -
The song never loses its heroic aspect, although Lanier develops some purely
musical interest;  in the middle of the song, he uses a syncopated vocal line
which is punctuated by metrically regular chords in the accompaniment (a
passage which is strongly reminiscent of Dowland's setting of the lines 'She,
ever thou didst find' ).  Lanier uses one other non-declamatory device in
the second half of the song;  there is a melodic sequence on 'let her blest
hand convey to any suppliant hand ...'.
     'Do not expect to Hear', Lanier's only surviving song from <uThe Masque>u
<uof Augurs>u, seems to show the influence of Ferrabosco (who also composed
music for that masque)  in the way it establishes an equilibrium between
declamatory and dance elements.  Lanier's only other masque song is something
of a problem;  the one extant source for the setting of 'I was not wearier
where I Lay' (from <uThe Vision of Delight>u) presents the song in a version so
florid that the underlying ayre emerges only occasionally.  The basic ayre
which can be distilled from the ornamented version  is quite simple and it
would seem that the natural accents of the words have been observed in the
declamatory manner.  But the florid decoration is so elaborate that it all
but obscures the basic rhythmic structure of the song.  It seems likely that
the extant version of this song represents a written-out form of a much more
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
(cont.)  him considerable power over other musicians:  it was he who author-
ised the purchase of new instruments for particular players, and so on.  In
1634 he used his influence to persuade Whitelocke to back down over the
hiring of John Adson's wind musician friends from the public theatres for the
procession which preceded <uThe Triumph of Peace>u (see Sabol, 'New Documents on
Shirley's Masque "The Triumph of Peace"', pp. 18f).  John Donne the younger
wrote in 1660 that Lanier 'by his great skill gave a life and harmony to all
that he set' (quoted by Poulton, <uop.cit>u., p. 276).
1.   No. VII in <uThe Third and Last Book of Songs or Ayres>u.  This song seems
to have been imitated in the Entertainment at Brougham Castle (see Doughtie,
<uop.cit>u., p. 516).
2.   The song survives in B.L. MS. Egerton 2013.  A table of contents which
survives for the now incomplete New York Public Library MS. Drexel 4175 shows
that it once contained a version of this song.  Transcriptions of the Egerton
2013 version, together with reconstructions of the 'kernel' ayre may be found
in McDonald Emslie's article 'Nicholas Lanier's Innovations in English Song',
pp.23f, and Ian Spink's <uEnglish Song:  Dowland to Purcell,>u p. 47f.
                                   - 80 -
widespread improvisatory performance practice.  There are a few other highly
decorated versions of masque songs which support such a hypothesis.
     A florid version of Ferrabosco's 'Why Stays the Bridegroom' is found in
Christ Church MS. 439.  The intricately decorated vocal line in this song
never distorts the basic rhythmic or melodic shape, nor dislocates the words
too seriously.  The ornamentation consits of quite incidental graces except
for very extensive cadential roulades.  (Example 21 shows the vocal line for
the section of the song reproduced from the <uAyres>u in Example 5 on page 57
above.)1
Example 21
'Come Away' (from <uThe Masque of Blackness>u) also has two cadential
ornaments marked in the Christ Church MS. 439 version, but these are no more
than the  sign which in instrumental sources is normally interpreted as
a trill.  One other Ferrabosco masque song appears in an ornamented version
in this manuscript - 'If all these Cupids' from <uThe Masque of Beauty>u.  The
ornamentation for this song, although not as extensive as for 'Why stays the
bridegroom' is of considerable interest since it is an even more obvious
example of the tendency to include incidental graces during the course of a
piece and to use brilliant and extended flourishes only at cadential points.
Like 'Come Away', this song has some ornamental markings such as a cross
(presumably for a trill) and an oblique stroke (possibly to indicate a 'porte
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
------
1.   The vocal line for the complete song is transcribed by David Fuller,
 'The Jonsonian Masque and its Music', Music and Letters, LIV (1973), p. 446f.
                                   - 81 -
de voix' effect).  At the bottom of the piece, beneath the actual music
(and the stylishly written ascription to 'Mr. Alfonso Ferrabosco') two
roulades have been sketched in, the second and more extensive of them having
the last two words of the song written underneath (see Plate I).  These
flourishes jotted down at the foot of the page suggest the improvisatory
nature of this cadential decoration.
     It would seem that there was something of a performing tradition in
which roulades and graces would be added almost as a matter of course.
Vincent Duckles points out that the manuscripts which contain written out
ornamentation tend to be ones compiled by or for amateurs (who would be less
adept than professionals at improvising such complex decoration)    The
commendatory poem by Edmund Waller addressed to Henry Lawes ('who had then
newly set a song of mine in the year 1635') suggests that the vogue for
elaborate ornamentation was widespread.  The musician is praised for not
allowing the sense of his songs to become dislocated by fastidious decoration.
          As a church window, thick with paint,
          Lets in a light but dim and faint;
So others, with division hide
          The light of sense, the poet's pride:
But you alone may truly boast
          That not a syllable is lost;
The writer's and the setter's skill
          At once the ravished ears do fill.
Let those which only warble long,
          And gargle in their throats a song,
Content themselves with Ut, Re, Mi:
          Let words and sense be set by thee.
(Ironically, seven of the fifty songs in Vincent Duckles' list of florid
songs are by Henry Lawes.)  Busino's comment (in his description of <uPleasure>u
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   Mary Chan's suggestion that this manuscript was associated with a choir
school seems a plausible one.  (See '<uCynthia's Revels>u and Music for a Choir
School:  Christ Church Manuscript Mus. 439',-<uStudies in the Renaissance>u,
XVIII (1971), 134-72.)  The roulades shown in Plate I might well have been
sketched out by a teacher to show the sort of thing he expected.
2.   'Florid Embellishment in English Song of the late 16th and early 17th
Centuries', <uAnnales Musicologiques>u, V (1957), pp. 332ff.
3. <uThe Poetical Works of Edmund Waller and Sir John Denham>u, ed. George
Gilfillan, (Edinburgh, 1857);  pp. 110-11, lines 17-28.
                                 - 82 -
<uReconciled>u) that a musician (Daedalus) sang 'con qualche <udispositione di
gorga'  indicates that 'gargling in their throats a song' extended to masque
performances.
     It is interesting that of the masque songs which survive with ornamen-
tation, only Lanier's 'I was not wearier' is decorated in a way which might
obscure the light of sense.  The melody of 'Bring away this Sacred Tree'
survives in a highly ornamented version with the alternative (non-masque)
set of words in Trinity College Dublin MS. F. 5. 13.  The vocal line here
is embellished in such a way that the blatantly declamatory elements remain
unblurred.  Once again, most of the ornamentation comes in extended cadential
roulades, although there is enough of it elsewhere to convey an overall
impression of a very florid line (Example 22)
     These few examples suggest that it may not have been unusual for a
singer to decorate his vocal lines in masque performances, but that such
decoration did not necessarily distort the delivery of the words or obscure
the basic formal characteristics (rhythmic patterns and melodic contours) of
the song.
     Court ayres - never popular songs - were susceptible to such treatment;
the fact that masque songs were ornamented in this way marks them out as
sophisticated vocal writing.  Since the songs are the means of communicating
the significance of the masque's most central rituals - the set dances and
the revels - it is appropriate that they should draw attention to their own
sophistication in this fashion.  It is a way of asserting their fitness as
vehicles for courtly didacticism.
     The songs by Ferrabosco, Campion, Coperario, and Lanier account for
nearly all the surviving songs from the main masque sections of courtly
                              2
masques in the Jacobean period.   There are two settings of the song, 'Come
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--
1.   <uBen Jonson>u, X, p. 538.
2.   There is a Henry Lawes setting of lines 86-756 of <uThe Haddington Masque,>
u
but since Lawes was only twelve years old when this masque was performed his
setting could not have been used.  See Willa McClung Evans, <uHenry Lawes>u (New
York, 1941), p. 27.
                             Example 22
Note: The vocal line is from Trinity College, Dublin, MS. F.5.13, fol.
The lute accompaniment is from the version of 'Bring away this Sacred
Tree' published with <uThe Somerset Masque>u in 1614 (Edinburgh University
Library MS La.III.483--a companion to the Trinity College manuscript--
has no bass part for this particular song). I have modified the
note values of the vocal line as follows:
Bar 4 is written entirely in semiquavers, as is the first half of bar 7.
'Mournful' is notated as  , and 'tormenting' is written
out in semiquavers (with   for the final two syllables).
Noble Nymphs' from <uNeptune's Triumph and The Fortunate Isles>u;  one setting
occurs in the Bodleian Library MS. Don. C. 57 and is anonymous, and the
other, by William Webb, was printed in Playford's <uSelect Ayres and Dialogues>u
of 1659.
     The William Webb setting is interesting since it has three changes of
metre which correspond exactly (for the first stanza) to the division of the
verseamongst three singers indicated by the masque text.  Thus Proteus opens
with a call to the Nymphs in a declamatory style, then Saron adds a tuneful
triple-time couplet, and Portunus concludes with four more lines in common
time.  It has been thought that this setting could not have been written for
the original presentation of the masque since Webb is not known as a per-
forming musician until 1634 when he was mentioned as a tenor in <uThe Triumph>u
<uof Peace>u, and since this setting is not known in any source earlier than
Playford's 1659 publication.  (Interestingly, when it was reprinted ten years
later in <uThe Treasury of Musick>u, 'Come Noble Nymphs' had a heading which
read, 'At a Masque to invite the Ladies to a Dance'.)  However, Ian Spink
has shown that some of Webb's songs are found in manuscript collections
which are as early as the projected performance of <uNeptune's Triumph>u (early
1624),  so he must have been active as a composer by that date.  Hence it
is quite possible that this setting was the one intended for that performance
and/or the one heard in the actual performance of <uThe Fortunate Isles>u a year
later.
     The Don. C. 57 version is much simpler, and gives no hint of the way
the lines were divided amongst the three characters, but it is, I think,
more appealing and achieves some sense of nobility in its regular duple
movement and restrained cadential ornamentation.  The rhythms of the vocal
line observe closely the natural accentuation of the spoken words.  Don. C.
57 contains a number of songs from plays performed between 1614 and 1622
1.   <uEnglish Song:  Dowland to Purcell>u, p. 60.
2.   <uThe Tempest>u (1613), <uValentian>u (1674), <uThe Mad Lover>u and <uThe Q
ueen of>u
<uCorinth>u (both 1617), and <uBeggers Bush>u (1622).
(and it also contains six songs by William Webb);  it is thought to have
been copied about 1630.  Hence the date and contents of this manuscript
suggest that the anonymous 'Come Noble Nymphs' could also have been composed
about the time that <uNeptune's Triumph>u was written.
     All this makes it difficult to say which, if either, of the two settings
belongs to the original performance;  it is just possible that one was written
for <uNeptune's Triumph>u and that the other was a new setting for the perfor-
mance of <uThe Fortunate Isles>u.  Although quite different in their approach,
both settings have sufficient dignity for a masque performance (although
neither does complete justice to Jonson's very beautiful poem).
iii. <uThe place of vocal music in the antimasque>u
     The sophistication and ceremonial dignity of settings of main masque
songs is particularly obvious when they are viewed in the context of masque
performances as a whole, since part of the function of the antimasque as
Jonson first outlined it, was to act as a 'foil' which could make the nobility
of the main masque stand out more clearly.  At the beginning of <uThe Masque>u
<uof Queens>u Jonson wrote,
     And because her Ma.    (best knowing, that a principall part
     of life in these <uSpectacles>u lay in theyr variety) had commaunded
     mee to think on some <uDaunce>u, or shew, that might praecede hers,
     and haue the place of a foyle, or false-<uMasque>u;  I was carefull
    to decline not only from others, but mine owne stepps in that
    kind, since the last yeare I had an <uAnti-Masque>u of Boyes:  and
    therefore, now, deuis'd that twelue Women, in the habite of
    -Haggs, or Witches, sustayning the persons of <uIgnorance>u, <uSuspicion>u,
    <uCredulity,>u &c. the opposites of good <uFame>u, should fill that part;
    not as a <uMasque>u, but a spectacle of strangenesse, producing
    multiplicity of Gesture, and not vnaptly sorting wth the current,
    and whole fall of the Deuise.
As Jonson uses it, the term 'antimasque' implies a triple pun:  the anti-
masque is in moral or social opposition (anti-) to the main masque, it
precedes the main masque (ante-), and it is marked by antic behaviour and
especially by antic dancing.  This last sense of the word is the one which
has the longest association with revelry.  Gaveston in Marlowe's <uEdward II>u
                                   - 86 -
describes one of the entertainments he will provide for the king in these
terms:
          Like <uSiluan>u Nimphes my pages shall be clad,
          My men like Satyres grazing on the lawnes,
 Shall with their Goate feete daunce an antick hay
As we shall see, some variations on the term antimasque isolate only one
or two elements of the pun.
     Jonson's early antimasques tend to be grotesque representations of an
unvirtuous, discordant world, which is then obliterated by the virtue and
order of the masque proper.  But Cupid and his attendants, the antimasquers
in <uThe Haddington Masque>u, were not malevolent like the witches, and such
demonic malevolence appears less frequently as time goes on.  Quite a number
of Jonson's antimasques are antic without being morally opposed to the main
masque.
     Jonson's later antimasques,  and those in non-Jonsonian masques tend to
be scenes of social satire or comedy, either low-life or pastoral.  They are,
to use an expression from Chapman's <uMemorable Masque>u, 'low inductions'
rather than 'spectacles of strangeness'.  Their <udramatis personae>u come from
the natural world rather than a mythical or supernatural one.  In the
Caroline period, a third type of antimasque emerged which was closely modelled
on comic entries in the French <uballet de cour>u.
     Neither the first type ('spectacles of strangeness') nor the third
(comic entries) contains much singing.  The comic entry type usually consists
of nothing more than an antic dance.  This is partly true as well for the
spectacles of strangeness (Jonson says that the Queen commanded him 'to
think on some <udance>u, or show'), but there is a more interesting dramatic
justification for the absence of singing in  this first type.  Since the
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1' <uEdward II>u, I, i, 58-60.
2.   'After this low induction by these succeeding degrees the chief masquers
were advanced to their discovery', <uThe Memorable Masque>u, following line 200.
antimasquers are 'fit for treasons stratagems and spoils' they must be
unmusical.1  They almost never sing (although they invariably perform antic
dances which express their perverted natures).  It is to the second, or 'low
induction' type of antimasque that nearly all antimasque songs belong,
although here, too, the most common pattern is to have a spoken (and usually
prose) antimasque, with all the singing confined to the main masque.  A good
indication of the place of song in such antimasques is given in <uNeptune's>u
<uTriumph>u;  the Cook asks why these courtly festivities have been delayed so
long, and the Poet replies'
                                   It was not time,
          To mixe this Musick with the vulgars chime.
Stay, till th'abortiue, and extemporall dinne
          Of balladry, were vnderstood a sinne,
 <uMinerva>u cry'd:  that, what tumultuous verse
          Or prose could make, or steale, they might reherse,
And euery Songster had sung out his fit;
          That all the Countrey, and the Citie-wit,
 Of bels, and bonfires, and good cheere was spent,
          And <uNeptunes Guard>u had drunke al that they meant;
 That all the tales and stories now were old
          Of the Sea-Monster <uArchy>u, or growne cold:
 The <uMuses>u then might venter, vndeterr'd,
          For they loue, then, to sing, when they are heard.
                                                     (lines 167-74)
The implication is that by satisfying a taste for popular entertainment, the
antimasque enabled the more sophisticated song of the main masque to be
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1.   The idea that the unmusical person is not to be trusted, familiar from
The Merchant of Venice, V. i, is explained by Ronsard:  'The ancients used
lost their original essence - from those that are bastardized in this mortal
body, and have forgotten the celestial harmony, as the companions of
Ulysses forgot being men when turned into swine by Circe.  The man who, on
hearing the sweet concord of instruments or the sweetness of the natural
voice, is not delighted and is not moved and does not tremble from head to
foot, sweetly ravished and transported, gives proof thereby that he has a
crooked, vicious, and depraved soul, and is to be guarded against as one not
happily born' (quoted by Hutton, 'Some English Poems in Praise of Music',
<uEnglish Miscellany>u, II, 1951, p. 4).  Peacham expresses a similar point of
view:  '... I know there are many ... of such disproportioned spirits, that
they avoid her  [Music's] company ... but I am verily persuaded, they are by
nature very ill disposed, and of such a brutish stupidity, that scarce
anything else that is good and savoreth of virtue, is to be found in them'
(<uThe Complete Gentleman>u, 1622, ed. Virgil B. Heltzel, Ithaca, N.Y., 7962, pp
. 108ff.)
                                  - 88 -
sophistication, and nobility of the singing in the main masque into relief.
     These antimasque categories are not clear-cut, nor is there anything
more than a very approximate chronological development from one to the other.
Furthermore, a few poems and ante-masques lie right outside these classifi-
cations.
     <uTethys' Festival>u was performed in 1610, over six years after Daniel's
first masque, <uThe Vision of the Twelve Goddesses>u.  By this time, of course,
Jonson had established the antimasque and pronounced on its form and function.
The attention which <uTethys' Festival>u has attracted has been largely focused
on Daniel's apparent unwillingness to learn from his betters.  His use of the
term 'Ante-maske' (rather than anti-masque) has seemed like contrariety, yet
it is clear that his terminology is quite an accurate way of describing the
first part of this entertainment:
     From this Scene issued <uZephirus>u, with eight Naydes, Nymphs
     of fountaines, and two <uTritons>u sent from Tethys to giue
     notice of intendement, which was the Ante-maske or first shew
                                                        (lines 66-70)
This initial entrance has the place of an acted prologue rather than an
antimasque.  The antemaske begins with a 'song of four parts, and a musicke
of twelue Lutes' (lines 89f.);  as far as we can tell from the text, this
song was indistinguishable in style and manner of performance from the main
masque songs, the first of which was performed by 'a soft musique of twelue
Lutes and twelue voyces' (lines 303f.).  Daniel takes obvious pride in the
fact that his antemaske (unlike Jonson's antimasques) did not require the
involvement of professional actors or dancers;  he mentions that 'the Duke
of Yorke presented <uZephirus>u' (line 70) and at the end of his text he states
that
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1.   The discussion between the cook and the poet in <uNeptune's Triumph>u
anticipates <uThe Staple of News>u, III, ii (as, indeed, the masque <uNews from>
u
<uthe New World>u anticipates the basic idea of that play). The kind of comedy
found in low induction antimasques is very like that in Jonson's satiric
comedies.
... in all these shewes, this is to be noted, that there were
none of inferiour sort, mixed amongst these great Personages
of State and Honour (as vsually there haue beene) but all was
performed by themselues with a due reseruation of their
dignity.  And for those two which did Personate the Tritons,
they were Gentlemen knowne of good worth and respect.
                                                         (lines 416-22)
It seems improbable that the term 'ante-maske' was coined without any
reference at all to Jonson's 'anti-masque', but it is in no other sense a
disguised Jonsonian prelude to the main entertainment;  the idea of a non-
comic prologue such as we find in <u'Tethys' Festival>u was one which Daniel had
used in his first masque.  It is one of the finest touches of <uThe Vision of>u
<uthe Twelve Goddesses>u that it has Night going to waken her son, Sleep, as a
proem to the vision:
      Night and Sleep were to produce a vision, an effect proper
      to their power and fit to shadow our purpose, for that these
     apparitions and shows are but as imaginations and dreams
      that portend our affections.
                                                             (lines 124-27)
This first 'ante-maske' was spoken throughout, so the singing heard in the
main part of the masque was strictly part of the vision itself.  This proem
has the same agructural function as the account of the dreamer walking out
into a garden and falling asleep in medieval dream allegories, but it also
gives the very real transience of the masque an imaginative justification.
     Campion's <uLord Hay's Masque>u (16O7) did not have an antimasque as such,
although it had a section in which Night interrupts the festivities, outraged
at the offence being done to Cynthia, the goddess of chastity, by the wedding
celebrations.  She is placated by Hesperus (who reassures her that Cynthia
is 'well content her Nymph is made a Bride') and becomes a presenter of the
'princely revelling and timely sport'.  Night initially interrupts a sung
dialogue, and once she has been calmed down and her cooperation secured, the
festivities resume in song;  hence the absence of song makes this episode
stand outside the main part of the masque.
     The unifying elements between antimasque and main masque are very clear
in the antimasque for <uThe Masque of Queens>u.  The eleven witches plot
                                  - 90 -
unsuccessfully to overthrow the glory of the night and thus prevent the
arrival of the twelve queens who are paragons of honour and virtue.  The
nearest these witches come to song is in their chanted charms which are,
in effect, unmusical songs.  They may be seen as the sinister antimasque
equivalent of those main masque songs which initiate the magical scenic
transformations.  The metre is not constant, but at their most characteristic
these incantations consist of seven syllable lines (iambic tetrameters with-
out the initial unstressed syllable), usually with an obvious caesura in
the middle:
          <uDame>u, <uDame>u, the watch is set:
          Quickly come, we all are met.
From the lakes, and from the fennes,
          From the rockes, and from the dennes,
From the woods, and from the caues,
          From the Church-yards, from the graues,
From the dungeon, from the tree,
          That they die on, here a   wee.
                                   (lines 53-6O)
     This metre is exactly what is used for the witches' unholy chants in
the 'Hecate' scene of Macbeth:
          Fillet of a fenny snake,
In the cauldron boil and bake;
          Eye of newt, and toe of frog,
Wool of bat, and tongue of dog,
          Adder's fork, and blind-worm's sting,
Lizard's leg, and howlet's wing -
          For a charm of powerful trouble,
Like a hell-broth boil and bubble.
The strong repeated rhythm of the short lines, and the bald rhymes are
calculated to produce a sinister effect.  This is obvious from the contrast
between the verse used for their invocations and the relatively free iambic
pentameter in which they communicate the rest of the time:
     <uDame>u:  Well done, my <uHagges>u.  And come We, fraught wth spight,
       To ouerthrow the glory of this night?
       Holds our great purpose.  <uHag>u:  yes.  <uDam.>u:  But wants
            there none
   Of our iust number?   <uHag>u: Call vs one, by one,
        And then or <uDame>u shall see
               -----
                              - 91 -
The main masque has long passages of explanatory iambic pentameter from
Heroic Virtue and Fame, but the presence of the twelve virtuous queens who
displace the witches on the stage is celebrated in three songs, the first of
which was performed by 'a full triumphant <uMusique>u' (line 720).  The words of
this song explain why Jonson has reserved singing for the main masque, since
song is described as the proper way to proclaim the presence of virtue and
true reputation:
           Helpe' helpe all Tongues, to celebrate this wonder:
           The voyce of FAME should be as loud as Thonder.
   Her House is all of <uecho>u made,
                 Where neuer dies the sound;
And, as her browes the cloudes invade,
                 Her feete do strike the ground.
Sing t en <ugood Fame>u, that's out of <uVertue>u borne,
          For, Who doth fame neglect, doth vertue scorne.
                                                 (lines 723-3O)
The main masque songs stand out in sharp contrast to the witches chants.
Ferrabosco's setting of 'If All the Ages of the Earth', with its angular
vocal line and lively, varied rhythms, is most strikingly distinct from the
monotonous incsntation of the antimasque.
     The antimasque in <uMercury Vindicated>u is one of the few spectacles of
strangeness to contain any singing.  Vulcan is presented as the arch-alchemist
who tries to harness and control Mercury for his own ends;  but Vulcan's
perverted art withers away once Nature and Prometheus are revealed in the
main masque.  The scene for the antimasque is a laboratory or alchemists'
workshop where Vulcan is tending to the registers.  Like the song of the
witches in <uThe Masque of Queens>u, the antimasque song is a charm used to
elicit Mercury from the furnace.  Cornets (appropriate to the underworld)
accompanied the Cyclope's song,  while the main masque songs would almost
certainly have been accompanied by a group of lutes.
     But apart from this basic contrast, the antimasque song and the main
masque songs invite close comparison.  The Cyclope's song depicts alchemy as
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.   'A Cyclope, tending to the fire, to the Cornets began to sing' (lines 3f).
Cornets and trombones are used in the underworld scenes in Monteverdi's
<uOrfeo>u (16O7).
an art that prides itself in overcoming Nature:
           Soft, subtile fire, thou soule of art,
              Now doe thy part
On weaker Nature, that through age is lamed.
              Take but thy time, now she is old,
   And the Sunne her friend growne cold,
           She will no more, in strife with thee be named.
           Looke, but how few confesse her now,
   In cheeke or browe!
           From euery head, almost, how she is frighted!
   The very age abhorres her so,
              That it learnes to speake and goe
As if by art alone it could be righted.
                                                      (lines 6-17)
This antimasque makes the point much more explicitly than Jonson's play,
Th<ue Alchemist>u, that such unnatural art as this is base and undermines the
function of true art.  Poor, abused Mercury protests about the alchemists'
outrages:
     Howsoeuer they may pretend vnder the specious names of <uGeb>uer,
     <uArnold>u, <uLully>u, <uBombast of Hohenhein>u, to commit miracles in
     art, and treason again' nature ...  Art thou not asham'd,
     <uVulcan>u, to offer in defence of thy fire and Art, against the
     excellence of the Sunne and Nature, creatures more imperfect,
     then the very flies and insects, that are her trespasses and
     scapes?
                                                    (lines 45-8 and 186-89)
     Since it can be seen that alchemy is used as an image for false art,
it is clearly appropriate that a song, which might be considered to 'rival'
the songs of the main masque, should find a place in the antimasque.  Just
as the antimasque song is preoccupied with the strength of Vulcan's insidious
art, the songs in the main masque assert the true place and value of an art
which cooperates with Nature.  Nature is revealed in a glorious bower with
the artist Prometheus at her feet (as a subject).  She descends and sings
the first song, which asks the artist's assistance in showing that the
1.   It seems that Jonson may have included some of his rival masque writers
amongst these false artists since he includes a reference to making statues
dance:  'Sir, would you beleeue, it should be come to that height of
impudence ... that such a nest of fire-wormes, as they are (because their
Patron <uMulciber>u heretofore has made stooles stirre, and statues dance, a
dog of brasse to barke ...) professe to outworke the <uSunne>u in vertue, and
contend to the great act of generation, nay, almost creation?' (lines 128-
34).  This may, of course, be simply a classical reference without any
contemporary allusion being intended;  Hereford and Simpson cite the <uIliad>u
xviii, 373-77, and 416-21, and the <uOdyssey>u, vii, 91-4.
masquers are children of Nature:
           How yong and fresh am I to night,
              To see't kept day, by so much light,
And twelue my sonnes stand in their Makers sight?
              Helpe, wise <uPrometheus>u, something must be done,
To shew they are the creatures of the Sunne,
                 That each to other
Is a brother,
              And <uNature>u here no stepdame, but a mother,
 -----                                    (lines 2O2-O9)
Even the conceits used to describe the pleasures to be found in the masquers'
dancing before the ladies reaffirm the naturalness of this art by suggesting
that this courtly dancing and social mixing reflects the proportioned motions
and beauty of the universe:
          But shew thy winding wayes and artes,
 The  risings, and thy timely startes
       Of stealing fire, from Ladies eyes and hearts.
       Those softer circles are the yong mans heauen,
          And there more orbes and Planets are then seuen,
           To know whose motion
                     Were a Notion
As worthy of youthes study, as deuotion.
                                                         (lines 213-2O)
     This unusual use of song in a spectacle of strangeness type of anti-
masque reflects Jonson's preoccupation with the uses and abuses of art.  The
antimasque song quite deliberately parallels the masque songs in subject;
it is a great pity that we have no more than Jonson's single reference to
cornets to suggest how the contrasts in these songs might have been projected
in performance.
     The other spectacle of strangeness which includes singing is the first
antimasque of <uPleasure Reconciled to Virtue>u.  This opened with a bacchic son
g
(or hymn - as the Folio text described it) sung by one of Comus's retinue:
           Roome, roome, make roome for ye bouncing belly,
           first father of Sauce, & deuiser of gelly,
Prime master of arts, & ye giuer of wit,
           yt found out ye excellent ingine, ye spit ...
                                                (lines 13-16)
This song begins like a mumming.  This element from folk tradition seems
designed to establish the song's basis in ignorance or barbarism.  The
reference to Comus as 'prime master of arts' further reinforces the idea of
this as a sort of grotesque inversion of the learning and wit shortly to be
demonstrated in the main masque.
     As in <uMercury Vindicated>u, Jonson is using song in an antimasque to prov
ide
a deliberate contrast to the grace of the songs in the main masque.  The song
itself could be seen as a kind of anti-art.
     The antimasque <uFor the Honour of Wales>u, which Jonson added for the
second performance of <uPleasure Reconciled>u, was of the 'low induction' type,
and it contained seven songs which were not so much anti-art as something
which might be described as sub-art.  There is nothing malevolent about this
antimasque, and the loyalty of the king's Welsh subjects seems as far beyond
dispute as their stupidity and ignorance.  Their songs deal with Welsh
produce, fabrics, food and drink, and, finally, music and dancing.  The song
about music deals mainly with the distinctiveness of Welsh instruments:
          And yet, is nothing now aull this,
             if of our Musiques we doe misse;
             Both Harpes, and Pipes too, and the Crowd,
           As lowd as Bangue, Davies bell,
             of which is no doubt yow have heare tell,
           As well as our lowder Wrexham Organ,
             and rumbling Rocks in S'eere Glamorgan "   (lines 273-8O)
     <uThe Irish Masque>u (performed four years earlier) has a ve   similar type
of antimasque and, interestingly, it had a mixed reception.  Chamberlain
reported to Dudley Carleton that some members of the court had not found it
to be in very good taste:
     The loftie maskers were so well liked at court the last weeke
     that they were ap~ointed to performe yt againe on monday, yet
     theyre deuice (wc  was a mimicall imitation of the Irish) was
     not so pleasing to many, wch thincke yt no time (as the case
     stands) to exasperat that nation by making yt ridiculous.1
In a way, however, this masque was much less insulting to the Irish than
<uFor the Honour of Wales>u was to the Welsh, since the contrast between   anti-
masque and masque in <uThe Irish Masque>u is achieved basically through the
juxtaposition of two types of Irish music, rough folk music and something
1. <uBen Jonson>u, X, 541
which is supposed to be more traditional and bardic.  There is a song indi-
cated in the antimasque:  the text says that six footment and six boys danced
'to the bag-pipe, and other rude musique, after which they had a song' (line
136f.).
sung by 'the Bard ... to two harpes'.  The 'rude music' of the antimasque and
the nobility of the songs to the harps clearly provided a strong musical
contrast between antimasque and masque.
     Two days after the second performance of <uThe Irish Masque>u and as part
of the same wedding celebrations for the Earl of Somerset and Lady Frances
Howard, <uThe Masque of Flowers>u was performed.  The quarto edition of this
masque included the four-part antimasque song, 'Kawasha Comes in Majesty'
which may have been composed by John Wilson since he printed a threpart
version of it in his <uCheerful Ayres>u (Oxford, 166O).   The title of Wilson's
publication gives a fair idea of the style of the song.  In the text itself
it is (inaccurately) described as a catch and (half way through), as 'the
Freeman's song'.
     This song is the climax of the antimasque contest between Silenus, the
champion of wine, and Kawasha, the champion of Tobacco.  The whole episode
is called 'The Antic-Masque of the Song' and it precedes an 'Antic-masque of
the Dance'.  The contesting vocalists (four to each team, and hence, one to
a part) are accompanied by a very odd mixture of instruments:
     Before Silenus marched four Singers, and behin him five
     Fiddlers;  before and behind Kawasha as many of each kind.
     The Singers on Silenus' part were a Miller, a Wine Cooper,
     a Vintner's Boy, a Brewer.  His music, a tabor and a pipe,
     a bass violin, a treble violin, a sackbut, a mandora,
     Kawasha's Singers, a Skipper, a Fencer, a Pedlar, a Barber.
      His music, a bobtail, a blind harper and his boy, a bass
     violin, a tenor cornet, a sackbut.
                                                           (lines 184-9O)
1.   Wilson would have been only nineteen years old when the masque was
performed.  The <uCheerful Ayres>u version of the song also occurs in the pair
of manuscript song books, Edinburgh University Library MS. Dc. 1. 69, and
Bodleian MS. Mus. d. 238.
The instrumental groups are both distortions of broken consorts.  In Silenus'
group, although there is a mandora, the lute is noticeably absent, and the
tabor and pipe unmistakeably mark the group out as uncourtly. Whatever the
bobtail is its very name suggests that it could not belong in a courtly
instrumental grouping.  The contrast with the lutes and theorboes which
accompanied the songs of the main masque could hardly be more obvious.  This
contrast, moreover, was heavily underlined by the manner of performance:  we
are told that both groups frumpled over their music (lines 215 and 227).
     'Kawasha comes' is uncomplicated rhythmically:  it alternates between
duple and triple strains, but the metrical framework is always plain.
Harmonically, tonic, dominant and subdominant chords predominate (although in
every strain the dominant chord is approached at least once from its own
dominant).  In other words, there are absolutely no surprises:  the song is
straightforward and robust.  Clearly there is a world of difference between
this cheerful ayre and any of the settings of main masque songs considered
earlier in this chapter.
     Like <uThe Masque of Flowers>u, <uThe Mountebanks' Masque>u has two antimas
ques,
the first of which is dominated by a song and the second by a dance.  To an
even greater extent than those in <uThe Masque of Flowers>u, these antimasques
have very little to do with 'the whole fall of the device'.  A group of
mountebanks come on to distribute 'witty' remedies for various ills, and
Paradox recites a long list of paradoxes (many of them obscene).  The mounte-
banks sing a series of verses advertising their skills which are preserved as
a single extended song.   Like the antimasque song from <uThe Masque of Flowers>
u,
the Mountebanks' song(s), 'What is't you lack', is metrically crude;  it has
an opening section (marked as a chorus in the text) in common time, and the
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.   H.A. Evans suggested that this instrument oust be a kit. See <uEnglish>u
<uMasques>u (1897; Blackies English Classics, 1925), p. 106, n. 6.       ---
2.   In B.L. Add. MS. 29481, fols. 17v-19.  The first part of the song is
also found in MS. Drexel. 4175, No. 29   .  The Add. MS. 29481 version is
published in A.J. Sabol, <uSongs and Dances for the Stuart Masque >u(Rhode Islan
d,
1959), pp. 63ff.                 -----
                                   - 97 -
rest of the song is in triple time.  Harmonically, it is tediously static
and it is ballad-like in its unelaborate and fast-moving treatment of the
words.
     No music survives for the songs in the main part of the masque, but
the texts are sufficient to indicate that they were conventional masque
songs which would require a much more cultivated musical style to support
the ideas expressed in them:
           Lightly rise, and lightly fall you
              In the motion of your feet:
Move not till our notes do call you;
              Music makes the action sweet.
Music breathing blows the fire
              Which Cupid feeds with fuel,
Kindling honour and desire,
              And taming hearts most cruel.
                            (p' 435)
     In the antimasque, the music of the song is merely a vehicle for a
set of trivial words;  the song is most closely related in genre to the
street-cry, advertising the singer's wares.  The songs of the main masque
were very different:  the music could not simply be a vehicle for the words
since the words constantly refer to the music as if it is the music (and
dancing) which contains the essence of the idea being expressed.  The words
could almost be seen as providing a gloss on the meaning:  they are not
(as in this antimasque song) the only justification for the song.  Even
Lanier's declamation may be regarded as a form of very conscious rhetoric
whose sophistication (rather than the verbal content) is the really impor-
tant point.
     The ballad sung by John Urson, the bear ward, in the low induction
antimasque of <uThe Masque of Augurs>u is even more obviously a plain and uncon-
spicuous vehicle for the words.  The tune found in D'Urfey's <uPills to Purge>u
<uMelancholy>u  has neither metrical complication nor melodic ingenuity.  The
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.   Vol. IV (1719), p. 38.  It is headed 'A Ballad called <uThe Jovial Bear>u
<uWard>u' with a note saying that it is to be sung to the tune on the preceding
page entitled 'The Catholick Ballad'.  The tune is transcribed by Fuller,
p. 45O.
                                   - 98 -
contrast between this and Lanier's setting of 'Do not expect to Hear'
which belongs to the main masque could not be more marked, but then neither
could Jonson's intentions.  The antimasque entertainingly demonstrates the
claims made by Van-goose (the voice of popular taste):
     O Sir, all de better, vor an Antick Maske, de more absurd it
     be, and vrom de purpose, it be ever all de better.  If it goe
     from de <uNature>u of de ting, it is de more <uArt>u:  for deare
     is Art and deare is <uNature>u ...
The vocal music in the main masque, on the other   nd, must be sufficiently
dignified and sophisticated to substantiate the claims made by Apollo in
his sung proclamation to the King:
           Prince of thy Peace, see what it is to love
                                The Powers above!
Jove hath commanded me
                                To visit thee;
 And in thine honour with my Musique reare
                                a Colledge here
 Of tunefull <uAugures>u, whose divining skill
                                shall waite thee still,
 And be the <uHeralds of>u his highest will
<uThe Masque of Augurs>u is the last court masque to contain any singing in the
antimasque.  The pattern is really quite clear;  s nging tended to occur only
in antimasques of the non-malevolent (or only mildy satirical) 'low induc-
tion' type.  When it did find a place in these antimasques, the style of
song used was always popular rather than courtly.  This kind of distinction
takes its place in the wider context of differences in mode (prose, verse,
song etc.) which masque writers used to establish different levels of
solemnity within their productions.  Many antimasques, especially those of
the low induction type, were dominated by 'tumultuous prose' and even spoken
verse was reserved for the main masque.
     Jonson had used differentiation in types of speech and song in the
masque since <uLove Restored>u (1612) which has an antimasque completely in
prose, and a main masque consisting of a mixture of spoken verse and song.
The <uIrish Masque>u, one year later, continued the trend with prose for all of
the antimasque except for the (textless) song and a main masque which was
entirely sung.  <uMercury Vindicated>u (1616), <uPleasure Reconciled>u (1618),
Ne<uws from the New World>u (162O), <uThe Masque of Augurs>u (1622), <uTime Vind
icated>u
(1623), <uNeptune's Triumph>u (1624, and, of course, <uThe Fortunate Isles>u wit
h
its new antimasque, l625) and <uChloridia>u (1631) all follow the same pattern,
and in most of those cases, the masque would appear to have been sung
throughout.
     Campion observes a similar distinction between prose for rustic charac-
ters and verse for the rustic deity Silvanus in his <uEntertainment at>u
<uCaversham>u (1613) but this is not carried through into his three full masques
.
The dividing line between prose anti-masque and verse main masque in Chapman's
<uMasque of the Middle Temple and Lincoln's Inn>u (1613) is marked by the commen
t
'After this low induction by these succeeding degrees, the chief masquers
were advanced to their discovery' (line 2O1).  Middleton uses verse for the
main masque in his <uInner Temple Masque>u (1619), and a mixture of verse and
prose for his anti-masque.  Carew, in <uCoelum Britannicum>u (1634) carries this
kind of differentiation in speech to the point where he has conversations
between Momus and Mercury in which Momus speaks in prose while Mercury speaks
in verse;  and the main masque is sung throughout.  Townshend's masque,
<uAlbion's Triumph>u follows the Jonsonian practice exactly, and the printed tex
t
even used a small size type for the prose anti-masque.
     Jonson's use of different modes to establish levels of human perfection
stands out very clearly in <uPleasure Reconciled to Virtue>u.  The prose of the
anti-masque is so disordered that it is itself an image of the moral
degeneration of Comus and his retinue:
     ... Now you sing of god <uComus>u here, the <uBelly-god>u.  I say it is
     well, & I say it is not well:  it is well, as it is a Ballad,
     and ye Belly worthie of it I must needs say, and 'twer forty
     yards of ballad, more:  as much ballad as tripe:  But when ye
     Belly is not edified by it, it is not well:  for where did you
     ever read, or heare, that the Belly had any eares? ...  I
     would haue a <uTun>u now, brought in to daunce, and so many <uBottles>u
     about it:  Ha?  you looke as if you would make a probleme o-:
     this:  do you see?  a probleme?  why <uBottles?>u  and why a <uTun?>u
     and why a Tun?  and why <uBottles?>u  to daunce?  I say, that men
     that drink hard, and serve the belly in any place of quality
(as the <uJouiall Tinkers>u, or a <ulusty kindred>u) are living
measures of drinck:  and can transforme themselues, & doe
every daie, to <uBottles>u or <uTuns>u when they please:  and when
they ha' don all they can, they are, as I say agen, (for
I thinck I said somewhat like it afore) but moving measures
of drinck ...
This rambling prose, its clumsy puns on 'ballad' and 'measure' could not
present a stronger contrast with the beautifully shaped songs of Daedalus
describing the delightful order of the masque dances:
           And when they see ye Graces meet,
              admire ye wisdom of your feet.
For Dauncing is an exercise
              not only shews ye mouers wit,
 but maketh ye beholder wise,
              as he hath powre to rise to it.
                              (lines 267-72)
This type of differentiation is one which Jonson mused upon in his <uDiscoveries
>u:
     <uLanguage>u most shewes a man:  speake that I may see thee.
     It springs out of the most retired, and inmost parts of
     us, and is the Image of the Parent of it, the mind.  No
     glasse renders a mans forme, or likenesse, so true as his
     speeche   Nay, it is likened to a man;  and as we consider
     featur   and composition in a man;  so words in Language:
     in the Breatnesse, aptnesse, sound, structure and harmony
     of it
Later, he comments further on language in a passage which seems directly
relevant to the Bowl Bearer's speech in <uPleasure Reconciled>u:
     Neither can his mind be thought to be in tune, whose
     words doe jarre;  nor his reason in frame' whose sentence
     is preposterous;  nor his Elocution cleare and perfect,
     whose utterance breakes it selfe into fragments and
     uncertainties.2
Jonson's belief that '<uSpeech>u is the only benefit man hath to expresse his
excellence of mind above other creatures', that it is 'the instrument of
<uSociety>u is a clear enough indication of the importance he attached to the
kind of distinctions in mode that have been outlined. An ascending hierarchy
can be constructed running from prose, through spoken verse, to song.
----------------------------------------------------------------------
1.   <uBen Jonson>u, VIII, 625, lines 2O31ff.
2.   <uIbid>u., p. 628, lines 2142-46.
3.   <uIbid>u., pp. 62Of.,  lines 1887-83.
     Sidney also stresses the dignity of poetry over ordinary speech, and
notes in passing that music can bestow even greater nobility:
     For if ... speech next to reason be the greatest gift bestowed
     upon mortality, that cannot be praiseless which doth most
     polish that blessing of speech ...  But lay aside the just
     praise it hath by being the only fit speech for music (music,
     I say, the most divine striker of the senses) ...1
     The contrast between popular song in the antimasque and sophisticated
song in the main masque, or between a songless antimasque and the full songs
of the main masque is only part of a differentiation between quite wide-
ranging modes of expression.  It was through the use of rambling prose,
doggerel verse, popular song, spoken poetry, and sophisticated song that the
masques established various levels of courtly enjoyment and dignity.  The
whole question of the use of recitative must also be seen in the context of
such differentiation.
iv.  <uThe use of recitative in the masgue>u
     While masque texts supply a great deal of information on certain aspects
of musical performance, on some issues they are reticent and equivocal.
Textual information is at its most frustratingly perplexed on the question
of the extent to which the new Italian monody influenced the music for the
Jacobean masque.  There is some difficulty in deciding when recitative was
first introduced to England, and it depends on the reliability of two
references in the 164O Folio of Jonson's <uWorks>u.  In the text of <uLovers Mad
e>u
Men, performed on the 22 February 1617, Jonson begins by describing the
opening scene and then adds,
    And the whole Maske was sung (after the Italian manner)
    Stylo<u recitativo>u, by Master <uNicholas Lanier>u;  who ordered
     and made both the Scene, and the Musicke.
According to the 164O Folio, <uThe Vision of Delight>u, performed the following
Christmas, began as Delight came onto the Scene and 'spake in song (<ustylo>u
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--------
1.   <uAn Apology for Poetry>u, p. 29, lines 1OO3-12.
                                   - 1O2 -
<urecitativo>u)' (line 8).
     Until a few years ago, both these statements were taken at face value
However, in 196O an article appeared in <uMusic and Letters>u by McDonald Emslie
pointing out that the vital sentence about Lanier's innovations was missing
from the 1617 Quarto of <uLovers Made Men>u, and that there was no known
edition of <uThe Vision of Delight >uearlier than the 164O Folio.  In other
words, the assertion that recitative was used in both these masques is first
found some twenty years after the event.  Emslie argued that it was unlikely
that Lanier would have written recitative proper before his visit to Italy
in 1625, and made a case for the same composer's setting of <uHero and Leander>u
,
written no earlier than 1628, as being the first example of real English
recitative.  His key piece of evidence was a statement by Roger North who
described Charles I's delight at hearing Lanier perform <uHero and Leander>u
'to a consort attendante' and who called it 'the first Recitative kind that
ever graced ye English lang[uage]'.
     Emslie, pointing to Lanier's setting of 'Bring away this Sacred Tree'
from Campion's <uSomerset Masque>u of 1613, and 'Do not expect to heare' from
<uThe Masque of Augurs>u  of 1622, asserted that it was very likely that what
Lanier had written in 1617 for <uThe Vision of Delight>u and <uLovers Made Men>u
 was
not full recitative, but at the most declamatory ayres.  He went on to
demonstrate quite convincingly that one surviving song from <uThe Vision of>u
<uDelight>u ('I was not wearier') falls into this category.  He concluded that
     Jonson could well have added the references to <urecitative>u
     after 1628, when Lanier had become known as the composer
     of the first English recitative;  the new Italian expression
     was  oubtless associated with his name.  'Declamatory ayre'
     is not a seventeenth century classification, and that song-
      form, more than any other, resembles recitative - it is
     sometimes difficult to distinguish them - so that Jonson,
      relying on his memory, could easily have confused the two.
In 1967, Vincent Duckles published a paper called 'English Song and the
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1.   'Nicholas Lanier's Innovations in English Song', pp. 15f.
2.   Ibid., p. 23.
Challenge of Italian Monody'  which accepted Emslie's conclusions and went
on to examine <uHero and Leander>u as the first example of English recitative.
     While these articles certainly justify their suspicion of the 164O
Folio's claims, I am uneasy about some aspects of the argument which seeks
to extend that suspicion into positive disbelief.  In the first place, it
is not altogether clear why we should reject an authorial statement, even
if it were made up to twenty years after the performance'  in2 favour of a
Roger North anecdote written down some sixty odd years after the event.
     It seems important to know how much exposure English musicians had to
Italian influences.  Certainly, in commending the solidly English compo-
sitions of Byrd, Bull, and Gibbons printed in Parthenia (ca. 1613), George
Chapman complained of the way composers were entertaining foreign styles:
           By theis choice lessons of theise Musique Mastrs:
              Ancient, and heightn'd  wth ye Arts full Bowles,
Let all our moderne, mere Phantastique Tasters,
              (Whose Art but foreigne Noveltie extolls)
Rule and confine theyr fancies ... 3
Campion, in his preface to <uTwo Bookes of Ayres>u (ca. 1613) asserted that
his ayres were truly English, unlike the works of those 'who admit onely
of <uFrench>u or <uItalian>u Ayres'.4
     There is quite a lot of evidence that English musicians associated
with the courtly masque would have been acquainted with the Italian monodic
style.  The new style may not have reached them directly from Italy, of
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1.   In Vincent Duckles and Franklin B. Zimmerman, <uWords to Music>u (Los
Angeles, 1967), pp. 3-42.
2.   The actual date of the copy for the 164O Folio can be fixed as being
no later than 1637.  The printer of the Folio gave the following account
of the copy in a bill to the Court of Chancery:  'Whereas severall of the
writings and workes of Beniamin Johnson late deceased and not before
printed were some shorte tyme before his decease presented unto & given
by the said Beniamin to Sr Kenelme Digby to dispose thereof at his will
and pleasure.  T0 whose care & trust the said Beniamin left the publishing
and printing of them and delivered him true & perfect Copies for his
better and more effectual dooing thereof ...'.  <uBen Jonson>u, IX, 98.
3.   <uParthenia>u, ca. 1613, ed. Thurston Dart (7962), p. 3.
4.   <uCampion's Works,>u p. 114.
                                   - 1O4 -
course;  both Caccini and Rinuccini visited the court of Marie de Medici
between 16O1 and 16O5.  Examples of this style, especially by Caccini, are
frequent in early seventeenth century English collections, and it is
interesting to note how many of these English sources have at least a
tenuous connection with the courtly masque.  Robert Dowland printed four
Italian monodic songs in his <uMusical Banquet>u (161O), and although that has
no obvious connection with the masque, his companion volume, <uVarietie >uof
<uLute Lessons>u (also 161O) contains four dances for the <uMasque of Queens>u
(16O9).  One of the songs Dowland prints, 'Amarilli mia bella', crops up in
various other English sources, notably B.M. Add. MS. 15117, which contains
some songs for the theatre,  and Tenbury MS. 1O18.  This last manuscript is
especially interesting as it contains a total of eighteen monodies by
Caccini, and, as we have seen, four Italian monodies by Ferrabosco and
several of his masque songs.
     It seems likely that Lanier and other English composers at court would
have been acquainted with John Maria Lugario, a lutenist appointed as one of
the Queen's musicians in 16O7,  and - more importantly - with Angelo Notari,
a lutenist in Prince Henry's retinue whose <uPrime Musiche Nuove>u, published
in London in 1613, contained some Italian monody.  By the 163O's, numerous
collections of Italian monody were apparently on sale in London.
     It is particularly interesting that, after Castiglione's <uIl Cortegiano>u,
one of the most widely read Italian books in England in the early seven-
teenth century was Vincenzo Galilei's <uDialogo della Musica antica e della>u
<umoderna>u (Florence, 1581) which sets forth the ideals of the Florentine
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1.   See Mary Joiner, 'British Museum Add. MS. 15117:  An Index Commentary
and Bibliography', <uRoyal Musical Association Research Chronicle>u, VII (1969),
51-109.
2.   See Poulton, p. 74.
3.   Robert Martin lists a considerable number amongst the 'Libri Musici' in
his various editions of <uCatalogus Librorum  ... ex Italie selegit Robertus>u
<uMartinae, BibliopoIa Londinensis>u (1633, 1635, 1639, 1640).
  camerata from which the <ustylo rappresentativo>u emerged.  (The only other
musical theorist read quite so widely was Zarlino.)  The Bodleian library
had a copy of Galilei before 1605 when Thomas James catalogued its holdings,
   and jesus College in Oxford inherited a copy of the <uDialogo>u, along with
  copies of Zarlino's and Mersenne's treatises, from Lord Herbert of Cherbury,
  who frequented the courtly and musical circles relevant to this issue.   In
  1633, Robert Martin, who between that year and 1640 published at least four
  catalogues of books he had bought in Italy and was selling in London,
  advertised a copy of Galilei's <uDialogo>u.2  The occurrence of Galilei's
 treatise at least indicates that Englishmen had some opportunity to
 frequent themselves with the ideals and rationale which lay behind the new
 Italian style.  Positive evidence that they were interested to the point of
actually writing recitative themselves is non-existent, except, of course,
for Jonson's two statements.
     Whether or not it was his first essay in that style, <uHero and Leander>u
does provide us with an example of Lanier's English recitative.  It seems no
less melodic than 'Bring Away this Sacred Tree', although there is a much
closer relationship between music and text.  The contrast is quite marked,
for example, between the turbulence of the part describing Leander's
battling with the waves (bars 104-10)  and the tranquillity of the setting
for 'You gentler, peaceful winds' (bars 110ff.).  But for all that, the
vocal line does have an independent musical significance (a feature which
Emslie considered marked out the declamatory ayre from the recitative).
Bars 110 to 125 form a balanced musical section.  The third phrase in this
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1.   See C.J. Fordyce and T.M. Knox, 'The Library of Jesus College, Oxford',
<uOxford Bibliographical Society Proceedings and Papers>u, V (1940:  for 1936-9)
,
2.   <uCatalogus Librorum>u (1633), sig. F4v.
3.   These bar numbers are taken from the edition included in Vincent Duckles'
paper 'English Song and the <uChallenge of Italian Monody>u,  pp. 27-42 in
Duckles and Zimmerman, <uWords to Music>u. Example 23 is also based on this
edit on.  Another edition can be found in Ian Spink (ed., <uEnglish Songs>u
1625-1660, pp. 12 f.
                                   - 106 -
section picks up the opening of the second phrase in a diminished form and
then ascends, balancing nicely the second phrase's descending line.  The
next phrase uses a sequence, and the rhythm of this seems entirely directed
towards musical interest rather than the natural rhythm of the lines
(although it accomodates that very well - see Example 23).
Example 23
The next section, in which Hero addresses the elements, begins in a way
which links it to the earlier apostrophe to the winds.
     What really marks it out as being different from Lanier's declamatory
ayres is mostly determined by the length and nature of the verse.  <uHero and>u
<uLeander>u is a continuous setting of eighty lines and the verse is of the most
malleable kind;  it consists of loose heroic couplets, characterised by a
great deal of enjambement and quite short phrases, which enable Lsnier to
avoid musical phrases which coincide with rhyming lines  thus giving the
piece considerable fluidity.  The verse for the extract discussed above reads:
          And even now, bold boy, attempts to swim,
          Parting the swelling waves with iv'ry arms,
Born up alone by Love's all powerfull charms.
          You gentler, peaceful winds, if ever Love
 Had pow'r in you, if ever you did prove
          Th' least spark of Cupid's flame, for pit '  sake
 With softest gales more smooth and easy make
         The troubled flood unto my soul's delight
It is set in the following phrases:
          And even bow
          bold boy attempts to swim
parting the swelling waves
          with iv'ry arms,
born up alone by Love's all powerful charms.
          You gentler peaceful winds,
 If ever Love had pow'r in you,
          if ever you did prove the least spark of Cupid's flame,
for pity's sake,
          with softest gales
more smooth and easy make
          the troubled flood
 unto my soul's delight.
It is interesting that this kind of verse agrees very well with Davenant's
criteria for verse which will be set in <ustylo recitativo>u as he outlined them
in the Preface to <uThe Siege of Rhodes:>u
     Frequent alterations of measure ... are necessary to
     <uRecitative>u Musick for variations of Ayres.1
Congreve made quite similar remarks in his 'Argument Introductory to the
Opera of <uSemele>u'.
     It seems arguable that the essential difference between English melo-
dious recitative and what we now call declamatory ayre is largely one of
continuousness, and that it should be possible to determine from the nature
and length of the verse set what kind of treatment it received, a self-
contained declamatory ayre, or a fluid recitative.
     If we examine the lines sung in Jacobean masques, <uLovers Made Men>u
stands out, with a small group of others like it as a special case.  This
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1. <uDramatic Works>u, III, 235.
and whatever the vocal technique was, it must have been something more
malleable than declamatory ayre such as we find in 'Bring Away this Sacred
Tree'.
     About 1616 there seems to have been a definite change in the use of
singing in Jonson's masques.  Until <uThe Golden Age Restored>u (1616) there is
very little difficulty in distinguishing between spoken verse and song.  Each
masque contained a number of discrete songs.  These might be sung as solos,
choruses, or simple dialoges, in which whole lines were not normally sub-
divided between voices.  In the text, the stanzaic pattern of such songs is
generally very apparent, and usually a clear indication is given that the
verses were sung.  This is often done simply by the heading 'Song', sometimes
by a more elaborate statement, such as (in <uHymenaei>u) 'this <usong>u importun
'd
them to a fit remembrance of the time' (lines 342-43).
     With The Golden Age <uRestored>u, it becomes less easy to distinguish
between these two modes.   The whole masque is in verse and no discrete
songs are indicated at all' although a number of passages, which fit in as
part of a continuous text, are marked for 'Quire'.  Moreover, the masque
opens with the directions
                Lowd musique.
          <uPallas>u in her chariot descending.
    To a softer musique ...
Then follow seven four-line stanzas.  One wonders whether these were spoken
above the soft music, or whether they were sung.  It would seem impossible
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   In the manuscript of <uThe Masque of Blackness>u, the songs are copied
in Roman script while the rest of the text is in an English hand, but until
1616 this was not parall eled in printed masques by the convention of
alternating italic and roman type for sung and spoken verse.  After that
date, such typographical distinctions were still only made inconsistently.
For one thing, the masque texts had to accomodate so many different sets
of words (spoken dialogue, songs, stage directions, and descriptions of
scenes or costumes) that it would be almost impossible to reflect these
different verbal functions.  The Folio text of <uPleasure Reconciled to Virtue>u
adopts the convention of printing songs in italic for the second half only,
Despite this inconsistency, there is no real problem in knowing what was
sung and what was spoken in masques up until 1616.
                                   - 109 -
to say with any certainty which parts of this masque were sung and which
spoken, assuming that the mixture of song and speech that had characterized
previous masques was carried forward into this one.  The quick exchanges in
verse, interspersed with short two or four line passages for choir, suggest
the possibility of a continuous musical setting for much of the masque anyway.
     This is exactly the same kind of verse which is found in Lovers Made
<uMen,>u produced the following year;  once again there is no separation in the
text between song and speech, and here too, we find passages marked out for
Chorus.  It is hard to see how a series of declamatory ayres, each having a
significant musical structure, could cope with this type of verse.
     With <uThe Vision of Delight>u the situation is slightly different, for a
number of textual indications are given as to what parts are sung, and more-
over the verse is arranged in separate stanzas as in earlier masques.
  Nevertheless, at times the text is quite ambiguous;  after the initial
direction 'Delight spake in song (<ustyl, recitativo>u)' we read before the next
passage, 'Delight spoke againe' (line 24), and one wonders if 'again' also
implies <ustylo recitativo>u.  The s tuation is possibly clarified by a later
direction which implies the more usual dichotomy between song and speech:
'The Song ended, <uWonder>u spake' (line 140).  There is the same vagueness
  about song and speech in the main masque of <uNeptune's Triumph>u.
      If recitative was used in these masques, it could explain the unusual
form of the verse itself and the unwonted equivocation about what was sung
                                        At the very least, I do not think
that Jonson's references to 'stylo recitativo' can be dismissed quite as
                          ve thought.  It is very likely that <uLovers>u Made
<uMen>u, <uThe Vision of Delight, perhaps even <uThe Golden Age Restored>u, and
some
later masques, did depart from the song tradition of earlier masques.
     But if we are to re-admit the possibility that <uLovers Made Men>u was
given a continuous setting in a style which Jonson recognized as new and
Italian, we still have to try and find an explanation for the fact that the
sentence about Lanier's contribution is missing from the 1617 quarto of the
masque.  This may have been due to the special nature of that edition.  It
seems to have been one of those printed before performance for the use of member
s of the
audience.  Whereas the title-page of the Folio is haphazardly arranged
highlights the names of the significant people honoured by this courtly
occasion.  It is hardly surprising that Lanier's part in composing the music
and designing the scene is not mentioned in the quarto since these
'presentation' editions do not normally acknowledge the work of poets,
designers or musicians.
     It seems then, that although no firm conclusion can be reached about
the style of singing heard in courtly masques in the years following 1616,
we cannot afford to dismiss out of hand the reference to recitative in the
1640 Folio.  The different nature of the editions perhaps explains the
disparity between the early quartos and the collected masques in the 1640
Folio;  and the texts of a group of masques, including <uLovers Made Men>u seem
to indicate a departure from the traditional mixture of verse and discrete
songs in favour of a more continuous musical setting.  This may have shown
the influence of the Italian recitative style.1
     In the absence of any surviving music, the literary implications of
this are really more interesting than the musical ones.  I suggested earlier
that the relatively frequent appearance of Galilei's <uDialogo della Musica>u
<uanticae della moderna>u in English libraries of the period possibly indicated
an interest in the ideals of the Florentine camerata from which the <ustylo>u
<urecitativo>u emerged.  Galilei's insistence that 'it is impossible to find a
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.   Professor Stoddart Lincoln has drawn my attention to an example from
a Davenant play which illustrates the caution with which such references
must be treated.  In <uThe Man's the Master>u (1668), one of the characters
calls for a song, and the stage direction reads, 'The SONG in recitative
and in parts'.  B.M. Add. MS. 33234 contains a setting of this song by John
Bannister, and it seems quite likely that this was the setting used in the
play, yet it gives no hint of either recitative or parts.  If the play
been something of an expert) must have been prepared to call any non-strophic
and monodic setting 'recitative' (although that still wouldn't explain what
happened to the 'parts').
                                  - 111 -
man who is truly a musician and is vicious'  shows the same attitude to the
artist's role as we find emphasised again and again in Discoveries and
throughout Jonson's poems and plays:
     For, if men will impartially, and not asquint, look toward
     the offices and function of a poet, they will easily conclude
     to themselves the impossibility of any man's being the good
     poet, without first being a good man.
The consonance of Jonson's views with Galilei's is not in itself remarkable
these attitudes were renaissance commonplaces - but the parallels do, I think,
suggest that Jonson would have been very receptive to the ideals of the
camerata.  The notion that the <ustylo recitativo>u was founded on the practice
of the ancients would clearly have appealed to Jonson:  he claimed that his
masques were 'grounded vpon <uantiquitie>u and solide <ulearnings>u'  and sought
 to
demonstrate that in his marginal glosses for the masques of <ublackness>u,
Beauty, <uHymenaei>u, <uQueens>u and <uOberon>u.  Above all, he would have been
most
enthusiastic about the recitative style as a heightened form of speech, or,
in Caccini's words, 'una sorte di musica, per cui altri potesse quasi che in
armonia fauellare vsando in essa " vna certa nobile sprezzatura di canto'.
The phrase 'in armonia fauellare' is virtually the same as that used by
Jonson in <uThe Vision of Delight>u where Delight 'spake in song (<ustylo recita
>u-
<utivo>u). (line  8).
     Besides this and <uLovers Made Men>u, the only other mention of recitative
before the Commonwealth is also in a masque text.  In <uAlbion's Triumph>u by
Aurelian Townshend, and 'In <uvoce Recitativa,>u he declares the substance of
his commission' (p. 61).  In each case, the use of recitative (or the
assertion that it was used) seems designed to give the words declaimed a
certain weight and dignity.  The fitness of recitative for subjects which
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   O. Strunk (ed.), <uSource Readings in Music History>u (New York, 1950), p.3
78.
2.   <uBen Jonson>u, V, 17, lines 20ff. (from Preface to <uVolpone>u).
3.   <uHymenaei>u, line 16.
4.   <uLe Nuove Musiche>u.
                                  - 712 -
are not trivial was later articulated in England by Davenant, who in <uThe
Playhouse to Let>u has a musician say, in answer to the objection that
recitative is not natural,
          Recitative Musick is not compos'd
Of matter so familiar, as may serve
          For every low occasion of discourse.
     The concept of recitative as elevated speech would obviously have
appealed to Jonson for the possibility it offered of giving an added sense
of portent to the utterance of the demi-gods and allegorical figures who are
the spokesmen in the masque for Jonson's vision of social perfection.  There
can be no doubt of the literary significance of the references to recitative
in <uThe Vision of Delight>u and <uLovers Made Men>u;  the only question which r
emains
is whether these could possibly have been anything more than just literary
references.  In view of the evidence that there was sufficient opportunity
for Englishmen to become familiar with the new Italian style, and that
English composers were experimenting with a monodic declamatory style anyway,
there seems little reason to disbelieve the assertion that masque audiences
heard, as early as 1616, an English form of recitative.
     In 'Love's Alchymie' John Donne places 'rude hoarse minstrelsy' and
the music of the spheres at opposite ends of the musical spectrum.  Main
masques were obviously intended to come as near as possible to the heavenly
end of this spectrum, while the antimasque tended, at its <uleast>u sinister, to
draw on rude minstrelsy.  This was not so much a simple opposition of styles
as part of a much broader and significant differentiation between various modes
of speech and singing which always corresponded to the dignity and impor-
tance of the communication.  Recitative would have been an appropriately
noble vehicle for main masque verse which in earlier Jacobean masques was
spoken.
     The pleasing harmony of the vocal music in the main masque is the most
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   Quoted by J.A. Westrup, 'The Nature of Recitative', <uProceedings of the>u
<uBritish Academy>u, 1956, p. 28.
                                   - 113 -
immediate example of that potent concord which is absolutely central to
the masque's ideology.  The harmonious movement of dance is yet another
manifestation of this concord.
  - 114 -
<uChapter III>u
DANCE
i.   <uSongs interpreting masque dances>u
     <uAurelia>u:  We have forgot the brawle.
     <uGuerino>u:  Why?  'Tis but two singles on the left, two on the
           right, three doubles forward, a traverse of six round:
           do this twice, three singles side, galliard trick of
          twentie, curranto pace:  a figure of eight, three
singles broken down, come up, meete, two doubles  fall
           backe, and then honour.
     <uAurelia>u:  O Dedalus!  thy maze, I have quite forgot it.
                                       John Marston, <uThe Malcontent>u, IV, i,
65.
     Guerino's instructions point to the challenging intricacy of renaissance
courtly dancing.  These complicated directions and Aurelia's bemused reaction
suggest that an onlooker would have great difficulty in seeing this
particular dance as a model of the celestial order.  Yet in the songs of
<uPleasure Reconciled to Virtue>u Jonson takes up the very image used by the
bewildered Aurelia and uses it to communicate a sense of the beautiful
orderliness projected by the intricate choreography of set masque dances
and virtuous activity of dance in terms of his own celebrated achievements:
           Then, as all actions of mankind
              are but a Laborinth, or maze,
so let your Daunces be entwin'd,
             yet not perplex men, vnto gaze.
But measur'd, and so numerous too,
             as men may read each act you doo.
 And when they see ye Graces meet,
             admire ye wisdom of your feet,
For Dauncing is an exercise
             not only shews ye mouers wit,
 But maketh ye beholder wise,
             as he hath powre to rise to it.
                              (lines 261-72)
Regrettably, the setting is lost, but the accomplishment of the verse itself
gives a kind of authority to the singer's statements about intelligent
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-------
1.   In <uWorks>u, ed. Bullen.
                                   - 115 -
artifice.  The song is a very fine example of the largest and most important
group of masque songs. While both song and dance project the masque's
multi-dimensional concord and can be seen as manifestations of the harmony
of the commonwealth, dance is of particular importance, being performed by
the courtier-masquers who must be the prime exemplars of that concord:
their dancing must become a demonstration or expression of that social
harmony.  It is the most important function of masque song to draw attention
to and interpret this visible concord.  Numerous masque songs provide a
commentary on the set dances and the revels.
     We have already come across some of these songs.  'Move now with
Measured Sound' from <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u is a commentary on the dance
performed to its music.  Campion has another song-dance in <uThe Lords' Masque>u
where stars move 'in an exceeding strange and delightful manner' according
to the humour of the song, 'Advance your Chorall motions now,/You musick-
loving lights' (p. 93).
     One of the most interesting and attractive of the early masque songs
interpreting a dance is found in Daniel's <uTethys' Festival>u.  'If joy had
other figure' expresses the idea that the music, verse and dancing of this
masque are the best available means of expressing devotion to the crown:
          Since nature hath bestowd
   No other letter,
             To expresse it better,
   Then in this forme;
          Our motions, soundes, and wordes,
    Tun'd to accordes;
          Must shew the well-set partes,
 Of our affections and our harts.
                                            (lines 329-36)
This song expresses very neatly an idea which, as we have seen underlies
almost every masque device - that the visible and audible concord of the
masque externalizes, or provides a model of less tangible social contentment.
Like the majority of songs of this type, it also allows a few minutes rest
('While dancing rests, fit place to music granting').
     Usually, these songs relate the movements of the dance to the masque's
                                  - 116 -
central device.  In <uLove Restored>u, for example, love is said to be respon-
sible for the positive qualities of the dancing:
          This motion was of loue begot,
    It was so ayrie, light, and good,
          His wings into their feet he shot,
    Or else himselfe into their bloud
                                                  (lines 273-76)
The songs in <uMercury Vindicated>u present the dances as being created by
Prometheus at the request of Nature, or in other words, as the result of the
fruitful cooperation between art and nature.  Such songs spell out the
meaning of the masque's device, and impose on the intricate movements of the
dance a positive moral significance.  One of the songs interpolated between
the dances in <uThe Vision of Delight>u presents the dances (performed by 'the
Glories of the Spring') as a reflection of the happy order in nature:
          In curious knots and mazes so
The Spring at first was taught to go;
          And <uZephire>u, when he came to wooe
His <uFlora>u, had their motions too,
             And thence did <uVenus>u learne to lead
   The <uIdalian>u Braules, and so [to] tread
          As if the wind, not she did walke;
 Nor prest a flower, nor bow'd a stalke.
                                                  (lines 224-31)
Hence the audience to the masque are invited to see the realisation of a
humanist ideal in the dances - 'an art which shares with great creating
nature'.
     Harmony's sung exhortations to the dancers in <uThe Masque of Heroes>u do
not match the poetic quality of some of the Jonson songs, but they never-
theless set out to make the same kind of point:
          Move on, move on, be still the same,
             You beauteous sons of brightness;
You add to honour spirit and flame,
             To virtue, grace and whiteness;
You, whose every little motion
          May learn strictness more devotion,
Every pace of that high worth
          It treads a fair example forth,
Quickens a virtue, makes a story,
          To make your own heroic glory ...
This song exemplifies another conventional trait;  many of the songs which
follow the first dance begin by urging the dancers to continue their
delightful (and profitable) activity.  Even the sense of urgency created by
the repeated words in the Opening line is thoroughly typical of such songs.
In <uHymenaei>u one song (actually before the first dance) begins 'Now, now,
beginne to set/Your spirits in actiue heate', in <uOberon>u we find the
Ferrabosco song 'Nay, nay/You must not stay,/Nor be weary, yet' immediately
following the first masque dance and, after the next dance, the dialogue
song 'Nor yet, nor yet, O you in this night blest,/Must you haue will, or
hope to rest'.  In <uThe Vision of Delight>u, 'Againe, againe;  you cannot be/Of
such a true delight too free' was heard after the masquers first dance.
     The songs which introduce the revels also seek to ensure that the
pleasures of social dancing are seen in the context of the masque's ideal
social vision.  Often they point to the revels as the most crucial section
of the masque in which a model of joyful and intelligent social integration
might be established.  In <uLovers Made Men>u the lovers, transformed from an
entranced state into alert men are invited to fulfill their intelligent
humanity in the revels:
          Goe, take the Ladies forth, and talke,
             And touch, and taste too:  Ghosts can walke.
'Twixt eyes, tongues, hands, the mutuall strife
             Is bred, that tries the truth of life.
 They doe, indeed' like dead men move,
             That thinke they live, and not in love!
                                      (lines 175-80)
Daedalus's third song in <uPleasure Reconciled>u prompts the masquers to take
out the ladies for the dances of the revels, and his advice to them evokes
the sensitivity, wit, and sociability of true courtliness:
          Goe choose among - But with a mind
             as gentle as ye stroaking wind
      runs ore the gentler flowres.
          And so let all your actions smile,
   as if they meant not to beguile
                the Ladies, but ye howres.
Grace, Laughter, & discourse, may meet,
             and yet, the beautie not goe les:
For what is noble, should be sweet,
             but not dissolu'd in wantonnes.
                                 (lines 303-12)
                                  - 118 -
Another rather beautiful variation on this type of song occurs in <uNeptune's>u
<uTriumph>u.  The song 'Come Noble Nymphs'  is not, of course, addressed to the
masquers, but to the ladies of the audience.  They are urged to come forward
and dance with the men;  the singers (Proteus, Saron, and Portunus) protest
that the effort which has gone into adorning their beauty for this festive
night is quite fruitless unless they enter into a social relationship with
the men:
          Why doe you weare the Silkewormes toyles;
          Or glory in the shellfish spoyles?
Or striue to shew the graines of ore
          That you haue gatherd on the shore ...
Why do you smell of Amber-gris,
          Of which was formed <uNeptunes>u Neice,
The Queene of Loue;  vnlesse you can,
          Like Sea-borne <uVenus>u, loue a man?
                ------
As in Andrew Marvell's poem, 'Bermudas', there is a deliberate industrious-
ness behind nature's bounty which implies a controlling purpose and conse-
quently brings a sense of obligation to the beneficiaries.  Of course, in
this song, it is specifically the area of nature over which Proteus, Saron,
and Portunus (all maritime deities) have some control which is involved.
     Since Jonson's moral seriousness was not completely shared by other
masque writers, there are a few exceptions to this pattern.  In Beaumont's
<uMasque of the Inner Temple and Gray's Inn>u the song which precedes the revels
flouts the Jonsonian norm by acknowledging and condoning the possibilities
they offered for insincere gallantry
          More pleasing were these sweet delights,
If ladies mov'd as well as knights;
          Run ev'ry one of you and catch
A nymph, in honour of this match,
          And whisper boldly in her ear.
          Jove will but laugh if you forswear.
     All: And this day's sins he doth resolve
          That we his priests should all absolve.
                                                  (lines 339-46)
But the generalisation remains true that songs which preceded set masque
dances and the revels related the dances to the masque's literary and
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1. The two extant settings of this song are discussed above, pp. 84 f.
                                     - 119 -
idealistic purposes.
ii.  <uChoreography>u
     This is not to say that dances by themselves had no expressive or
rhetorical properties.  Renaissance dance books give some idea of the
dancing styles which might have been used in courtly masques and of the
expressive potential of specific steps or dance forms.  There are a few
problems, however, in deciding exactly which dancing manuals are relevant
to this issue.  If we discount Morley's few remarks (directed at composers
rather than dancers, anyway) in <uA Plain and Easy Introduction to Practical>u
<uMusic>u, dancing manuals in English for this period are virtually non-existent
.
There appears to have been none printed between Robert Copland's 'The Maner
of Dauncynge of Bace Daunces after the Use of Fraunce' and Playford's
<uEnglish Dancing Master>u (1651), which deals with country rather than courtly
dancing.1
     There was one dancing manual printed in England, however.  In 1623
F. de Lauze published his <uApologie de la Danse et la Parfaicte Methode de>u
<ul'enseigner tant aux Cavaliers quaux Dames>u.  This volume is dedicated to
the Duke of Buckingham whose dancing in court masques pleased James I so
much.  De Lauze claims that a pirate edition had been brought out three years
earlier by a Mr. Montague, so it would appear that there must have been a
demand for such a treatise.  Although the volume contains no musical examples
and is generally far less specific than the important continental treatises
of the period, it is of great interest.  Obviously its place and date of
publication, and (to judge from the dedication) the audience to which it was
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.   One might have hoped for some retrospective information from John Weaver,
who in 1712 published <uAn Essay towards an History of Dancing>u, but this treat
ise
is no more than a banal neo-classical apology for his own profession as
dancing-master, and deals with such matters as 'the Antiquity and Original
of Dancing', and 'the Particular Lances of the Ancient Romans and Greeks'.
His last chapter, 'Of modern Dancing' is largely given over to praise of Mr.
Josiah Priest and to abuse of the French dancing masters in Restoration
London.  He shows a total lack of interest in English dancing practice before
the Restoration, and dismisses Arbeau's manual as 'an imperfect rough draft'.
                                    - 120 -
addressed makes it very relevant to dancing in early seventeenth-century
courtly entertainments.  De Lauze frequently writes with a court occasion
in mind, as we can see from instructions for occasions on which one might
dance 'deuant vn Roy, ou en la presence de quelques personnes qualifiees ...'
De Lauze refers to his own work as if it were an extension of Thoinot Arbeau's
<uOrchesographie>u (Langres, 1589), and there seems to have been some measure of
continuity between the principles of that important late sixteenth-century
French treatise and the practice of dancing in the early seventeenth century
English court.
     There are two late sixteenth century English manuscript sources which
give a few choreographic instructions.   Each contains three pages giving
directions for a selection of dances.  Their importance is not, unfortunately,
that they supply us with very much information about the dance forms them-
selves, but rather that they indicate, through their use of similar technical
vocabulary and abbreviations (of the kind we have seen in Guerino's
instructions) that the fundamentals of courtly dancing enjoyed quite a wide
currency.
     There are several important continental publications.  Apart from
Arbeau's <uOrchesographie>u, there were two Italian treatises published in this
period.  Marco Fabrito Caroso wrote <uIl Ballarino>u (Venice, 1581) which was
republished in a much revised edition called <uNobilita di Dame>u in 1600 and
1605.  Cesare Negri's <uGratie d'Amore>u was published in Milan in 16OO and
republished in 1604 as <uNuove Inventioni di Balli>u.
     The affinity between English and French dancing seems quite clear.  De
Lauze was not the only French dancing master at the English court,  and
there is ample musical evidence that Englishmen took an interest in French
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.   F. de Lauze, <uApologie de la Danse>u, 1623, ed. with translation, introduc
-
tion and notes by Joan Wildeblood (1952), p. 102.
2.   Bodleian MS. Rawl. Poet. 108, and B.L. MS. Harl. 367.
3.   The involvement of the French dancing masters, Bochan and Confesse, is
mentioned above pp. 36ff.  See also Margaret McGowan, op.cit., p. 243.
                                   - 121 -
dance music of the period:  Lord Herbert of Cherbury's Lute Book contains
at least five of Robert Ballard's dances, and Robert Dowland's <uVarietie of>u
<uLute Lessons>u contains another two.1
     There is some evidence that Englishmen were also familiar with Italian
dancing techniques.  One of the British Library's copies of Caroso's
<uNobilita di Dame>u has on its binding a coat of arms which indicates that it
was originally in the Prince of Wales' library during the reign of James I.
The Bodleian listed in its 1605 catalogue, 'Fabrito <uCaraso>u del Ballarino.
<uVen>u. 1581', and by 1620 it had added another copy and had acquired copies
of Negri's <uNuove Inventioni di Balli>u.  When Robert Martin began selling
Italian books in England in the 1630's, he included in his catalogues both
Negri's and Caroso's works.  In view of the relatively slight evidence
available which could indicate what foreign books Englishmen were interested
in, the occurence of these Italian dancing manuals in early seventeenth-
century book lists seems quite significant.
     It is recognized that French and Italian courtly dancing styles were
quite different.3  Certainly, the Italian and French treatises have quite
different objectives.  Since none of these correspond exactly to the aims of
a dancing master instructing courtiers or antimasquers in the set dances for
an English masque, these instruction manuals can have only a general rather
than a very specific relevance to this topic.  They are, nevertheless, of
considerable interest.
     Arbeau sets out to teach to a novice the most elementary principles of
social dancing, while de Lauze concentrates more on such refinements as
deportment.  The two Italian manuals give details of quite specifically
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   There are more apparently French dances in Tobias Hume's <uThe First Part>u
<uof Ayres, French, Polish and Others>u (1605).
2.   The shelf-mark of this volume is C. 77. d. 12.  The College of Arms
informs me that it is impossible to tell from the coat of arms whether the
book was acquired for Prince Henry's library or for the future Charles I.
3.   See P. Aldrich, <uRhythm in Seventeenth Century Italian Monody>u (1966),
p. 84.
choreographed <uballi>u, and they often specify (apparently for the sake of the
 eflected prestige) when, where, and by whom these were danced.  The musical
examples accompanying the sets of dancing instructions in these Italian
treatises are quite similar structurally to English masque dances, but the
dances themselves are usually for two couples and they seem to be designed
primarily with performers rather than with an audience in mind.
     These manuals present us with a picture of a socially desirable norm
with which the dances of the main masque and the revels must have conformed'
and in contrast to which the dances of the antimasque would have taken on
their expressive quality.
     All the sources insist on the nobility of dancing.  Caroso's title for
the revised 1600 edition of his manual, <uNobilita di Dame>u, and Negri's
original title, <uGratie d'Amore>u, indicate the extent to which thesevolumes
are concerned with a Renaissance courtly ideal.  Caroso prefaces his work
with an address to his readers on the nobility and physical benefits of
dancing.  Arbeau's <uOrchesographie>u is written as a dialogue between the
dancing master and his pupil.  Like Philomathes, who seeks a 'plain and
easy introduction to practical music' from his Music Master Thomas Morley,
Capriol has found that education for a profession is not in itself sufficient
for someone who wishes to mix in good society.  De Lauze also insists on the
social prestige of dancing:
     ... le seul exercice de la danse peut non seulement arracher
     les mauuaises actions qu'vne negligente nourriture auroit
     enracinee, mais donner encore vn maiatien & une grace que
     nous disons entregent, & que ie peux appeller proprement
     <ule bel estre>u, chose tout a faict necessaire a quiconque veut
     rendre son port & son abort agreable dans le monde.1
     In emphasising that dancing was an important accomplishment for anyone
wishing to mix in elegant society, these dancing masters were repeating
ideas which were quite commonplace in courtesy books and treatises on
education.  Sir Thomas Hoby's translation (published in 1561) of Castiglione's
<uIl Cortegiano>u concludes with 'A Breef Rehersall of the Chiefe Conditions and
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.  <uAgologie de la Danse>u, p. 68.
                                    - 123 -
Qualities in a Courtier', and amongst these we find, 'To daunce well without
over nimble footinges or to busie trickes'.  A corresponding summary of 'The
Chief Conditions and Qualityes in a Wayting Gentylwoman' urges her 'Not to
come on loft nor use to swift measures in her daunsinge'.
     This was actually more than a matter of gentility.  Just as renaissance
ideas about speculative music provided a context in which the suggestion
could very easily be made that the music of the main masque participated in
a much more extensive harmony, so parallel renaissance ideas about dance
tended to transform an urbane Castiglione-like decorum into a model of 'the
exquisite chorus of the stars and the heavens, and the interweaving of the
planets with the fixed stars, and the elegant and harmonious organization
and wonderful order'.   One stanza spoken by Love in Sir John Davies'
<uOrchestra, or a Poem of Dancing>u makes the link between de Lauze's concept of
<ubel estre>u and the idea of the great cosmic dance particularly well:
          If sense hath not yet taught you, learn of me
A comely moderation and discreet,
          That your assemblies may well order'd be;
When my uniting power shal make you meet,
          With heavenly tunes it shall be temper'd sweet
And be the model of the world's great frame,
          And you, earth's children, Dancing shall it name'    (Stanza 33)
     A sense of dignity and social finesse was associated with the very
activity of courtly dancing, and this in itself would have endowed the set
dances of the main masque and the social dances of the revels with a positive
meaning.  Hoby's injunction against 'over nimble footings' and similarly
ostentatious virtuosity was a very familiar warning.  De Lauze elaborates
upon it in a way which can be seen as a specific courtly application of
Castiglione's <usprezzatura>u:
1.   Sir Thomas Hoby, <uThe Book of the Courtier, from the Italian of Count>u
<uBaldassare Castiglione>u, 1561, ed. Walter Raleigh (1900), pp. 370 and 375.
See also Roger Ascham <uThe Schoolmaster>u, 1570, ed. L.V. Ryan (Ithaca, New
York, 1967), pp. 52f.;  Richard Braithwait, The English Gentleman (1630),
p. 204;  Barnabe Riche, <uRiche his Farewell to the Militarie Profession>u, (158
1)
sig. aiij.
2.   Caelius Rhodiginus, quoted by J.C. Meagher, p. 83.
                               - 124 -
... on danse auiourd'huy, d'vne certaine negligence nullement
affectee;  & n'aymerois point qu'ils meslassent parmy leurs
compositions des pas qui sentissent son baladin, comme fleurets
frisoteries, ou branslemens de pieds, pirouetes (i'entens a
plusieurs tours violens & forcez,) caprioles, pas mesmes des
demy caprioles, si ce n'est en tournant ou finissant, & tout
plain d'autres petites actions ennemies du vray air qu'on y
doit obseruer, mais seulement des pas coupez, & entrecoupez,
d'autres graues, ensemble des diaisons, & des beaux temps,
parce que les mouuemens qui on procedent, peuuent avec assez
d'air & de grace accompagner tels pas sans force ...1
His criticisms even of <ucaprioles>u (the jumps made, for example' between the
fourth and fifth step of a galliard pattern) perhaps seem  a little harsh in
view of the fact that his patron, the Duke of Buckingham, was praised for
his spectacular caprioles during the revels of <uPleasure Reconciled>u,  but the
general tenor of his remarks is ex remely interesting.  De Lauze makes it
quite clear that certain energetic movements were unacceptable in courtly
dancing, and it is more than likely that what is unacceptable for the courtier
would provide excellent material for an antimasque dance.
     <uOrchesographie>u provides some support for this idea.  Arbeau explains
three steps to his pupil which involve kicking one foot up into the air:
the <ugreve>u in which the foot is raised in front, the <uruade>u behind, and th
e
<uru de vache>u when it is thrown out to the side.  Capriole, the pupil in the
dialogue, is scandalised by these unbecoming steps and won't believe that the
<uru de vache>u is often used, while he says of the <ugreve>u, 'Cette mode ne me
semble belle ny honneste, si ce n'est pour dancer avec quelque bonne galoise
de chambeliere'.   Needless to say, characters from the servants' hall (and
a style of dancing appropriate to them) were not out of place in low induc-
tion antimasques.
     It is interesting that Inigo Jones' drawings of antimasque figures
again and again depict them in a posture which suggests the kind of energetic
movement which was so frowned upon by dance manuals and courtesy books.
1.   Op.cit.,  pp. 98 and 100.
2.   <uBen Jonson>u, X, 583.
3.   <uOrche/sographie>u (Langres, 1585), fol. 45v.
Plate 2 shows antimasque figures for <uBritannia Triumphans>u in positions which
correspond to the vigorous and unbecoming dance steps which Arbeau calls
the <uruade>u, <ugreve>u, and <uru de vache>u;  Arbeau's charming illustration o
f the
<ue>u is reproduced on the same plate - together with Capriol's disapproving
comment.  Drawings of masquers, on the other hand, invariably depict them in
elegant and dignified poses.  Plates 3 and 4 juxtapose some of Inigo Jones'
drawings for masque costumes with illustrations from dancing manuals.  The
elegant stance of the noble Persian youth (a design for Davenant's <uTemple>u
<uof Love>u) compares favourably with the youth who illustrates Negri's section
on general deportment entitled,
     Del modo, col quale s'insegna la regola d'andare su la vita
     con bella gratia, come dimostra il presente disegno, si nel
     ballare, come ancora dell'andare per le strade.1
The similarity in pose between Jones's Influencesof the Stars (for <uAlbion's>u
<uTriumph>u) and the Negri engraving of a gentleman leading a lady out to dance
(an engraving which appears six times in the course of the volume) is quite
striking.2
     <uThe Mountebanks Masque>u makes an explicit link between energetic, vir-
tuoso steps and antimasque dancing.  Paradox introduces each of his disciples
and his remarks suggest that they will perform just the kind of ostentatious
effort that the dancing manuals condemn:
     This second Master of the science of footmanship ... was
     famed at the Feast of Pallas, where in dancing he came off
     with such lofty tricks, turns above ground, capers, cross-
     capers, horse-capers, so high and so lofty performed, that
     he for prize bore away the Helmet of Pallas
                                                                   (p. 438)
1.   Cesare Negri, <uNuove Inventioni di Balli>u (Milan, 1604), p. 37.
2.   The Jones drawings reproduced in Plates 2-4 are all from Caroline
masques, but the particular selection was made only on the grounds of clarity;
the same points could have been made from numerous other drawings, including
a number of Jacobean masques.  For other drawings of antimasque figures
depicted making vigorous movements see Stephen Orgel and Roy Strong, <uInigo>u
Jones:  The <uTheatre of the Stuart>u Court (1973), plates 65, 95, 150, 151, 152
(all Jacobean examples), and 177, 194, 196, 198.  Masquers are always
depicted in elegant poses.
       Apart from the use of steps and gestures which would be thought unbe-
coming to a gentleman, antimasques may well have contained certain types and
styles of dance which would not normally have been performed by courtiers and
ladies.  Arbeau's remarks on the 'Branle du Haut Barrois', for example
suggest that such a dance might well have been thought suitable for a low
induction antimasque:
      Ce branle se dance par les vallets & chamberieres, & quelquefois
     par les ieusnes hommes & damoiselles quand ils font quelques
     mascarades, desguisez en paysans & bergiers ou qu'ils se
     veullent esgayer priueement ...1
     Arbeau, too, insisted upon dancing's expressive capacity which, he
recognized, was inextricably connected with the kind of musical ex ressiveness
which has been the primary concern of this chapter:
      Ie vous ay ia dit, quelle [la danse] depend de la musique
      & modulations d'icelle:  car sans la vertu rithmique, la dance
    seroit obscure & confuse:  daultant qu'il fault que les gestes
      des membres accompaignent les cadances des instruments musicaulx,
     & ne sault pas que le pied parle d'un, & l'instrument daultre.
                     ement tous les doctes tiennent que la dance est
   etorique muette, par laquelle l'Orateur peult
     par ses mouem  sans parler vn seul mot, se faire entendre,
     & persuader aux spectateurs, quil est gaillard digne d'estre
     loue/, ayme/, & chery ...2
     Textual evidence suggests that the movements and music of antimasques
and main masque dances cooperated in a non-verbal expression of the masque's
themes.  Of the pre-1608 masques, only <uHymenaei>u has an antic danced sequence
:
      out of a <uMicrocosme>u, or <uGlobe>u, (figuring Man) with a kind
    of contentious Musique, issued forth the first Masque, of
      eight men.
    These represented the foure <uHumors>u, and foure <uAffections>u ...
      and, dauncing out on the Stage ... offered to encompasse the
     <uAltar>u, and disturbe the <uCeremonies>u.
Shortly after this, Reason descended from the top of the Globe ('as in the
braine, or highest part of <uMan>u') and subdued these unruly beings;  they fit
naturally into 'the whole fall of the device' by making the point that Reason
has more to do with Hymen's union than the Humours and Affections.  This
1.  <uOrchesographie>u, fol. 73.
2.  Ibid., fol. 5-5v.
description, like many antimasque descriptions, makes the general effect
clear through phrases like 'with a kind of contentious music' and 'offered
to disturb the ceremonies', but unfortunately it gives no more specific
indication of what was so strange and threatening about the music and dancing.
     The text of <uThe Haddington Masque>u is more informative, for although it
still describes the music merely as 'odd', it does indicate more clearly
the place of exaggerated gesture in antimasque dancing:
     CUPID discouered himselfe, and came forth armed;  attended
     with twelue boyes, most antickly attyr'd, that represented
     the sports, and prettie lightnesses, that accompanie <uLoue>u
     ... they fell into a subtle <ucapriccious Daunce>u, to as odde
     a <uMusique>u, each of them bearing two torches, and nodding
     with their antique faces, with other varietie of ridiculous
     gesture, which gaue much occasion of mirth, and delight, to
     the <uspectat>uors
                                                                 (lines 157-75)
    In a letter to Dudley Carleton written two days after the masque,
Chamberlain described the relationship of the antimasque to the rest of the
performance:
     Venus wth her chariot drawne by swannes [came] in a
     cloude to seek her sonne, who wth his companions <uLusus>u
     <urisus>u and Jocus, and foure or fiue waggs more, were
     dauncing a matachina and acted yt very antiquely, before
     the twelue signes (who were the master-maskers) descended
     from the zodiacke, and plaide theyre parts more grauely
    beeing very gracefully attired.   1
The contrast between the antic and solemn parts of the masque was very
apparent.  A matachina is a sword dance, and consequently one which
involved fairly vigorous movements.   Even more interesting than the mention
of such an energetic dance is the phrase 'acted yt very antiquely', since
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.   <uBen Jonson>u, X, 482.
2.   There are two other mentions of the matachina in a masque context.
In a letter written to John Chamberlain on 15th January 1604 Sir Dudley
Carleton reported that on Twelfth Night there was 'a masquerade of certain
Scotchmen, who came in with a sword dance, not unlike a matachin, and
performed it cleanly' (quoted by Mary S. Steele' <uPlays and Masques at>u
<uCourt During the Reigns of Elizabeth, James and Charles>u, New Haven, 1926,
p. 136).  In the <uMasque at Knowsley>u a group of hags representing fasting
days 'dance an Antemasque in a way of a Matachine, wth postures of strugling
and wrestlinge ...' (ed. R.J. Broadbent, in <uTransactions of the Historic>u
<uSociety of Lancashire and Cheshire>u, XLI, 1925, p. 9.).
                                   - 128 -
it emphasises the antimasque's expressive nature.
     The antimasque in <uThe Masque of Queens>u is much more fully developed
 than the antic sequence in either <uHymenai>u or <uThe Haddington Masque>u and
there
is correspondingly more information about its methods.  Once again, sudden
changes and exaggerated gestures seem to be of central importance:
    with a strange and sodayne Musique, they fell into a <umagicall>u
      Daunce  full of praeposterous change  and gesticulation  but
      all thinges contrary to the custome of Men, dauncing, back to
    back, hip to hip, theyr handes ioyn'd  and making their circles
      backward, to the left hand, w h strange phantastique motions of
    theyr heads, and bodyes.
Cleariy, Jeremy Herne's extraordinary choreography gave the dance detailed
applicability to the antimasque device.
     The same kind of expressive choreography is mentioned in Campion's
<uLords' Masque>u where twelve Frantics enter 'at the sound of a strange
musicke':
     in middest of whom <uEntheus>u (or Poeticke furie) was hurried
     forth, and tost up and downe, till by vertue of a new
     change in the musicke, the Lunatickes fell into a madde
     measure, fitted to a loud phantasticke tune.
                                                            (p. 90, lines 34-8)
    Beaumont's <uMasque of the Inner Temple and Gray's Inn>u contained two
antimasques.  These are described in Stow's chronicle in a way which brings
out their different character:  the first is called 'an Anti-Maske of a
strange and different fashion from others, both in habit and manners',7
while the second is described as 'a rurall countrey maske consisting of
many persons, men and women, being all in sundry habits and manners'.
Both the dance music and movements in the first antimasque were carefully
worked out to conform with the device.  Mercury presents an antimasque in
which Naiads, Hyades, Cupids and statues from the altar of Jove dance in
succession.  The style (and instrumentation) of the dance music changed
dramatically as the dancing of the various groups of nymphs gave way to the
more ponderous movements of the animated statues, which appeared to be made of
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1.  Edmund Howes, <uThe Annales or Generall Chronicle of England begun by>u
<uJohn Stow>u (1614), p. 917.
                               - 129 -
solid gold and silver:
     At their coming, the music changed from violins to hoboys,
     cornets, etc.  And the air of the music was utterly turned
     into a soft time, with drawing notes, excellently expressing
     their natures, and the measure likewise was fitted unto the
     same, and the Statues placed in such several postures,
     sometimes all together in the centre of the dance, and
     sometimes in the four utmost angles, as was very graceful
     besides the novelty.
     Although this is far from being 'wild music', the continuity with
other antimasque dances is clear.  As the witches' dance in <uThe Masque of>u
<uQueens>u, the choreography of this antimasque dance was very much directed
towards the projection of the basic device:  slow deliberate movement
punctuated by static postures clearly suit a dance of metal statues.
     The other antimasque from Beaumont's <uMasque of the Inner Temple and>u
<uGray's Inn>u is not described in quite the same detail.  We are, nevertheless,
given a clear impression of a style of antimasque dance quite different
from the grotesquely confused measures of some spectacles of strangeness,
and one which corresponds to the singing of ballads and catches in other
low inductions.  This second antimasque (which is similar to the danced
antimasque of <uThe Masque of Flowers>u) is presented by Iris and consists of
comic figures from the natural world - a pedant, May Lord, Servingman, a
country clown or shepherd, a host, a he-baboon, a he-fool, and the female
counterparts of all these.  They 'rush in, dance their measure, and as
rudely depart';  if 'wild' was the adjective which best characterized the
spectacles of strangeness, the suggestion of 'rudeness' here could be taken
as the most typical element of dancing in low inductions.  Beaumont says
of this antimasque that 'the music was extremely well fitted, having such
a spirit of country jollity as can hardly be imagined' (line 238).  He adds
that the dancing complemented the music:
     The dance likewise was of the same strain, and the dancers, or
     rather actors, expressed every one their part so naturally
     and aptly, as when a man's eye was caught with the one, and
     then passed on to the other, he could not satisfy himself
     which did best,
                                                         (lines 243-46)
                           - 130 -
Chamberlain referred to antimasque dancers in <uThe Haddington Masque>u
as having 'acted' their parts;   Beaumont's suggestion that these dancers
could more properly be considered actors not only highlights the distinctive
expressiveness of antimasque dancing, but also points to a difference
between antimasque and main masque roles.  Those courtiers who danced in
the main masque did not act, at least in the same sense:  the word Jonson
used was that they 'personated' their roles,2 and this was more a matter of
fitting into a part which corresponded in dignity to their real standing in
the court.  In fact, when the balance between masque role and reality
shifted too far in the direction of action, it tended to bring sharp
criticism.  Carleton wrote to Chamberlain after <uThe Masque of Blackness>u
saying that the lady masquers wore rich apparel,
     but too light and curtisan-like;  Theyr black faces, and
     hands wch were painted and bare vp to the elbowes, was a
     very lothsome sight, and I am sory that strangers should
     see owr court so strangely disguised    3
In 1626, the Duke of Buckingham was criticized for assuming a masque role
(a 'master of fence') which 'many thought too histrionical to become him'.4
     Acting, on the other hand, was what was needed in antimasque roles,
and it was an essential element in antimasque dancing.  Paradox, introducing
one of the antimasque dancers in <uThe Mountebanks' Masque>u, also suggests
the strong association of antimasque dancing and acting:
     This Amoroso did express such passion with his eyes, such casts,
      such winks, such glances, and with his whole body such
     delightful gestures, such cringes, such pretty wanton mimics,
     that he won the applause of all ...
     The correspondence between country dancing and the kind of singing which
was most characteristic of low inductions (where they used any singing at
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   See above p.127.
2.   See <uHymenaei>u, line 11.
3.   <uBen Jonson,>u X, 449.
4.   Letter to the Rev. Joseph Mead, 3 December 1626;  printed in Orgel and
Strong, op.cit., p. 389.
all) is made explicit in <uLove Restored>u.  In the low induction, Masquerado
comes out before the audience and announces that, since the musicians for
the main masque have not arrived, there can be no masque:
     Vnlesse wee should come in like a Morrice-dance, and whistle
     our ballat our selues, I know not what we should doe:  we
     ha' no other Musician to play our tunes, but the wild musique
     here ...
Morrice dance and ballad are presented as equivalents - both are unmis-
takeable antimasque material.  (It is also interesting to see antimasque
musicians referred to as 'the wild music' in an off-hand way, as if that
were quite a normal term.)
     Quite a few low inductions give us some insight into 'behind the
scenes' preparations for a masque by giving a lower-class comic perspective
on it.  Apart from <uLove Restored>u, there is the discussion about  masques
which takes place in the antimasque of <uThe Masque of Augurs>u in which various
members of the public try to devise a way of gaining admission to the masque.
(There is a very similar antimasque in the Caroline masque, <uThe Triumph>u of
<uPeace>u.)  One such antimasque has some relevance to the question of masque
choreography.  In <uPan's Anniversary>u, an arrogant Fencer attempts to outdo
the celebrations which the bravest spirits of Arcadia have prepared for Pan.
When he learns that dancing is to form 'the better part of the solemnity',
he calls his own dancers and musicians together.  His descriptions of their
preparations provide an absurd parody of the concern with precise movement
which must have characterized masque rehearsals and they furnish satirical
comment on the opportunities for social insinutation in the revels:
     Nay, we have made our provisions beyond example, I hope.  For
     to these there is annexed a Clock-keeper, a grave person, as
     <uTime>u himselfe, who is to see that they all keepe time to a
     nick, and move every elbow in order, every knee in compasse ...
     Then is there a subtile shrewd-bearded Sir, that hath beene a
      Politician, but is now a maker of Mouse-traps, a great Inginer
     yet;  and he is to catch the Ladyes favours in the Daunce with
     certaine cringes he is to make;  and to baite their benevolence ...
     a great Clerke, who ... is to take the whole Daunces from the
     foot by Brachygraphie,1 and so make a memoriall, if not a map of
     the businesse.
1.   Brachygraphy must refer to the type of shorthand in which a few steps of
dancing instructions survive.
     It is possible then, to differentiate between spectacle of strangeness
and low induction antimasque dances:  the first set out to express the idea
of the antimasque device, usually through 'wild' music and movement while
the second tend towards simple country dances, often made ridiculous by
the comic characters who performed them.  Low inductions contained elements
of mild satire rather than vicious caricature.  Exaggerated gesture, used
to make the dancers seem unnatural, vulgar, or ridiculous, had its place in
both types of antimasque.7
      There are, of course, antimasques which do not belong in either group,
and there are others which combine elements of both types.  In the anti-
masque to <uThe Masque of Augurs>u various characters from the area of St.
Katharines bring along antimasques which might win them admission to the
Twelfth Night festivities.  One of these antimasques-within-an-antimasque
is performed by bears while John Urson sings his ballad, and the other,
presented by Van Goose, was 'a perplex'd Dance of straying, and deform'd
Pilgrims, taking seuerall pathes' (lines 271f.).   This was, in effect, a
grotesquely expressive dance of the spectacle of strangeness type within a
low induction.  Similarly, the antimasque of Volatees (bird-like creatures
from the moon) in <uNews from the New World>u is a spectacle of strangeness
presented for the entertainment of the court by the characters of a low
induction.
     There is less actual description of main masque dances than there is
of antimasque dances, probably because they were less extraordinary;  a
general comment to the effect that they were 'full of elegancy, and curious
device' would be thought more than enough to evoke the dignity and grace of
the dancing.  In fact, the majority of Jacobean masque texts do little more
1.   A parallel can be drawn here with the <uballets burlesques>u which become
popular in France after 162O.  Margaret McGowan writes of burlesque <uentrees>u
that, 'Le danseur faitcomprendre son personage ... par sa musique et quel-
quefois par des acrobaties.  Dans ce dernier cas on fait appel a un baladin
professionel, qui devient de plus en plus indispensable au ballet ou l'on
cherche avant tout a etonner;  il se charge des sauts et des pas perilleux
qu'un danseur noble ... ne pourrait faire' (<uL'Art du Ballet de Cour en>u
<uFrance 1591-1643>u, Paris, 1963, pp. 138f').
                           - 133 -
The Goddesses in Daniel's first masque performed 'with great majesty
and art' a dance 'consisting of divers strains framed unto motions circular,
variety and change is typical of more general descriptions of masque dances.
Set dances in which geometric patterns were formed are described quite
frequently in masques of this period.
     In <uThe Masque of Beauty>u, the lady masquers first performed
     a most curious <uDaunce>u, full of excellent device, and change,
     [and] ended it in the figure of a <uDiamant>u, and so, standing
     still, were by the <uMusicians>u, with a second <uSong>u (sung by a
     loud <uTenor>u) celebrated.
The song, 'So Beauty on the Waters Stood', interprets the orderly geometrical
stance taken up by the dancers in terms of a platonic view of the creation.
Ferrabosco's setting is beautifully suited to this movement of stillness in
the masque.
     The first set dance of <uHymenaei>u had the dancers forming significant
patterns and letters:
     Here, they daunced forth a most neate and curious measure, full
     of <uSubtility>u and <uDeuice>u;  which was so excellently performed,
     as it seemed to take away that <uSpirit>u from the <uInuention>u, which
     the <uInuention>u gaue to it:  and left it doubtfull, whether the
     <uFormes>u flow'd more perfectly from the <uAuthors>u braine, or their
     feete.  The straines were all notably different, some of them
     formed into <uLetters>u, very signifying to the name of the
     <uBridegrome>u, and ended in manner of a chaine, linking hands ...
                                                                 (lines 31O-18)
After the revels the masquers again performed set dances.  Predictably, we
are told that these were 'full of excellent delight and change', but we are
given the more useful information as well that in the last strain the
masquers 'fell into a faire <uorbe>u, or <ucircle>u' (lines 399ff.).
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--
1.   This setting is discussed above pp.62f.
                              - 134 -
Like <uHymenaei>u, <uThe Masque of Queens>u contained a dance with set geometric
and alphabetic figures which are described in some detail by the text:
     A more <unumerous>u composition could not be seene:  graphically
     dispos'd into <uletters>u, and honoring the Name of the most
     sweete, and ingenious <uPrince, Charles, Duke of Yorke>u   Wherein
     beside that principall grace of perspicuity, the motions were
     so euen, & apt, and theyr expression so iust;  as if <uMathe>u-
     <umaticians>u had lost <uproportion>u, they might there haue found it
All the dances with geometric patterns have songs or speeches interpreting
the postures except for those where the patterns consisted of letters which
designate the name of a person honoured.  In <uHymenaei>u, while the letters
were apparently left to speak for themselves, the circle and the chain
formed during the set dances were given a detailed interpretation by Reason.
His explanation of the Chain makes explicit the link between the harmony of
the dances themselves and the speculative concept of <uharmonia mundi>u:
           Svch was the <uGolden Chaine>u let downe from Heauen:
              And not those linkes more euen,
Then these;  so sweetly temper'd, so combin'd
              by VNION, and refin'd.
Here no <ucontention>u, <uenuy>u, <ugriefe>u, <udeceit>u,
              <uFeare>u, <uiealousie>u haue weight;
But--all is <upeace>u, and <uloue,>u and <ufaith>u, and <ublisse>u:
              What <uharmony>u like this?
Apart from making a very general demonstration of the grace, intelligence,
and social harmony of the court, no dance was ever expected in itself to
convey any more specific meaning.  The specific applicability of the dance
to the masque device was usually outlined in speeches, or, very often, in
songs which introduced the dances.
     The most detailed descriptions of the dances occur in the texts of
masques performed early in the period.  In both of the more lengthy dance
descriptions from <uHymenaei>u and <uThe Masque of Queens>u quoted above, there
is
a very obvious sense of strain about the way Jonson tries to communicate
something of the dances' sophistication and their conformity with the
masques' more serious purposes (in 'laying hold on more remou'd mysteries').
This strange hyperbole attempts to convey a sense that all the visual and
aural elements of the performance were sophisticated enough to provide a
true realisation of the ideal imaginative concepts which inform the masques'
verse and songs.  Although masque texts began to provide much less detail
about the form of set dances, geometric patterns and intricate figures did
not disappear after <uThe Masque of Queens.>u  Ingenious choreographies of this
kind continue to be mentioned from time to time in observers' accounts of
masque performances.  In the description of <uOberon>u among William Trumbull's
papers, dances with 'varied figures and many leaps' are mentioned, and
Orazio Busino wrote of the set dances for <uPleasure Reconciled>u that the
masquers
     descended together from above the scene in the figure of a
     pyramid, of which the prince formed the apex.  When they
     reached the ground the violins, to the number of twenty-five
     or thirty, began to play their airs.  After they had made an
     obeisance to his Majesty, they began to dance in a very good
     time, preserving for a while the same pyramidical figure,
     and with a variety of steps.  Afterwards they changed places
     with each other in various ways, but ever  ending the jump
     together    1
     The word 'variety', conventional though it was in this context, must
hold the key to the aspect of masque dancing which appealed to many spec-
tators.  If antimasque dances were characterised by abrupt and strange
changes, main masque dances must also have been given interest by more
dignified changes of choreographic steps or patterns.  Geometrically
patterned dances were the most obvious examples of the orderliness which was suc
h
rhetoric.
Although the songs which introduce the revels often point to the social
dancing of masquers and audience as the most perfect manifestation of the
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   <uCalendar of State Papers, Venetian>u, xv (1909), p. 114.  The original
Italian is printed in <uBen Jonson>u, X, 583.  I have quoted from the translatio
n
here because the number of abbreviations and the peculiar punctuation of the
original make it rather difficult to read at this point.  Elsewhere, I quote
from the original Italian since the translation of virtually all the musical
references is highly inaccurate in the Calendar.  A new translation appeared
in Orgel and Strong, op.cit., I, 281-84, but the musical errors of the
earlier translation were not corrected.
masque's social ideals,  this is the one part of the masque which cannot
be shaped by the inventor's imagination.  Yet as much music would have been
heard and as much dancing seen in this section of the masque as in the whole
of the part controlled by the inventor's design, so it is worth considering
briefly how far the revels would have fitted into the artistic concerns of
the masque as a whole.
     As with set dances, the amount of information given in the texts about
the composition and conduct of the revels decreases from the beginning to
the end of the period.  A complete list of the dances mentioned in masque
texts is given in Table 3.  The last masque on the list is Browne's <uInner>u
<uTemple Masque>u;  after 1615 the references to the revels in masque texts are
always much more general.  At first, a sentence such as, 'They take forth
the Ladies and the Revels follow'  is used, and then (from about 162O onwards)
this is reduced to the bare heading, 'The Revels'.  Later masques often
emphasised the length of the revels as a way, it seems, of indicating the
success of the entertainment;  Townshend claimed that the revels in <uTempe>u
<uRestored>u 'continued all the night' (p. 69), Carew that those in Coelum
Britannicum lasted 'a great part of the night' (line 1049), and Davenant
that those in his <uTemple of Love>u 'continue[d] the most part of the night'
(p. 305).
     It will be noticed that Jonson himself never admits to anything other
than the most regular courtly dances having a place in the revels.  No doubt
such dances did occupy most of the time (all the evidence points to this),
but it should be recognised that Jonson's references to measures, galliards,
and corantos in his early masque texts serve a primarily literary function -
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1.   The revels are not always thoroughly integrated into the imaginative
device;  this is most obvious in later masques like <uChloridia>u, <uThe Temple>
u
<uof Love>u, and <uLuminalia>u where they are tacked on to the end of an essenti
ally
completed device.
2.   This phrase is from <uLovers Made Men>u (line 181);  almost identical
wording is used in <uPleasure Reconciled>u, and very similar wording in <uThe>u
<uVision of Delight>u and <uThe Masque of Heroes>u.
they are intended to remind the reader that the revels were a dignified
courtly diversion, and it is difficult to know how far they can be treated
as historical records.
     There is a slightly different emphasis in texts of masques not by
Jonson and in the accounts which augment the information provided by Jonson's
texts.  Apart from measures, galliards, and corantos, <uThe Entertainment at>u
<uAshby>u mentions lavoltas, which are also included amongst the 'lighter dances
'
in <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u.  Beaumont's <uMasque of the Inner Temple and Gray'
s>u
<uInn>u and <uThe Masque of Flowers>u include 'durets' or 'durettos', <uThe Masq
ue>u of
<uFlowers>u also mentions moriscos and Browne's <uInner Temple Masque>u includes
 the
brawl amongst its revels dances.
     In addition to courtly dances which appear in Jonson's own description
of the <uOberon>u revels, the Trumbull account mentions an English dance
resembling a pavane, and <ulos branles de Poitou>u.   Busino mentions passa-
mezzi, canaries, and Spanish dances in the revels of <uPleasure Reconciled>u 2
and the Office-book of the Master of the Revels contains a rather extra-
ordinary account of the revels for <uTime Vindicated>u:
     The measures, braules, corrantos, and galliards, being ended,
    the Masquers with the ladyes did daunce 2 contrey daunces,
    namely the Soldiers Marche, and Huff Hamukin, where the French
    Embassadors wife and Medemoysala St. Luke did [dance].
   Some of these dances are quite unremarkable.  The duret was apparently
a type of corant.3  The term 'brawl' is simply an English version of
'branle' and although some bramles were mimed dances, the basic 'common
branle' would undoubtedly have been quite familiar in courtly gatherings.
In the Branle de Poitou the women made a noise with their shoes on the
floor.   Trumbull's English pavan and Busino's passamezzi were both, probably,
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.   The 'Short Account of the Masque Made by the Prince of Wales' from the
'Papers of William Trumbull the Elder 1611-12', is printed in <uBen Jonson>u,
X, 522f
2.   Ben <uJonson>u, X, 583.
3.   See Knowlton, op.cit., p. 42.
4'   'Pas coupe/'.  See de Lauze, p. 144.
                                - 139 -
the dance normally called the measures in masque texts.
     If Arbeau's description of the canaries is at all reliable, they would
seem rather out of place in the revels since he comments that 'lesdits
passages song gaillards, & neantmoins estranges, bizares, & quiet resentent
fort le sauuage ...'.   Middleton described it as a dance for drunkards 2
     It is particularly surprising to find moriscos and country dances
mentioned in descriptions of revels.  Whether these country dances were
part of genuine rural customs, or simply a convention as remote from the
reality of the countryside  as all of the dialogues sung by nymphs and
seem to erode the differences between courtly revels and antimasques.
Country dances, whether conventional or not, were confined in the planned
part of the masque to low inductions.
     The intrusion of country dances into the revels (even if, as the
account suggests, they were only tagged on to the end) and the unseemly
behaviour of the king and court on occasions,  suggests that the ideology
with which I have been so much concerned may have become somewhat blurred
during this lengthy and less controlled section of the entertainment.  Of
1.   See Arbeau, op.cit., fol. 95 .
2.   In <uWomen Beware Women>u,  <u.>u ;  see Otto Gombosi, 'Some Musical Aspect
s
of the English Court Masque', <uJournal of the American Musicological Society>u,
I (1948), p. 15n.
3.   Whether or not country dances were performed by country folk, they were
certainly enjoyed by the court.  Woodfill (op.cit., p. 189) cites an account
which says that in the year 16OO Queen Elizabeth was in the habit of coming
out into 'the presence' almost every night 'to see the ladies dance the
old and new country dances, with the taber and pipe'.  Thomas Morley in
A Plain<u and Easy Introduction to Practical Music>u (1597, ed. R. Alec Harman,
1952) discusses the English country dance in the same passage in which he
describes courants and voltas - among dances which are 'more light' than
branles etc. (see p. 297).  See also Walter Sorell, 'Shakespeare and the
Dance', <uShakespeare Quarterly>u, VIII (1957), p. 373 (on the vogue for country
dancing at court based on  its   relative easiness).
4.   See, for example, the account of the entertainment devised for the
visit of the King of Denmark at Theobalds in 16O6 in Nichols, op.cit., I,
72;  or Busino's account of James I's conduct during the revels of <uPleasure>u
<uReconciled>u (Ben Jonson, X, 583).                                    --------
course, it would be absurd, irrelevant, and impossible to generalize about
how far the courtiers lived up to the ideals put before them in the songs
introducing the revels, but it is interesting to note in passing that a
number of accounts indicate that the social precede ce pointed to by the
structure of so many masques was (quite possibly for different reasons)
totally accepted by the court in the less structured social dancing.
Even Dudley Carleton's cynical account of the Spanish Ambassador's
behaviour during the revels of <uThe Masque of Blackness>u ('He took out the
Queen, and forgot not to kiss her Hand, though there was Danger it would
have left a Mark on his Lips' indicates that the deference Jonson paid to
the Queen in the whole device of that masque carried through into the
revels.  (Or perhaps one should say Jonson's monarchist ideology ennobled
the behaviour of some taking part in the revels.)
     The sense of social degree which always (and necessarily) informed the
devices of royal masques corresponded with the aspect of the revels which
many observers of these occasions thought important enough to comment upon.
John Pory writing to Sir Robert Cotton about <uHymenaei>u quickly turned in
his description of the revels to important people who were seen to dance:
They danced all variety of dances, both seuerally and
promiscue;  and then the weomen took in men, as namely the
Prince (who danced wth as great perfection and setled a
Maty as could be deuised) the Spanish Ambassador, the
Archidukes ambassador, the duke, etct.  And the men gleaned
out the Queen, the bride, and the greatest of the ladies.
The French ambassador, La Boderie, reported with some satisfaction
in his memoirs that at <uThe Masque of Queens>u the King and Queen had paid
considerable attention to his family, and the young Duke of York had danced
with his daughter during the revels.  The Trumbull account of <uOberon>u does
more than just name some of the dances performed in the revels;  in fact,
the focus of his remarks is really upon who danced with whom:
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.  <u Ben Jonson>u, X, 448.
2.   Ibid., 466f,
                         - 141 -
The prince then took the queen  to dance, the Earl of
Southampton the princess, and each of the rest his lady.
They danced an English dance resembling a pavane.  When
the queen returned to her place the prince took her for
a coranta which was continued by others, and then the
gallarda began, which was something to see and admire.
The prince took the queen a third time for <ulos branleis>u
<ude Poitou>u, followed by eleven others of the masque
Even Sir John Astley's cryptic account of the performance of <uTime Vindicated>u
notes that the Prince led the measures with the French ambassador's wife.
This kind of interest in the conduct of the revels is related to the
interest shown in who should be invited to the masque, and it does not, of
course, prove that the revels were conducted in a spirit which conformed to
the ideals established by the introductory songs.  But it does indicate that
on one level  at least there was a consonance between the ideology of the
masque and real courtly behaviour - a consciousness of social degree
clearly informed both.  The majority of the evidence, however, suggests
that the dances performed in the revels were predominantly ones which were
accepted by the arbiters of good taste as being fit for courtiers and ladies.
iii. <uThe use of musical instruments>u
In discussing instrumentation, it would be pointless, and perhaps
impossible, to confine one's comments to the dance music alone.  Instrumental
music could be used for the entrance of either masque or antimasque figures.
The most important type of instrumental music not associated with dance,
however, was that which accompanied transformation scenes.  These spectacular
changes of scene were often heralded by song, as we have seen.  Triumphant
instrumental music was frequently used as well (or instead of) song.  Apart
from artistic justification, this loud music helpted to cover the noise of
stage machinery and created a diversion from the mechanics of the change.
     The first indication of this occurs in <uThe Masque of Beauty>u where
Jonson says at the end of his description of the freshly revealed masque
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   <uBen Jonson>u, X, 522f.
scene, 'Here the loud <uMusique>u ceas'd' (line 277) implying that it must have
been playing during the transformation.  A more specific account appears
in the text of <uThe Haddington Masque>u when Vulcan reveals his sphere;  he
calls out, 'Cleaue' solid Rock, and bring the wonder forth':
At which, with a lowd and full musique, the Cliffe parted
in the midst, and discouered an illustrious <uConcaue>u,
fill'd with an ample and glistering light, in which, an
artificiall <uSphere>u was made of siluer, eighteene foot in
the <uDiameter>u, that turned perpetually.
                                                               (lines 264-68)
This triumphant music would have added to the sense of wonder at this
crucial point.
In <uThe Masque of Queens>u the loud music assumes for the first time the
dual role of banishing the antimasque and heralding the appearance of the
main masque scene:
In the heate of theyr <uDaunce>u, on the sodayne, was heard
a sound of loud Musique, as if many Instruments had giuen
one blast.  Wth wch, not only the <uHagges>u themselues, but
theyr <uHell>u, into wch they ranne, quite vanish d;   and the
whole face of the <uScene>u alterd:  Scarse suffring the memory
of any such thing:  But in the place of it appear'd a
glorious and magnificent Building, figuring the <uHouse of>u
<uFame>u.
                                                             (lines 354-6O)
The twelve masquers were discovered sitting upon a triumphal throne in the
House of Fame, and later this rotates to reveal the figure of Fama Bona;
this new change is like a minor transformation scene and Jonson tells us
that the music 'wayted on the turning of the <uMachine>u' (lines 455f.)
      Samuel Daniel follows Jonson in having loud music sounding at the
moment of change from ante-maske to the scene in which the masquers are
revealed in <uTethys' Festival>u:
the Naydes daunce about <uZephirus>u and then withdraw them
aside;  when suddenly, at the sound of a loud and fuller
musique, <uTethys>u with her Nymphes appeares, with another
Scene ...
                                                             (lines 182-a5)
The Naydes' scene had, in fact, been introduced by loud music (line 34) and
again, at the very end of the masque,
                            - 143 -
the lowde Musique soundes, and sodainely appeares the
Queenes Majesty in a most pleasant and artificiall
Groue ...
                                                     (lines 41O-12)
Examples like this occur in almost every court masque in the Jacobean
period.  Jonson mentions loud music specifically in describing transformation
scenes in <uOberon>u (the song, line 295), <uThe Vision of Delight>u (line 17O),
<uPan's Anniversary>u (line 46), <uTime Vindicated>u (line 271), and <uNeptune's
>u
<uTriumph>u (lines 455 and 464).
The change from antimasque to masque in Chapman's <uMemora>ub <ue Masque>u is
prepared by the arrival of Honour, who appears to loud music (p. 542).  In
<uThe Masque of Flowers>u, a garden of 'a glorious and strange beauty' displaces
the antimasque scene when loud music sounds (lines 26Of.).  Middleton has
loud music dividing antimasque from main masque in <uThe Masque of Heroes>u
(lines 3OSf.).  The music heard during the transformation scenes reinforces
the sense of the antimasque and masque belonging in quite different realms.
Loud music had other related uses in the masque.  The texts sometimes
mention it as accompanying the masquers' progress from the scene down on to
the dancing area - in Browne's <uInner Temple Masque>u (line 435) and in
Jonson's <uTime Vindicated>u (lines 332f.), for example.  It could also be used
to herald the opening of the complete masque as, for example, in <uThe Golden>u
<uAge Restored>u or <uNeptune's Triumph>u.  The way in  hich Jonson mentions lou
d
music in this last example suggests that it was, in fact, the normal practice
for loud music to be played immediately before the masque began (and while
the King took his seat on the state):
His Matie being set, and the loude Musique ceasing.  All, that
     is discouered of a <uScene>u, are two erected Pillars ...
                                                               (lines 1-2)
     There is other evidence to suggest that this was quite normal, and
fortunately, some of this is specific enough to give us a more precise idea
of what instrumentation the term 'loud music' implied.  Campion mentions in
<uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u that 'as soone as the King was entred the great Hall,
the Hoboyes ... entertained the time till his Majestie and his trayne were
                                 - 144 -
placed' (p. 64, lines 23-5).  Flageolets played when the royal party
entered for the performaned of-<uOberon>u;   these instruments may have been
chosen to suit the antimasque pastoral scene with which the performance
began.  Flageolets were again used, with sackbuts, while the king entered
and sat down for the performance of <uPleasure Reconciled>u.  Busino's descrip-
tion suggests the way in which this would have both honoured the king's
arrival and created an expectant air:
Nell' entrar della stanza cominciorno a sonar le Piffari
et i Tromboni, al numero di quindeci, o uenti, molto bene,
a modo di recercate di contrapunto musicale.2
These same instruments accompanied the antimasque dance.
These three examples sugg
3
public theatre,  the music of
turn to consider in more detail the whole question of the use and signifi-
cance of various instruments in the masque.
There are three sources of information about instrumentation:  masque
texts, observers' reports, and records of expenditure on music.  Unfor-
tunately, the most reliable of these, expenditure records, are the least
often found.  There are lists of payments which include musical items for
<uOberon>u, <uLove Freed>u, <uThe Lords' Masque>u, <uThe Memorable Masque>u, and
 <uThe Gypsies>u
<uMetamorphosed>u.
     Masque texts, as usual, must be treated with caution.  References to
instruments almost invariably can be seen to back up a literary point and
they may, therefore, present a very selective record of what was actually
heard.  Fortunately we are able to compare the textual evidence with other
types of evidence in at least a handful of cases.
In looking at the part that choreography played in projecting a sense
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--
1.   See below p. 231
2.   <uBen Jonson>u, X, 582.
3.   See the discussion of soft music versus loud music in Chapter IX of
F.W. Sternfeld's <uMusic in Shakespearean Tragedy>u (7963).
of the bizarre and grotesque in spectacles of strangeness, we have seen
that masque texts emphasised the agreement between music and gesture.  It
is clear that unusual instrumentation was an important element here, and
some masque texts provide quite interesting details about actual instru-
                                                                              j.
     The witches in <uThe Masque of Queens>u emerge from an ugly, smoking Hell
to 'a kind of hollow and infernall musique' (lines 29f.).  Exactly what
this means in terms of style and instrumentation (sackbuts or cornetti?) is
frustratingly unspecific, but the witches themselves come forth 'all wth
spindells, timbrells, rattles, or other <uveneficall>u  instruments, making a
confused noyse, wth strange gestures' (lines 34-6). Jonson's glosses on the
text make it absolutely clear that the choice of instruments (or noise-
producers) has an appropriateness which is underlined by a literary and
emblematic tradition.  The gloss on the lines which introduce the witches'
antic dance cites authorities for their music.  We learn that it was given
by the devil and that
euery one sung what he would wthout hearkning to his
fellow:  like the noyse of diuerse oares, falling in
the water    2
(The next gloss establishes similar precedents for the witches' strange
dance.)
     Percussive instruments like those used in the antimasque of witches
seem to have been a feature of spectacles of strangeness.  In giving
classical authorities for the bacchic attributes of Silenus and the satyres
in <uOberon>u, Jonson refers to a bacchic emblem in Isaac Casubon's <uDe Satyric
a>u
<uGraecorum Poesi & Romanorum Satira>u (16O5) in which Bacchus' retinue can be
3
seen playing pipes and cymbals.   The  Casubon emblem seems equally relevant
1.   'Veneficall' means 'used in malignant sorcery' (see <uBen Jonson>u, X,5OO,
note to line 35).
2.   The gloss on line 34O.
3.   The emblem is reproduced in <uBen Jonson>u, X, 526.
                               - 146 -
to <uPleasure Reconciled>u for, at the beginning of the masque, Comus is
brought out on a triumphal chariot 'to a wild Musique of <uCimbals>u, <uElutes>u
,
& Tabers' (lines 4f.).  Here and in <uOberon>u an emblematic or speculative
concept is translated into practical music.  The 'wild Musique' would make
its impact not just aurally but visually, since its links through the
seventeenth century emblematic tradition to classical precedent were meant
to be perceived (as the glosses for <uOberon>u, at least, make clear).
Some texts, although not mentioning specific instruments, give just
enough information to indicate the consistency with which unusual instru-
ments were used in spectacles of strangeness.  In <uLove Freed>u, for example,
the Sphynx danced in at the beginning of the masque leading the captive,
Love, to 'a strange Musique of wilde Instruments' (line 2).  As we have
seen, the term 'wild music' was exactly what Jonson was to use later in
describing Comus' pipes and drums in <uPleasure Reconciled>u.
In the antimasque of <uThe Golden Age Restored>u Iron Age, Ignorance,
Folly, Ambition, Pride, and other evils wage a war against the promised
reinstatement of the golden age.  Jonson's cryptic description of the anti-
masque dance shows that the instrumentation was breateningly military and
disordered:
The Antimasque, and their dance, two drummes, trumpets, and
a confusion of martiall musique ...
                                                            (lines 66f.)
Low induction antimasques are, like spectacles of strangeness, charac-
terised by groups of instruments with a decidedly un-courtly guise.
Percussion instruments are common in both types of antimasque.  The fencer
in the low induction to <uPan's Anniversary>u describes the musicians who are
to play for the dances he has prepared:
Then comes my learned <uTheban>u, the Tinker I told you of, with
his kettle Drum (before and after) a Master of Musique, and
a man of mettall;  He beates the march to the tune of Tickle-
foot, <uPam>u, <upam>u, <upam>u, brave <uEpam>u with a <unondas>u.  That's the
straine.
                                                              (lines 96-1OO)
The promise of a kettle-drum accompaniment makes the antimasque character
of the dance which will follow very plain.  (The make-shift instruments
depicted in Plate 2 following p.125 above indicate that percussion         intru
ments
continued to be associate  with antimasqu  figures in the Caroline period.)
The bag-pipes were used with 'other rude musique' for a footmen's anti-
masque dance in <uThe Irish Masque>u;  moments later, the masquers themselves
danced forth 'in their Irish mantles, to a solemne musique of harpes' (line
                                                                            1
14O).  (Bag-pipes and a tabor were also used in <uThe Gypsies Metamorphosed>u.)
     Two early masque texts provide interesting details about the instru-
mental groups used for main masque situations and their disposition in the
masquing hall.  In <uThe Vision of the Twelve Goddesses,>u Samuel Daniel used
a dispersed set, with a mountain at the lower end of the hall and the Temple
of Peace at the other;  the goddesses came from the mountain to the temple
and returned to the mountain again during the course of the masque.  Daniel
tells us that cornet players dressed as satyres sat in the concaves of the
mountain and played 'stately' and 'delightful' marches while the goddesses
were approaching the temple and again when they were returning to the
mountain at the end of the masque.  During the central part of the masque,
three Graces (Desert, Reward, and Gratitude) sang to the music of a consort
which was hidden in the cupola of the temple, and the masquers danced to
the music of lutes and viols which were placed on one side of the hall.
Hence, in the earliest Jacobean masque (as in its sixteenth century
precursors) the musicians were incorporated into the imaginative device.
It is also clear that Campion was not an innovator when he used instrumental
groups which were quite widely spaced out in the hall.  Daniel apparently
did not exploit the possibilities of throwing the sound from one group to
another as Campion did, but his remarks show some awareness of the appeal
of having instruments of different timbres sounding in different parts of
the room and taking over from each other with each new stage in the masque's
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   See <uBen Jonson>u, X, 613.
                                 - 148 -
unfolding device.
The use of cornets in this masque is interesting.  They are played by
musicians characterised as inferior beings within the masque's world (and
in later masquessatyres, even benevolent ones, are confined to the anti-
masques). Yet the music they produce is sufficiently noble to accompany the
procession of the twelve goddesses.  This mixture of servile and noble
almost disappeared once the antimasque-masque structure was established,
but the cornet maintained a rather ambiguous position.  It was played again
by satyres and used as an antimasque instrument in <uOberon>u.  In Beaumont's
<uMasque of the Inner Temple and Gray's Inn>u cornets (with oboes) played for th
e
antimasque dance of statues, being used to provide a more ponderous sound
after the lightness of the violin music for the dance of nymphs.  Cornets
accompanied Vulcan's antimasque song in <uMercury Vindicated>u, and a cornet
was used somewhere in that extended antimasque  <uThe Gypsies Metamorphosed>u.
Yet cornets also provided some of the 'singular variety' which, according
to Jonson, characterised <uThe Masque of Queens>u:  the first set dance was
performed to the cornets and the second to the violins (lines 735f.).
Three cornets played when the fleet was discovered at the end of the main
masque in <uThe Fortunate Isles>u, and an entry in the text of <uNeptune's Trium
ph>u
(though not in <uThe Fortunate Isles>u) tells us that the last song was to have
been performed by 'the whole <uMusique>u, five lutes, three Cornets, and ten
voyces' (lines 533-34).  Hence this instrument took on very different
guises:  a rustic horn, Vulcan's hollow music, or a companion for the lutes
and violins of the main masque.
The text for Campion's <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u provides far more infor-
mation about instrumental music than any other masque text.  He mentions
four groups of musicians; a consort of ten which, roughly speaking, was an
extended broken consort (bass and mean lutes, bandora, double sackbut,
harpsichord, and two treble violins), a consort of nine lutes and violins
(presumably the group he later refers to as 'the consort of twelve'), a
                           -149-
group of six cornets and six chapel voices, and a group of oboes.  (The
lutenists and bandora players who were dressed as Silvans and accompanied
the song, 'Now hath Flora' further augmented the number of musicians
involved.)  The oboists, like the cornet players in Daniel's masque, were
placed on a mountain (this time at the back of the set) where they were
shaded by many trees;  these played at the king's entrance, but are not
mentioned again.
Of more importance are the two consorts and the group of singers and
cornet players.  Campion makes it clear that they were deliberately spaced
out in a triangular arrangement to provide for striking answering effects.1
The group which included the six cornets were 'raised higher in respect of
the pearcing sound of those Instruments' (p. 62, lines 22f.).  All this
shows an acute awareness of the acoustic properties of the instrumental
groups and of the hall itself, and the musical effects must have been com-
parable to the scenic wonders for which the masque as a genre became
renowned.  The climax of the masque, when the last three masquers had been
transformed from trees, was given an extravagant musical celebration in
which the dazzling spatial treatment of instruments and voices must have
done a lot more to create the sense of triumph than the words of the chorus
itself:
When presently the first Musique began his full <uChorus>u.
Agaire this song reuiue and sound it hie!
Long liue <uApollo>u Brittaines glorious eye.
This <uChorus>u was in manner of an Eccho seconded by the
Cornets, then by the consort of ten, then by the consort
of twelue, and by a double <uChorus>u of voices standing on
either side, the one against the other, bearing fiue
voices a peece, and sometime euery <uChorus>u was heard
seuerally, sometime mixt, but in the end all together:
which kinde of harmony so distinguisht by the place,
and by the seuerall nature of instruments, and change-
able conveyance of the song, and performed by so many
1. A diagrammatic reconstruction of the masquing hall for <uThe Lord Hay's>u
<uMasque>u is given in Orgel and Strong, op.cit., I, 12O.  (The diagram in
Walter R. Davis's edition of <uThe Works of Thomas Campion>u, p. 2O6, is
inaccurate.)
excellent masters, as were actors in that musicke,
(their number in all amounting to fortie two voyces
and instruments) could not but yeeld great satis-
faction to the hearers
                                                 (p. 71, lines 24-37)
Immediately after this the second masque dance was performed, and once again
the music was passed from one group to another:
     the violins, or consorte of twelue began to play the
     second new daunce, which was taken in forme of an
     Eccho by the cornetts, and then cat'cht in like
     manner by the consort of ten, sometime they mingled
     two musickes together;  sometime  plaid all at once ...
                                                    (pp. 71-2, lines 41ff.)
The printed description of <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u is justly famous for its
musical effects.  No other masque text describes anything quite as magnifi-
cent as these, and the question arises of just how typical or exceptional
they are in a Jacobean masque.  Campion is unique in being the only
musician to devise the literary aspects of a masque and there are two
possible conclusions which could be drawn from that.  The first is that
Campion may have allowed the musical elements of the masque to be much more
dominant than Ben Jonson or other writers would have done.  There is no way
of knowing for sure Antonio Foscarini's dispatch to the Venetian Doge and
Senate after the masques for Princess Elizabeth's wedding notes the 'nine
choruses of voices and instruments' in Campion's <uLords' Masque>u - but the
music is only one of several elements (including costume and scenery) which
he found 'remarkable'.  Moreover his account of Chapman's <uMemorable Masque>u
suggests musical effects similar to those which Campion describes in such
detail in <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u:
     Then appeared the sun as at its setting;  the priests
     adored it and part of them sang to lutes;  they were
     answered by voices and instruments from the Temple, and
     from other parts of the Hall
     The other possible conclusion to be drawn from the observation that
Campion was the only musician to write the text of a Jacobean masque is
that, in preparing the text for publication, he might well have included
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1.   <uCalendar of State Papers, Venetian>u, XII (1905)' 532'
                           - 151 -
more detail than usual about the music performed.  In other words, it is
the extent of musical reference in the text rather than the amount of
music itself which was affected by Campion's special position.  In view of
factors outside Campion's control, such as financial resources and the size
of the musical establishment, this is more likely to be the correct deduc-
tion.  We must bear in mind that the decrease in the detail of musical
description after this is paralleled by a decrease in choreographic and
even scenic description, as all of these wonders became less of a novelty.
We may, therefore, accept Campion's description in <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u as
giving a colourful account of the way in which instrumental resources would
have been used in the courtly masque of the period.  It establishes clearly
the way in which music must have played a large part in generating the
triumphant atmosphere of the masque.
     Campion gives much less information about the actual use of instrumental
groups for <uThe Lords' Masque>u even though, with Orpheus as one of the presen-
ters, it has a strongly musical theme running through it.  He states at
the beginning that the woodland scene is revealed 'vpon the sound of a
double consort, exprest by seuerall instruments, plac't on either side of
the roome' (p. 89, lines 12-13).  Orpheus appears on the scene and reveals
that he is controlling this music:
          Agen, agen, fresh kindle <uPhoebus>u sounds,
T'exhale <uMania>u from her earthie den;
          Allay the furie that hersense confounds,
And call her gently forth;  sound sound agen.
                                                   (p. 89, lines 22-25)
The second time the consort sounds, Mania appears and, 'as one amazed',
asks 'What powerfull noise is this?' (p. 89, line 29) thus acknowledging
the 'Orphean virtue' of the music.1
      There is no indication in the text itself that different instruments
were used for the antimasque, although Campion does emphasise the difference
in style:
1. The phrase 'Orphean virtue' comes from Chapman's <uMemorable Masque>u, p. 443
.
At the sound of a strange musicke twelve Franticks enter ...
By vertue of a new change in the musicke, the Lunatickes
fell into a madde measure, fitted to a loud phantasticke
tune;  but in the end therof the musick changed into a
very solemne ayre, which they softly played, while Orpheus
spake
There is evidence outside the text that some distinction in musicians (and
therefore instrumentation) was made between antimasque and main masque'  In
the Pell Order Book there is an order made out in favour of Meredith Morgan
for payments to musicians and others who were involved in this production.
Included amongst the list of beneficiaries are '2 that plaied to ye Antick
Maske' (the item following reads '12 Madfolkes' who were, presumably, the
antimasque dancers).
     The rest of the order is very interesting indeed, for it indicates that,
despite the greatly reduced amount of comment about musical performance in
the text of <uThe Lords' Masque>u, the musical resources for this production
were as great as for <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u.  There are payments to '42
Musitians' (exactly the same number that are said to have played in the
great chorus of <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u) and to '1O of ye Kinges violins'.
The order also specifies a payment to 'He that played to ye boyes'.  The
boys referred to are the sixteen pages who, dressed like fiery spirits,
came forth dancing a lively measure just after the transformation of the
masquers from stars;  the person who played to them must surely have been
the musician/dancing-master who rehearsed their dance with them.
     Similar orders exist for <uOberon>u and <uLove Freed>u.2  Like the text of
<uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u, and the accounts for <uThe Lords' Masque>u, they indi
cate
that a large number of musicians were involved;  for <uLove Freed>u payments
were made to sixty-six performers, and from the accounts for <uOberon>u it would
seem that over eighty musicians performed in that masque.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--
1.   Exchequer of Receipt, Pell's Order Books, vol. XII, fol. 183v; reprinted
in Reyher, op.cit., pp. 5O8f.
2.   The accounts for <uOberon>u are printed in <uBen Jonson>u, X, 52Of.;  and t
hose
for <uLove Freed>u in the same volume on pp. 528f.
     The distribution of instruments in <uOberon>u was fairly typical-lutes
and violins for the main masque, oboes for the loud  triumphal music at the
transformation scene, and special instruments of some kind for the anti-
masque.  That pattern is endorsed by the accounts for <uLove Freed from>u
<uIgnorance and Folly>u.  Once again, specific payments were made to antimasque
musicians, although, as in the <uOberon>u accounts, their instruments are
unspecified:  the order simply lists $2O paid to '15 Musitions that played
to the Pages and fooles'.  It must have been these who produced the 'strange
musique of wilde instruments' mentioned by the text.  Again, there were
payments for lutes and violins for the main masque;  since Robert Johnson
was paid for setting the songs to the lutes, and Thomas Lupo for setting
the dances to the violins, the respective roles of these instruments is
clear. The violins' function is made even more explicit by the way in which
the order distinguishes between '1O violens that contynualy practized to
the Queene' (who received $2 each) and '4 more that were added att the
Maske' (who were each paid only $1).  These fourteen, like the violins
mentioned in the text of <uThe Masque of Queens>u, Browne's <uInner Temple Masqu
e>u,
and <uThe Triumph of Peace>u, must have been used for the masque dances. A
further distinction is made between the lutenist/singers who acted as the
Muses' Priests in the masque and '12 other Lutes that suplied, and wth
fluits'.  Unfortunately, there is no indication in the text of how the
flutes were used.
     A modest payment ($1O) was made for thirteen oboes and sackbuts.  As
there is no real transformation scene in this masque (the transformation
which takes place is a change of the masquers' state of mind rather than a
spectacular scenic transformation), it is difficult to see where these
instruments would have been used. They may have been simply for the entrance
of the king immediately before the masque began.
     The only other records of expenditure which throw very much light on
the instrumentation of a Jacobean masque are those which survive for
<uThe Memorable Masque>u. If these records are comprehensive, they suggest
that the Middle Temple and Lincoln's Inn (which combined for this masque)
employed fewer musicians than was usual for masques produced under the
auspices of the court itself.  There is a payment to 'players of tabers and
pipes' who must have played for the antimasque.  Most of the other payments
listed are to specific men;  eight lutenists, eight singers, and three
others whoseroles are not indicated.2
                                               Walter Porter is named
amongst the singers, and the list of lutenists seems to bear out the claim
made in Stow's <uChronicle>u that 'they imployed the best wits and skilfullest
artizans',3 since we find the names of Thomas Cutting, John Dowland (the
only evidence of his playing in a court masque), Phillip Rosseter, Thomas
Ford,John Sturt, Robert Taylour, Robert Dowland, and Thomas Davies. $11 was
paid to trumpeters who may have provided the loud music for Honour's
appearance at the beginning of the main masque.  It seems very likely that
these trumpeters would have been heard during the triumphal procession which
went from the house of the Master of the Rolls to the court at Whitehall
before the masque.
     Although there are numerous other records of expenditure for Jacobean
masques, no others give any significant information about the musical
instruments used.  These few accounts indicate, however, that musicians who
played specifically for antimasques were often paid separately from the rest
(indicating that they played distinctive instruments, and possibly that they
were regarded as being in a different professional category from the other
musicians).  They show that the main masque was graced with music of quite
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1.   Printed in <uThe Records of the Honourable Society of Lincoln's Inn:  The>u
<uBlack Books>u, II (1898),pp. 154-57.
2. One of them, Thomas
Day, also performed in <uThe Triumph of Peace>u (see Sabol, 'New Documents on
Shirley's Masque', p. 22).
3.   Edmund Howes, <uThe Annales or Generall Chronicle of England begun buy>u
<uJohn Stow>u (1614), p. 917.
                           -155-
large bands of violins and, above all, by the 'rare and full music' of
groups of lutes.  We have already seen that the lute was used more frequently
than any other instrument for accompanying masque songs.  When we add to this
the evidence that it was also used for some masque dances, the lute emerges
as the most characteristic instrument of the main masque - especially since,
unlike the violin, it was never heard in an antimasque situation.  Its
appropriateness for the main masque hardly needs demonstration; contem-
porary sources - literary and visual as well as musical - attest to its
nobility as an instrument.
iv.  <uThe structure of masque dance tunes>u
      We have seen that a sharp choreographic distinction exists between
main masque and antimasque dances, and that musically this was paralleled
by a contrast in instrumentation between the two dance types.  But what of
the actual musical structure of antimasque and main masque dance tunes?
Francis Bacon's remarks about antimasques lead us to expect some musical
differentiation between the two types of dance:  'Let <uAntimasques>u not be
long ... but chiefly, let the <uMusicke>u of them be recreative, and with some
strange changes'.   The hypothesis that antimasque and main masque tunes
are markedly different from each other is not an easy one to test.  The
difficulties in assessing the significance of dance titles in the musical
sources are such that analysis which proceeds wholly from the assumption
that certain tunes are antimasque tunes and others main masque tunes must
---------------------------------------------------
those connected with musical instruments, and among these the figure of the
lute is the most prevalent of all.  We have already seen how the combined
lute-harp-lyre could, in the Renaissance, combine Classical, Biblical, and
contemporary instruments into a kind of universal string, possessing the
ethical and esthetic values of the Greek <ukithara>u, as well as having other
symbolic functions.  Aside from the figure of the world-lute in its various
forms, and of the Political instrument ... there began to develop in the
lyric poem an explicit association of the lute with the Muse ...', John
Hollander, op.cit., p. 128.
2.   Francis Bacon, <uEssays>u, ed. G. Grigson (1937), p. 158.
                              - 156 -
be suspect.   For that reason an attempt is made in the analysis which
follows to test all conclusions.  This necessarily non-contextual investi-
gation does, in fact, show up some quite basic structural distinctions which
can be related directly to the dramatic function of the tunes.
     The dances of B.L. Add. MS. 1O444 are used as a sample since this
manuscript is more like a simple repository of masque tunes than any other
source.
     The analysis is divided into two stages.  In the first instance, I have
selected half the tunes and divided them into antimasque and masque dances
on the basis of their titles.  The antimasque dances chosen for this stage
of the analysis were all the dances which contained the words 'antimasque'
or 'antic masque' in their titles.  In addition to these, the two witches
dances (Nos. 25 and 26) and 'The Satyres Masque' (No. 56)
have been included since we may be reasonably
certain of the antimasque context of these tunes. 'The
Cuckolds Masque' also finds a place in this list since it is clear from
the sequence of dances formed by Nos. 73-77 that this, too, must have been
an antimasque tune.  The main dances included in the first sample were all
those belonging in a series of dances (of the type entitled 'The Prince's
first/second/third masque').  These dances are analysed in order to see
what broad structural differences there are between antimasque and masque
tunes.
     In the second stage of the analysis, the remaining seventy dances are
grouped according to their affinity with the two sets of features deduced
from the first sample of sixty-nine dances.  In other words, in the first
stage I have worked from the titles to the musical characteristics, and in
the second stage, I have worked from the musical characteristics back to the
titles.  This provides some sort of check on the validity of the preliminary
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   The difficulties of interpreting masque dance titles are discussed in
Appendix C.
analysis itself.
     Table 4 sets out the dances selected for the first stage of the
analysis.  The antimasque dances are listed first, and then the groups of
main masque dances.  After the title of each dance, I have indicated
schematically the metrical structure of the tune.  In this, a time-
signature is given for each strain, followed by the number of metrical
groups within the strain.  In duple strains this is always equal to the
number of bars, but in triple strains it means the number of the simplest
possible triple groupings.  (In other words hemiolas or ambiguous    / 4
bars are all treated as if they contained two triple groups.)  The number
of bars within each strain is given in order to indicate, albeit roughly,
the way in which strains are balanced within the dances.  Finally, the
table states the key of each piece.
     Quite marked structural differences between the antimasque and main
masque dances emerge.  Antimasque dances tend to be longer and, more
importantly, they have a greater number of metrical changes than masque
dances.  With only two exceptions (No. 2, 'The Queenes Maske - the second',
and No. 129, 'The third [of the Prince's]'), the only metrical change which
takes place within a main masque dance is the change from the common alla
breve metre to a concluding triple section.  Approximately half the main
masque dances have this triple section, while the other half have no change
in metre at all.  It is more likely than not that the final dance in a group
will have a f - 31 metrical structure, and there is a tendency, although
less marked, for the intermediate dance or dances in a group to have a f
metre throughout.  There is a roughly equal distribution of f - 31 and f
structures in the initial dances of these groups.
   The tendency for final dances to have the slightly more elaborate f - 31
   structure is perhaps surprising in view of the development, from about
1615 on, of the concept of the 'main dance'.  Most 'main dances' from 1615
until the end of the Jacobean period occur, not as the last of the set
dances, but as the second set dance performed by the masquers.
    There are two examples in the sample of dances which remain in triple
time for the whole of the piece:  No. 22, 'The first of the Lords', and
No. 24, 'The third of the Lords'.  It is interesting that both dances come
from the same group and that in both cases there is evidence that this
structure was considered unsatisfactory:  in the Brade versions they are
simply added on to alla breve dances, and thus become part of a 'normal'
f - 31 structure.
      The sample included in Table 1 suggests that the occurrence of a triple
time section in any position other than the concluding one in a dance is
an antimasque dance characteristic, and that the use of a fast duple
time-signature anywhere in a piece would mark it out as being antimasque
material (although No. 129, 'The third [of the Prince's]' is an exception
to this).  The table suggests also that antimasque dances tend to have less
balanced strains:  both No. 91, 'Graysin Anticke Masque' and No. 92, 'Essex
Anticke Masque' have strains which are only two bars long combined with
(triple) strains of sixteen triple groups.  The nearest any main masque dance
comes to such a differential is No. 3, 'The Queenes third Masque', which has
a four bar strain combined with a concluding triple strain of sixteen triple
groups.
     The list of keys in Table 1 (included primarily to show key relation-
ships in the groups of main masque dances) suggests that when a change of
key occurs within a piece, that piece will be an antimasque dance - the only
exception to this is, once again, No. 2, 'The Queenes Maske;  the second'.
     In short, we may conclude that the typical masque dance will have three
strains, and it will begin with a f time-signature which, if it changes at
all, will be replaced by a triple time-signature for the concluding section
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.   Intermediate main dances occur in <uLovers Made Men>u (line 169), <uMercury
>u
<uVindicated>u (line 245), <uThe Vision of Delight>u (line 223), <uNews from the
 New>u
<uWorld>u (line 346), <uThe Masque of Augurs>u (line 392), and <uNeptune's Trium
ph>u
(line 462).
                       -162-
of the piece;  it will remain in the same key throughout.  The typical
antimasque dance will have about five strains altogether and the metre will
change about three times in the course of the piece;  the fast duple time-
signature will probably be used, and it is even more likely that there will
be a triple section in some position other than at the end of the piece
(although it may end in triple time as well).  It is also possible that the
key will change during the course of the dance.
     In many cases, details in the individual dances convey even more
emphatically a sense of the difference between antimasque and masque dances.
Possibly the only one of the main masque dances in Table 4 which is at all
widely known is the tune 'Cuperaree or Graysin' (No. 5O)  which in its
evenness, balance and general sense of dignity is typical of main masque
dances.  However, its rather beautiful, melancholy melodic line has a
subtlety which is not so characteristic.  The dance which follows it in
Add. MS. 1O444, 'The second [of Grays Inn?]', is perhaps more typical since
it has a bright D major tonality, and an uncomplicated melody which, in its
use of repeated notes snd notes from common chords, reinforces both the
tonality and the piece's robust rhythms.  The change into a triple metre
for the final strain seems very much in keeping with the confidence and
brightness of the dance.
     Three tunes which seem quite polished examples of main masque dances
are Nos. 135-137,2 the final complete set of dances in the manuscript.  All
three are in C major, and all are quite uncomplicated harmonically.  The
first two consist of two perfectly balanced strains, and the third repeats
this structure, but has a triple section added at the end.  These cheerful
dances avoid eccentricity of any kind.
     The antimasque dances, on the other hand, have a less predictable
structure and reveal even more idiosyncrasies when looked at closely.  The
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.   See below p.  442.
2.   See below p.  446-5O.
                             163 -
first two antimasque dances on the table have, apart from frequent changes
in metre, a degree of rhythmic ambiguity.  In No. 6, 'The Temple Anticke',1
the first triple strain basically corresponds to what we would now describe
     3
as a   rhythm, but the dotted minims which occur at the beginning of so
     2
many bars (especially in the treble part) suggest that the metre leans
          6
towards a   rhythm.  (The concluding triple strain, although having the
          4                         6
same 31 signature, is a much faster  -type metre.)
                                    8
     In the second of the 'Temple Anticke' dances (No. 7),  one of the
triple strains is again ambiguous;  half-way through the strain, the treble
has a short, sequential descending motive which imposes its own duple rhythm
over the top of the triple rhythm which is maintained in the bass (although
the bass imitates the descending motive once without disturbing the basic
triple rhythm).
     'The first Witches Dance' (No. 25)  is, like 'Cuperaree', fairly well
known from sources which have no particular connection with masque music,
and it has some obviously strange features.  The constant shift between
long notes (dotted minims) and short notes (crotchets) creates a sense of
repeated disruption, and suggests that any choreography to fit this dance
the 'stop-go' character of the piece; some (Brade,B.L.Add. MSS. 17786-89 and
91) have fermata marks over the dotted minims,  and Add. MS. lO444 has a
rest after the first set of dotted minims in the last strain of the piece.
In Add. MS. lO444 (although in none of the other sources), the time-signature
for this last strain changes from 31 to 61, suggesting a quickening in tempo.
     'The Second Witches Dance' (No. 26)  is even more extraordinary.  It is
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.   See below pp. 282f.
2.   See below pp. 284 ff.
3.   See below pp. 463f.
4.   These fermata marks may indicate some kind of expressive accent rather
than an actual pause.
5.   See below p. 298.
                                - 164 -
one of the few examples where it seems that choreographic/dramatic ideas
may have affected the structure of the piece to the extent that purely
musical logic has been set aside.  The second strain has three abrupt
changes of metre.  It is interesting that in the keyboard version of this
piece which survives in Christ Church MS. 92 (f. 15),  the rhythmic irregu-
larities have largely been ironed out - the second strain, for example,
remains in an even f metre throughout.
     No. 98, 'The Antick-Masque at Court',  has some harmonic eccentricities
apart from the change from major to minor half way through the piece.  The
whole of the first strain takes place over a tonic pedal (except for one
semibreve on the dominant half way through the strain);  perhaps this pedal
is an indication that the dance was performed using that 'rude instrument',
the bagpipes.
     There are three sequences of dances listed in Table 1 which include
both antimasque and main masque dances.  The relationship between the two
types of dance within each sequence is worth considering briefly.
     Dances 73-77, 'The Cuckolds Masque' and 'The first/second/third/fourth
of the Ladyes after the Cuckolds',3 form the first group.  At first sight,
there is not much about 'The Cuckolds Masque' which has a very strong anti-
masque flavour apart from the change from G major to something which even-
tually settles in G minor in the last strain.  However, the first two (triple)
strains have some interesting features;  after the final cadence in each
strain, there is a short tail-piece which shifts the tonality from G major
to E minor, and at the same time interrupts the strong triple rhythms with
sustained notes in a duple pattern.
     There is an interesting connection between this antimasque dance and the
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.   This version is published in <uMusique de Scene de la Troupe de Shakespeare
>u,
ed. J.P. Cutts (Paris, 1971), p. 16.
2.   See below pp. 340f.
3.   See below pp. 327-30.
                             - 165 -
first of the main masque dances.  The opening of the main masque dance is,
in effect, a more ornate duple version of the robust triple opening of the
antimasque dance.  There is little, however, to suggest any connection
between the main masque dances themselves, although the second of them picks
up and extends the motive from the first.1
     The Essex 'anticke' and main masque dances (Nos. 92-95)  conform very
obviously to the general patterns deduced from Table 1.  All four dances
are harmonically related.  The first and third main masque dances are in
D major while the intervening dance is in D minor.  The antimasque dance
begins and ends in D major but has a central section in D minor.  This
antimasque dance has the characteristic mixture of fast and normal duple
metres, while its concluding triple section hovers between a 3/2 and a 6/4
metre for quite some time.  The main masque dances are beautifully balanced
rhythmically.  The first two each consist of two strains which are exactly
equal in length, while the third repeats this structure and adds a triple
section which, apart from cadential hemiolas, leaves little doubt about its
metrical structure.
     The third group of dances, Nos. 122-126 (two Temple Anticke dances and
three Temple Masque dances),  do not show the key relationships evident
in the Essex dances.  The first two dances in this set are very good examples
of the expressive eccentricities of antimasque dances, and the other three
dances are all straightforward examples of the main masque type, but there
is nothing other than the titles to suggest that the five dances are
connected.
     'The first of the Temple Anticke' (No. 122)  is basically in D major
1.   The first two strains of the third dance have a mixture of long sus-
tained notes and faster-moving crotchet and quaver patters;  this is more
common in antimasque dances.
2.   See below pp. 373-7.
3.   See below pp. 380f., 378f., 36Of.
                              -166-
but it has a central D minor section, and the return to D major takes place
across a short and very angular triple strain.  The most remarkable feature
of the second antimasque dance is its first strain, which begins with a kind
of flourish on G major chords, and then continues with a more sustained E minor
passage;  the opening two bars suggest a sudden entry of antimasque characters
before the actual dance begins.
     It seems that the relationship between dances in a set could vary.  There
are occasional examples of dances sharing melodic or rhythmic motives,1 and
more frequent instances of them sharing, or having closely related, keys.  But
the dances in some sets have little or no connection with each other at all.
     Table 5 ought to show some correspondence between the structural charac-
teristics used for sorting the tunes and the titles of the dances.  It does
indeed suggest that the deductions made from Table 1 about antimasque dance
characteristics were generally reliable, although three tunes (Nos. 8, 35, and
99) have titles which would normally belong to main masque dances, and it is
hard to see how a title like 'The Kings Mistress' (No. 1O8) relates to a masque
situation at all.2
     The second section of Table 5, however, has many more surprises.  There
we find 'The Hay-makers Masque' (No. 13), 'The Beares Dance' (No. 19), 'The
Birds Dance' (No. 2O), 'The Babboons Dance' (No. 27), 'The Saylers Masque' (No.
47), 'The Pages Masque' (No. 58), 'The May-pole' (No. 7O), and 'The French
Morris' (No.9O), to name only the most obvious of those dances which we would
not expect to be performed by courtly masquers.
   In view of the consistent way in which dances with the prefix 'anti-' or
'antic-' in their titles shared recurrent structural features (used as the basis
for selecting the dances in the first section of Table 5), some explanation must
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.   See Add. MS. lO444, Nos. 1-3.
2.   It is, of course, possible that not all of the tunes in the main part of
Music', <uMusic and Letters>u, XXXV, 1954, 185-2OO) assumes that the tunes are
either masque tunes or tunes from the theatre.
be sought.  Of the eight dances just mentioned 'The Pages Masque' need not
worry us since, although it would not have been performed by the masquers
themselves, it would almost certainly have been performed in the main masque
by the masquers' attendants.  As for the others, their titles suggest that they
belong in the low induction type of antimasque rather than in a spectacle of
strangeness.  Indeed, No. 13, 'The Hay-makers Masque',  does seem to have
'a spirit of country jollity' about it, with its tonic pedal in the opening,
its robust rhythms and its melodic figures which play around the notes of D
major and A major chords.
     There is no way of telling from the schematic structures outlined in
Tables 4 and 5  whether the balanced phrase-lengths of a particular dance
derive from the orderliness of main masque dancing or whether they have more
to do with the naive unadventurousness of a popular style.  It would be mis-
leading, however, to suggest that the other six dances in question could be
distinguished from definite main masque dances on the basis of popular rather
than courtly traits.  For the most part, these low induction d nc (if that
 is what they are) are indistinguishable from a Lot of main masque dances, and
 any distinctively antimasque elements must have been confined to choreography
and instrumentation.  'The Babboons Dance', in fact, is called by Brade,
'Intrada der jungen Princessinnen', which suggests that at least one of these
low induction dances was re-used as (or mistaken for) a main masque dance.
     Apart from these dances which may well have had their place in low
induction antimasques, and those few dances whose titles give no hint of their
original context, the dances in Table 5 confirm the conclusions drawn from
those in Table 4.  Many of the more detailed points made about antimasque
dances on the basis of those in Table 4 could just as easily be made from a
selection of those in Table 5.  The drone-like pedal bass which was observed
in No. 98, 'The Antick Masque at Court', occurs (although in a less extended
form) in No. 1O3, 'The May-pole dance at Grayes Inne' 2
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.   See below p. 29O.
2.   See below pp  344f.
                            - 7O
Among the main masque tunes there are several, such as 'The Standing
Masque' (No. 1O2),  which have the kind of expressive melodic line found in
'Cuperaree', and many which have the harmonic brightness noted in some of the
other Table 1 tunes.  There is even one attractive dance, 'Grays Inne Masque'
(No. 133),2 which, like the two Lords Masques (Nos. 22 and 24), is entirely
in a triple metre.
     In all the dances in Add. MS. 1O444, the relationship between treble and
bass is quite a simple one;  the bass part provides a harmonic foundation
without normally having any more complex contrapuntal relationship with the
treble.  There are, as we have already seen, a few instances of imitation
between treble and bass (No. 21, 'A Masque at Fryers' provides a good example),
but this sort of thing is of little significance in the collection as a whole.
     Very little has been said about harmonic considerationsin Add. MS. 1O444
dances since the carelessness with which the manuscript has been copied makes
it difficult to distinguish anything genuinely unusual from mistakes.  More-
over, deviations from quite straightforward harmonies do not occur with
sufficient consistency to influence our concept of the general style of
antimasque and masque dances.
     The very simple homophonic part writing of Adson, Brade, and Simpson
makes it clear that these masque dances were not thought suitable material
for contrapuntal elaboration of any kind.  The part writing in these consort
versions was, in all probability, the work of the compilers themselves, but
their agreement (even when supplying different inner parts for the same
tune)  on a generally homophonic style provides some justification for assuming
that the masque dances would originally have been heard in similarly uncom-
plicated arrangements.  As we have already seen with the songs, the acoustic
conditions under which they were performed would have precluded an elaborately
---------------------------------------------------------------------
1.   See below p.346
2.   See below pp. 455ff.
3.   See commentary to Brade, Nos. XXII and XXVI below pp.438,440.
                                 - 171
contrapuntal treatment (which would not, anyway, have been very suitable for
dancing).
    In summary it may be said that main masque dance tunes were harmonically
simple, and rhythmically even, made up of several balanced strains.  Anti-
masque dances were, for the most part, less balanced rhythmically, and
characterized above all by sudden and unexpected changes in metre or tempo;
a few were harmonically more disturbed than main masque dances, although this
rarely amounted to anything more than an internal key change.  In addition,
there is a small group of antimasque dances which are no different structurally
from main masque dances, and it seems that these may have been from low
induction antimasques.  For this type of antimasque dance, any sense of
eccentricity or gaucheness must have been entirely the result of imaginative
choreography and instrumentation, and as we have seen, these elements were
important.
     I do not wish at this point to discuss in any detail the way in which the
various aspects of dance and dance music which we have looked at mesh together,
but it would be helpful to look at one small example.  William Browne's <uInner>
u
<uTemple Masque>u has an antimasque of creatures who have been transformed by
Circe's spells.  They rush in and dance to an instrumental group which, like
that heard in the first antimasque of <uThe Masque of Flowers>u, is like a
distorted broken consort:
     The music was composed of treble violins with all the inward
     parts;  a bass viol, bass lute, sagbut, cornemuse, and a
     tabor and pipe.
It is the last three instruments particularly which give this group its
distinctive antimasque character.  Browne's description continues in a way
which, although it is not very precise about the choreography involved,
communicates quite well a sense of a strong mime element in the antimasque
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.   Lefkowitz, <uTrois Masques>u, p. 21, gives a list of antimasque dance
characteristics;  some of his points correspond to my own deductions although
I can find little evidence for others.
                                 - 172 -
dancing:
     Thesetogetth
      end of it missed Grillus who was newly slipped away, and
    whilst they were at a stand wondering what was become of
      him, the Woodman stepped forward and sung this song ...
                                                           (lines 260-64)
After the song, the dancers leave the stage and Browne's description of this
shows that individual strains of a masque dance tune - in this case the
(concluding?) triple strain - could be repeated, and even separated from the
body of the tune, to accommodate movement:
     With this the triplex of their tune was played twice or
     thrice over and by turns brought them from the stage;
     when the Woodman sung this other stave of the last song
     and then ran after them
Here Browne seems aware of the interdependence of choreography, instrumentation,
and the structure of the dance tunes - elements which must always have con-
tributed to the effect of any antimasque or masque dance.
    <uChapter IV>u
THE CAROLINE MASQUE
Very little is known about the few masques which took place in the years
immediately following James I's death.  No texts survive for masques performed
after <uThe Fortunate Isles>u (January 1625) and before <uCallipolis>u (January
1631),
although there is other evidence to show that such festivities did not cease
altogether.  The masques performed during M. de Bassompierre's embassy to
England in 1626, for example, are quite well documented:  one observer wrote
of the Duke of Buckingham's banquet and masque for Bassompierre on 5 November
1626 that
     all things came down in clouds;  amongst which one rare
     devise was a representation of the French King and the
     two Queens with their chiefest attendants and so to the
     life that the Queen's Majesty could name them.1
Such casual accounts in letters and memoirs do not give a very clear picture
of these masques, let alone of the amount and kind of music performed in
                                              performed after 1631, there seem
to be some marked differences between Jacobean and Caroline masques
     Even the pattern of authorship for Caroline masques is interesting.
Jonson's last two masques (<uCallipolis>u and <uChloridia>u) were followed by
Aurelian Townshend's only two contributions to the genre (<uAlbion's Triumph>u
and <uTempe Restored>u).  In 1634, Shirley's <uTriumph of Peace>u and Carew's <u
Coelum>u
<uBritannicum>u were both performed.  Davenant wrote the texts for the last five
court masques in Charles I's reign. In other words, after Jonson's last two masq
ues
writers with no previous masque-writing experience were engaged to prepare the
texts.  Only Davenant had the opportunity to write more than two masque texts.
It is hardly surprising that the dominating intelligence in this period was
Inigo Jones.  He was the designer for all Caroline court masques except for
<uThe Triumphs of the Prince L'Amour>u which was designed by M. Corseilles (and
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
7.   Mary S. Steele, op.cit., p. 232.
                                    - 174 -
performed at the Middle Temple).  Even Jonson in Callipolis and Chloridia
had to place Inigo Jones's name alongside his own as one of 'the inventors'
(although his unwillingness to adjust his sense of prioritie
 in the manifesto entitled 'To make the Spectators Understanders' which pre-
  faces the text of <uCallipolis).>u  In <uTempe Restored,>u Townshend claimed c
redit
only for the verses, while 'the subject and Allegory of the Masque with the
descriptions, and Apparatus of the Sceanes were invented by <uInigo Jones,>u
Surveyor of his Maiesties worke' (p. 99).  Davenant too acknowledges that his
own role was secondary:  in <uLuminalia>u he states that the Queen had commanded
Jones to make a new subject of a masque,  and in <uSalmacida Spolia>u, he gives
Jones the credit for 'the invention, ornament, scenes, and apparitions, with
their descriptions' while claiming as his own only 'what was spoken or sung'
(although he adds that 'the subject was set down by them both' - lines 473-78).
As we shall see, Jones's increased influence had an important effect on the
music in the Caroline masque.
i.   <uCaroline antimasques>u
     One of the most immediately apparent changes with musical significance
in the Caroline masque is the development of the antimasque.  The most obvious
difference is in length.  The long antimasque section in Carew's <uCoelum>u
<uBritannicum>u is like a greatly extended Jacobean masque.  Carew presents a
series of separate antimasques which are linked together by the device of
the masque.  Mercury explains the present composition of the zodiac by saying
that Jove
          On earthly beauties, which his raging Queene,
Swolne with revengefull fury, turn'd to beasts,
          And in despight he transform'd to Stars,
Till he had fill'd the crowded Firmament
          With his loose Strumpets, and their spurious race,
 Where the eternall records of his shame
          Shine to the world in flaming Characters ...
                                                (lines 76-83)
1.   See above p. 8.
                                  - 175 -
Shamed by the good example of King Charles and his Queen, Jove has reformed
and has decided to replace this gallery of vice with virtuous British Stars
who alone will 'dispence/to th' world a pure refined influence' (lines 102f.).
The device allows for two sets of antimasques:  first, of the deformed and
bestial creatures who are expelled from the firmament, and then of the candi-
dates for the vacancies.  Fach antimasque takes the form of an introductory
dialogue followed by a dance.
     Carew seems particularly aware of the emblematic nature of spectacles
of strangeness.  In describing the antimasque which represents Cancer's
expulsion from the zodiac he writes,
     The second Antimasque is danc'd in retrograde paces,
     expressing obliquity in motion.
                                                        (lines 345f.)
Before the next antimasque dance of 'several vices' Mercury even outlines
the method for the audience:
          All these I to eternall exile doome,
But to this place their emblem'd Vices summon,
          Clad in those proper Figures, by which best
Their incorporeall nature is exprest.1
    The antimasques in <uCoelum Britannicum>u encompass virtually every type met
in the Jacobean masque.  Plutus, in contending for a place in the firmament,
claims that Wealth can relieve labour and bring in holidays, and presents an
antimasque of 'Countrey people, musique and measures' (lines 540f.).  A
manuscript summary of this masque in the British Library amplifies a little
on the type of music and dancing used in this particular antimasque:
     Riches, Pouerty, Pleasure [&] Fortune plead right of
     Succession to ye vacant Heauens, each attended by his
     Antimasque, The first of Ploughmen and Sheaphards and
     miners treading to rurall <umusique>u wth a Cornucopia
     and other Country Lasses, such morrises or other
    rustique measures as are vsuallat their Sheepsharings
    and Haruest homes, as ye inexhausted fountaines of
    wealth . .2
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   Shirley also emphasises the emblematic quality of the antimasque dances
in <uThe Triumph of Peace>u by saying that the characters 'expressed their
natures' (lines 318f.).
2.   B.L. MS. Harl. 4931, fol. 28;  quoted in <uThe Poems of Thomas Carew>u, p.
275.
Paenia or Poverty presents an antimasque of gypsies (thus re-using a popular
topic), a dance of martial music (reminiscent of The Golden <uAge Restored>u)
is brought in by Dame Fortune, and Hedone or Pleasure presents an antimasque
of the five senses,  Hedone introduces the five senses' dance in terms which
makes the distinction bet  en this self-indulgence and the chaste pleasures
of the main masque seem one only of emphasis:
               Come forth my subtle Organs of delight,
 With changing figures please the curious eye,
          And charme the eare with moving Harmonie.
                                              (lines 805-07)
     Most Caroline antimasques are not just longer than Jacobean antimasques;
they involve a difference in technique.  In discussing antimasques in the
Jacobean period, I found it convenient to make a distinction between two
basi  types which I called spectacles of strangeness and low inductions.  In
the Caroline period' a third type emerges which consists basically of a
sequence of danced comic <uentrees>u.  The subject matter for this type of anti-
masque can be either low comic or grotesque, but (unlike other antimasque
dancing) the dancing tends not to emerge directly from a dramatic matrix
(although it may be thematically related to the masque device).  The key
element, however, is that there is a sequence of dances.   These comic entry
antimasques often fit within court masques which, in other respects, are
quite similar to the earlier Jacobean masque.
     A superficial transfer of French terminology anticipated the more
important adoption of a French structural feature by some years.  In his
early Jacobean masque texts, Jonson normally spoke of the masquers 'dancing
forth' or 'descending and falling into their first dance'.   Beaumont,
Chapman, Campion (in <uThe Somerset Masque>u), Middleton, and the writers of
<uThe Masque of Flowers>u and <uThe Mountebanks Masque>u occasionally used the v
erbal
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.   The nearest any Jacobean masque comes to such a sequence of dances is the
antimasque in Campion's <uSomerset Masque;>u  see below pp. 249f.
2.   See <uThe Masque of Blackness>u, line 266, <uThe Masque of Beauty>u, line 3
20,
<uHymenaei>u' line 270, <uThe Haddington Masque,>u line 343f., <uThe Masque of Q
ueens,>u
line 731, <uTethys' Festival,>u lines 319f., <uOberon,>u line 394, <uThe Irish M
asque>u,
line 184, Chapman's <uMemorable Masque>u, p. 455.
                           - 177 -
forms 'enter' or 'entered' but none of these uses seem different from the
of the same words in play texts.   In <uThe Lords' Masque>u, however, Campion
speaks of the masquers beginning 'their first new entring dance' (p. 97  lines
1-2) and, for the first time, we seem to be dealing with an anglicisation of
the term <uentree>u from the <uballet de cour>u.
     Jonson used the word 'entry' referring to a masquers' dance for the first
time in <uLovers Made Men>u (1617), and it seems obvious that he was very consci
ous
of introducing an unfamiliar term from the way in which he 'translates' it
into normal masque idiom:  'Here they dance forth their entrie, or first
dance' (line 154).  He chose to interpret the term again in Time Vindicated
(1623) where its context makes it very clear that it is being used in a
technical sense;  it cannot refer to the masquers coming on to the stage since
they are quite obviously there already:
     Here, to a loud Musique, they march into their figure,
     and daunce their <uENTRY>u, or first <uDAVNCE.>u
                                                           (lines 332-33)
by this time, however, there can have been little need to explain the term
since it had become quite normal and Jonson had used it without any amplifi-
cation in <uPan's Anniversary>u (line 190), and <uThe Masque of Augurs>u (lines
364f)
The word entry was used again in <uNeptune's Triumph.>u  In none of these cases
is the term 'entry' any more appropriate than the original English expression
'first dance'.  It seems, in fact, a rather confused borrowing: a presumably
fashionable French term restricted in its use by its normal English meaning
of 'arrival'.  In the Caroline period, however, not only was 'entry' the
standard term, but it was used in a sense which was more closely related to
the entree of the ballet de cour.
     The real innovation takes place in the antimasque of <uChloridia.>u  Cupid,
1.   Beaumont's <uMasque of the Inner Temple and Gray's Inn>u  lines 191  202
Chapman's <uMemorable Masque,>u line 176, <uThe Masque of flowers,>u line 254,
<uThe Masque of Heroes>u, line 180, <uThe Mountebanks Masque,>u p. 437.
                                - 178 -
prose which prepares the audience for the antimasque dancing.  In describing
the havoc which Cupid has caused in hell he uses images which confirm the
association of energetic dance forms and vigorous dance steps with antic
dancing:
      <uIxion>u is loos'd from his wheele, and turn'd Dancer
     does nothing but cut capreols, fetch friskals  and
     leades Laualtos, with the <uLamiae>u ...
When he has finished his speech, he remounts his curtal (a horse with a
docked tail), and with his Lacqueys, danceth forth as hee came in' (line 166).
Up to this point, there is nothing unusual about the antimasque at all.
seems quite similar to the antimasque of <uMercury Vindicated>u, for example;
but instead of one concluding antic dance, or several discrete antic dances
mixed in with the antimasque dialogue, there are a series of dances, performed
apparently without a break, by eight different groups of characters.  The
Postilion's speech and dance are called 'the first entry of the antimasque'
and succeeding dances are headed up '2 Entry' and so on up to '8 Entry'.
This is the first use of the word 'entry' in an antimasque situation, and it
describes something very like the danced <uentre/e>u of the <uballet de cour>u.
Different characters or groups of characters come on stage, dance and leave.
They are loosely connected by the device of the antimasque as a whole.
     The consciously French element in <uChloridia>u seems to be confirmed by
another neologism.  Instead of using the term 'main dance' which had been
used fairly consistently since 1615 for one of the set masque dances, Jonson
says that the goddess Chloris and her nymphs (the masquers),
     descend the degrees, into the room, and dance the entry
     of the grand-masque.
                                                          (lines 229-31)
The term 'grand-masque' must be an English equivalent to the <ugrand ballet>u
which usually concluded the entrees of a ballet de cour.  (Even the expression
'entry of the grand masque' seems to correspond to the common French usage,
<u'12e entre/e: le grand ballet'>u.)
     Comic entry antimasques became quite standard.  Aurelian Townshend
                               - 179 -
adopted this structure without taking over precisely the same terminology in
both <uAlbion's Triumph>u and <uTempe Restored>u.  <uTempe Restored>u is another
 mas
treatment of the Circe myth, and the sequence of antimasque consists of
'Indians' and Barbarians' who naturally are bestiall, and others which are
voluntaries, and but halfe transformed into beastes' (p. 87).  The word
'entry' is not used' but the text contains a numbered series of comic or
grotesque dances.  The subjects of these entries vary from seven ]
adoring their " Pagode' to three apes and an ass 'like a Pedante' teaching
them Prick-song'.  The seventh and last of the entries was a dance which
combined characters from the preceding six entries.  Like <uTempe Restored>u,
quite a number of the antimasque entries in Shirley's <uTriumph of Peace>u have
strong mime elements.
     Davenant's <uTemple of Love>u has a sequence of antimasque dances like the
Townshend masques and <uChloridia>u.  The interesting thing about the antimasque
section of this production, however, is that it works its way successively
through the three basic types of antimasque.  The antimasque section begins
after a prologue in which Divine Poesy and a Chorus of Poets announce that
Love's Temple is to be restored in Charles's court.  Divine Poesy and the
Poets retire and three Magicians emerge from hollow caves under ground and
set out to 'hinder destiny' by frustrating the restoration of the Temple of
True Love.  Although the first part of this antimasque section is prefaced
by a heading which reads 'The Entry of the MAGICIANS', it is really very much
in the manner of a Jacobean spectacle of strangeness.  Like the witches in
<uThe Masque of Queens>u, the magicians plot how to achieve their wicked ends.
The antimasque departs from the normal spectacle of strangeness pattern when
the magicians raise up spirits of fire, air, earth, and water who are to be
the agents of their mischief.  These perform an 'Antimask of Spirits' which
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.   In true antimasque fashion, they themselves cannot conceive of music
which is at all sophisticated:  in describing Divine Poesy who brought 'the
ad ill news', one calls her 'a fiddling Deity', while another says, 'She's
one that makes the holy jigs,/And sacred catches for the gods ...' (p. 292)
is set out in seven 'entries'.  There is some correlation between the element
associated with the spirits and the depraved humans they introduce:  the fiery
spirits, for example, bring in debauched and quarrelling men with a loose
wench amongst them, and the spirits of water bring in drunken Dutch skippers.
     After a seventh entry of 'a modern devil, a sworn enemy of poesy, music'
and all ingenious arts' there is a dance which does not belong thematically
in the antimasque world at all:
     After these was an entry of three Indians of quality, of
     Indamora's train in several strange habits, and their
     dance as strange.
This final entry acts as a transition to the third part of the antimasque,
a low induction in which a Persian Page prepares the audience for the arrival
of the noble Persian Youths'  The page does not share the mysteries which
govern the quest of his betters, and his comic speech shows him to be quite
out of sympathy with the conversion to chaste and virtuous love which the
Persian Youths (the masquers) have experienced.  He comments with amused
detachment (possible because of his lower social status) on both the conven-
tions of gallantry that the youths have forsaken and their new-found Platonic
ideals:
          My master is the chief that doth protect,
          Or, as some say, miss-lead this precise sect:
One heretofore that wisely could confute
         A lady at her window with his lute,
 Devoutly there in a cold morning stand
         Two hours, praising the snow of her white hand;
 So long, till's words were frozen 'tween his lips,
         And lute-strings learnt their quav'ring from his hips.
  And when he could not rule her to's intent,
        Like Tarquin he would proffer ravishment.
  But now, no fear of rapes, until he find
        A maidenhead belonging to the mind.
                                               (p. 297)
   Davenant's last two court masques have the most extended comic entry
antimasque of all.  <uLuminalia>u has two different sequences of comic entries
the first presented by Night, and the second by Sleep' while <uSalmacida Spolia>
u
has a sequence of twenty entries.  The antimasques in <uLuminalia>u are describe
d
in a way which reasserts the traditional function of the antimasque within
                                - 181
the production as a whole.  The presenters of the antimasques, Night and
Sleep, are as old as the Stuart masque itself,  and Night's comic entries
are said to serve as 'a foile to set off more nobler representation' (p. 616).
The term 'foil' is the one Jonson had used in the text of <uThe Masque of Queens
>u
when describing the function of antimasques.  In <uLuminalia,>u Night repeats th
e
expression in a song which immediately precedes the comic entries themselves:
          All that our striving mistery presents
 kill be but foiles to no
           will be but folles to nobler ornaments ...
                                           (p. 619)
Some of the entries have a strong mime element.
     There is one very interesting feature about the comic entries in
<uLuminalia>u.  After Night's entries we read, 'Most of these Antimasques were
presented by Gentlemen of Qualitie' (p. 620).  No such claim had ever been
made for an English antimasque before (except of course, for the non-antic
antemaske in Daniel's <uTethys' Festival>u).  The second set of entries are set
down in the text with the names of the people who actually danced them, and
it seems that they were indeed gentlemen of quality:  the fifth entry, for
example, was performed by the Duke of Lenox, the Earl of Carlisle, Lord
William Hamilton, and Lord Russel, who acted as 'principall Mariners or Master
Mates in rich habits, but proper to the subject' (p. 622).  The new development
would be less interesting did it not seem to be part of the assimilation of
French <uballet de cour>u practices in this section of the masque.  In masques
performed before <uLuminalia>u, the distinction between base antimasque and
nobler masque was carried through to the social status of the participants
themselves;  no such distinction, however, was made in the <uballet de cour.>u
     The twenty entries of <uSalmacida Spolia>u are also listed with the names
of the persons who danced them (none of whom are titled).  These entries run
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1.   See above p. 89.
2.   Bassompierre describes how (in 1598) he ingratiated himself with the
King (Henri IV) by dancing a ballet with some of the most eminent men in
which they acted as barbers (surgeons) - see <uMemoires du Mareschal Bassom->u
<upierre>u 1665, 3 vols., ed. Petitot (Paris, 1823), Vol. I, 267.
                                - 182 -
the whole gamut of antimasque subjects:  mountetbanks (Wolfgang Vandergoose
in Entry 1), Irishmen, Scots, 'grotesques in fantastical shapes', shepherds,
 farmers, country gentlemen, roaring boys, jealous Dutchmen, and antique
 cavaliers.
       The development of the comic entry type of antimasque is interesting
 not just from the Point of view of the evolution of a new type of structure
 in the Caroline masque.  The musical implications although problematic seem qui
te
important.   It is difficult to imagine how the type of antimasque tune which
was discussed in Chapter III could have been adapted to a long sequence of
separate entries.  Would individual strains have been played five or six times
to allow for the arrival of new groups of dancers, and if so would any change
in instrumentation have been used to suggest a different musical character
for different groups of dancers?  Or would such antimasques have required as
many complete antimasque tunes as there were entries?  Neither hypothesis
seems very likely since one could result in monotony while the other would be
cumbersome and disjointed.  In view of the fact that this type of antimasque
is a French borrowing, the most likely answer to the problem must surely lie
in the Practice of the <uballet de cour>u.  The music for the <uballet>u is very
different from the dance music for the Jacobean masque.  As we have seen,
the antimasque and masque dances for the Jacobean masque were self-contained
musical structures of two or three strains.  The music for each entry in the
<uballet de cour>u was often quite short, consisting sometimes of only a single
strain, and it would seem that a series of <uentries>u could be played contin-
uously.  This type of musical structure, episodic and extendable, was well
suited to the sequences of entries in a <uballet de cour>u, and it    ld h
been equally appropriate for Caroline antimasques of the comic entry type.
     There is no English musical evidence to support such an idea  except
that, as noted in Chapter III, antimasque dance tunes tended to have a greater
number of strains than main masque dance tunes.  The kind of French musical
structure I am suggesting could have been used in Caroline antimasques might
                               - 183 -
have been arrived at by extending the pattern of English antimasque tunes,
and then using each strain for a separate entry.  There is no identifiable
Caroline antimasque music.  If, for example, some of the tunes in Playford's
<uCourtly Masquing Ayres>u were originally Caroline antimasque dances it is quit
e
Possible that they would have been altered to give them greater self-
sufficiency.  It is perhaps significant that whereas the type of musical
structure I have described as being typical of the <uballet de cour>u abounds in
the collection of <uballet>u music copied by Philidor at the end of the seventee
nth
century from Michael Henry's lost manuscript collection, it is not nearly so
evident in the Ballard lute versions of ballet entre/es.  Ballard may have
modified the simple dance strains to make them viable as independent pieces.1
11.  <uMain masques>u
     The number of actual musical innovations recorded in the texts of Caroline
court masques are very few, and they come mostly from a single text, Aurelian
Townshend's <uTempe Restored>u.  Townshend tells us that the part of Circe was
represented by Madam Coniacke (p. 86), and later that Harmony was presented by
Mrs. Shepherd (p. 88).   Both are singing parts, and this is the first
positive record of women singing on the English stage.  An innovation of
lesser importance is that Harmony and her choir dance a saraband before
                                          is the first mention of this dance
form in a masque'  (Apollo's Flamines in ;<uminalia>u also dance a saraband in a
very similar context, and a saraband is danced in one of the antimasque
  ------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.   This suggestion is put forward very tentatively indeed   prunieres (op cit
PP. 210ff.) compares a dance in Philidor and Ballard versions to show the
unreliability of Philidor as a source.  He accepts Ballard as being more
authoritative on the grounds of date and comments that 'On doit donc considerer
la collection Philidor plutot comme un precieux repertoire thematique que comme
un recueil d'airs copies avec exactitude' (p. 211).  It does not seem likely
that Philidor would not have copied the ballet music very faithfully, but one
might expect rationalisation in terms of late seventeenth century harmony
rather than structural alterations which would produce a less symmetrical form
than the original.
2.   See also p. 121, note to p. 88, line 22.
episodes of The Entertainment at Richmond.)
     Apart from this, we are given little musical information and none which
suggests a departure from the conventions of the Jacobean masque.  In <uThe>u
<uTriumph of Peace>u, for example, the masquers 'descend and dance their entry
to the violins', and in <uLuminalia>u the dance of Zephyri which concludes the
masque is performed to violins.
      There are a few notable examples of the use of musical images in the
words of masque songs.  Euphemus' opening song in <uCallipolis>u presents musica
l
harmony as a particular manifestation of a wider beauty and concord:
          Joy, ioy to mortals, the reioycing fires
             Of gladnes, smile in your dilated hearts:
Whilst Loue presents a world of chast desires,
             Which may produce a harmony of parts: ...
Then will he flow forth, like a rich perfume
              Into your nostrils!  or some sweeter sound
Of melting musique, that shall not consume
              Within the eare, but run the mazes round.
                                         (lines 50-4, 78-81)
The suggestion here of a rich confusion of sensations brought by the presence
of Love has parallels in other Caroline masque songs.
     In what is basically a conventional masque song commenting on the dancing
of the masquers, Carew develops the idea of harmonious movement to suggest
the complete unity of music and dance:
      3.  Here the Ayre and paces meet
           So just, as if the skilfull feet
Had strucke the Vials. 1.2.3.  So the Eare
          Might the tuneful footing heare.
            CH0RVS
          And had the Musicke silent beene,
The eye a moving tune had seene.
                                                (lines 974-79)
A similar idea had been voiced by Townshend in <uTempe Restored>u:  in anticipat
ion
of a dance by the fourteen Influences of the Stars, Harmony and her Choir sing,
           ... there are Stars to rise,
          That farre aboue, our song
Are Musicke to all eyes.1
1.   Similar ideas were being expressed in the <uballet de cour>u in this period
.
Guillaume Collete wrote in his preface to <uLe Ballet da L'Harmonie>u (performed
in Paris exactly ten months after <uTempe Restored>u):  'La danse n'est autre
                                                                    (cont.)
Townshend, however, fails to achieve the sense of balanced and competing
delights that arew communicates and which was cnnveyed so well in many
Jacobean masque songs.  At one point, Townshend apparently makes the Chorus
the authors of their own humiliation by having them sing, immediately before
the entry of the masquers,
          The Musick that yee heare, is dull,
    But that ye see, is sweete indeed:
          In euery Part exact, and full,
   From whence there doth an Ayre proceed,
             On which th'Intelligences feed,
 Where faire and good, inselparably conioyned
          Create a <uCupid,>u that is never blind.
     This emphasis on 'moving tunes' and 'music to all eyes' can be under-
stood in terms of Inigo Jones's priorities (which are, of course, much more
evident in masques of this decade).  Humanist architects habitually dignified
their art by pointing out that the same mathematical proportions formed the
basis both for the most satisfying architectural structures and for the
perfect (Pythagorean) musical consonances.  Palladio, in a memorandum
written in 1567 about the design for the Cathedral of Brescia, stated that
     The proportions of the voices are harmonies for the ears;
     those of the measurements are harmonies for the eyes.
     Such harmonies usually please very much, without anyone
    knowing why, except the student of the causality of
    things.1
The same point is made more briefly by Alberti in his commentary on Vitruvius:
      The numbers by means of which the agreement of sounds affects
     our ears with delight, are the very same which please our
     eyes and our minds.
Alberti is echoed by Jones himself in one of the notes he made in his copy
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--
(cont.)  chose qu'une Musique pour les yeux, comme les voix Harmoniques en
sont une pour les oreilles, et tous les deux ensemble une Harmonie  our l'une
et pour l'autre.       La preuve en est evidente dans les effets de la
Nature ...'  <uBallets et Mascarades de Cour de Henri III a Louis XIV>u, 6 vols.
(Geneva and Turin, l868-70), IV, 208.
1.   Quoted by Rudolph Wittkower, <uArchitectural Principles in the Age of>u
Humanism>u (1952), pp. 99f.
2.   Ibid., p. 97.
                               - 186
of the ninth book of L'Architettura de Leon Batista Alberti:
     the same numbers that pleas the eare, please the eie.
     It is hardly surprising that there was a much more explicit concern with
visual music in the Caroline masque.  While Jonson dominated the masque, the
identification of poet and musician was more frequently met than the iden-
tification of designer (architect) and musician.  The conjunction of words
and music in song might make the Jonsonian emphasis seem more natural than
the idea that architecture can be harmonious or eloquent in anything other
than a loosely metaphorical sense.  Nevertheless, it must be recognised that
the insistence on visual music in the songs of the Caroline masque and the
visual representation of more grandiose tableaux based on speculative music
has a serious aesthetic foundation.  There is, however, some loss of balance
between the arts, a tendency 'to plant ye Musick where no eare can reach'
     <uThe Triumph of Peace>u draws on the idea of <umusica mundana>u in a way w
hich
would be quite characteristic of the Jacobean masque.  At the end of the
first long antimasque section, the music which accompanies the transformation
scene is heard, and this prompts an exclamation from Opinion before he and
the other antimasque presenters 'go off fearfully':
                              What new change
 Is this?  These strains are heavenly.
                                                    (lines 481-82)
Shirley never asks the audience to accept anything more than the voice of
Opinion claiming that the music of the main masque had an unearthly quality.
The suggestion that the music of the main masque comes closer to an ultimate
harmonic perfection than what has been heard up to that point is quite
delicately made and serves a serious thematic purpose.  In the actual
production of the masque, however, five musicians were represented as
 constellations  thus giving the idea of heavenly music a more literal
1.   Per Palme, <uThe Triumph of Peace;  a Study of the Whitehall Banqueting>u
<uHouse>u (1957). P. 93.
2.   Ben Jonson, 'An Expostulacion with Inigo Jones', line 53 (Ben Jonson
                              - 187 -
representation.
     There are several examples in Caroline court masques of quite overt
dramatisation of concepts from speculative music.  Aurelian Townshend and
   to Jones Press the idea of cosmic harmony much further than Shirley does
in <uThe Triumph of Peace>u;  in <uTempe Restored>u a real suspension of disbeli
ef
is required from the audience:
     After which the way being first prepared by <uHarmony>u,
     and the influences;  divine <uBeautie>u accompanied with
     fourteene stars of a happy constellation, descends
     to the Musicke of the Spheams ...
                                                            (p. 82)
The Highest Sphere ('represented by Mr. Laneere', p. 92) has a substantial
singing part.1
     Inigo Jones's determination to realise the impossible in his scenes
led to another representation of the harmony of the spheres in Salmacida
<uSpolia:>u
        From the highest part of the heavens came forth a cloud
     far in the scene, in which were eight persons richly
     attired representing the spheres.  This, joining with two
     other clouds which appeared at that instant full of music,
    covered all the upper part of the scene;  and at that
   instant' beyond all these, a heaven opened full of deities;
   which celestial prospect, with the Chorus below  filled
  all the whole scene with apparitions and harmony.
                                                            (lines 442-48)
Clearly' the visual spectacle must have seemed little short of miraculous,
but it is hard to imagine how Lewis Richard could possibly have fulfilled
an assignment to Produce celestial harmony, especially when that meant
setting verse as banal as Davenant's:
          So musical as to all ears
 Doth seem the music of the spheres,
         Are you unto each other still,
  Tuning your thoughts to either's will.
        All that are harsh, all that are rude,
  Are by your harmony subdued;
         yet so into obedience wrought,
  As if not forc'd to it' but taught   (lines 451-58)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1.   The first actual representation of the music of the spheres in a Stuart
 masque is in <uThe Entertainment at Ashby>u (see below p.199).  In the first
 intermedio for the Medici wedding in Florence in 1589, a double chorus
                                                                 (cont.)
                              - 188 -
The justification from speculative music for this tableau lies not so much
in the sounds the musicians produce as in the beautiful proportions of the
scene itself.
     The music which does survive for the Caroline court masque indicates
that larger-scale musical structures were composed to complement the more
grandiose visual representations.  William Lawes' music for the Caroline
masque is fairly well known and it would be pointless to describe it in any
detail here.  But there are some aspects of this music which call for some
comment.
     The music for <uThe Triumph of Peace>u (Songs I-III in the text) seems
quite uncomplicated.   The three instrumental symphonies are simple,
sprightly, binary pieces.  The solos given to Irene are consistently
declamatory;  they are sung over a fairly still bass, and the vocal line is
formed from the notes of common chords to a remarkable extent.
     The choruses are predominantly homophonic, and the first of them,
interestingly, uses declamatory rhythms as much as Irene's recitative-like
section which precedes it.  The last of the choruses (Irene enters like a
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--
(cont.)  representing 'le celeste sfere' sang to music by Christofano
Malvezzi;  see <uMusique des Intermedes de 'La Pelleglina',ed. D.P. Walker
(Paris, 1963), pp. 9ff.
1.   The most extended discussion of this music remains that by Edward Dent
in <uThe Foundations of English Opera>u (Cambridge, 1928),  Dent, who was con-
cerned with masques 'solely with regard to their influence on what ultimately
developed into English Opera' (p. ), was interested in the clear tonal
organisation of this music.  He describes it, however, as 'a long series of
musical movements ... [which] becomes tedious, owing to the slow monotony of
the declamation, and the colourless and self-effacing harmonies which are
intended to support it' (p. ).  He quotes approvingly, and as if they applied
directly to Lawes' masque music, Parry's remarks on solo songs of the Common-
wealth period:  'For the most part the instinct for vocal effect seems almost
deficient.  The songs appear to be written for amateurs who have a cultivated
appreciation of poetry, and no idea whatever of the beauty of well-produced
vocal tone' (p.3 ).  His discussion highlights the difficulty of appreciating
this music apart from considerations such as the manner of its performance.
                             - 189 -
perfumed spring') is particularly graceful.  The trio sung by three voices
from the chorus (Henry Lawes, William Webb, and John Dr. ) begins in a
galliard rhythm ('In her celestial gaiety') and then changes to the only
piece of non-homophonic writing in this section (although, even here, Lawes
generally links two voices together in thirds).  The three vocal parts are
placed close together and frequently overlap.
     There is a real point of interest in the fact that Lawes, whose contra-
puntal inventiveness and harmonic daring are very evident in almost every-
thing else he wrote, should write such straightforward, bright music.  The
only vocal line which gives any hint of Lawes' chromatically adventurous
writing is the opening of 'Why do you dwell', with its flattened leading-
note and tritone interval in the second phrase (see Example ), but the rest
ot this song is melodically and tonaliy uncomplicated.  A parallel might be
drawn in the contrast between Marenzio's madrigal style and the rather less
complicated music he wrote for the Florentine intermedii of 1589.  Here,
rather more than in the earlier Ferrabosco masque songs, the declamatory
rhythms, simple harmonies, and even vocal lines shaped around common chords
seem designed to cope with the communication of words in a large room.  The
confident major tonality of most of it supports the triumphant nature of the
words.1
     Mr. Drew's five lars of solo raise another point.  It is unthinkable
that these could have been sung just as they are written.  As they stand
they seem extremely banal and quite unnecessary since Lawes could have
followed Shirley's stanza form and set these half dozen words to the first
phrase of the attractive trio which follows (he would not then have repeated
the words 'in her celestial gaiety').  Mr. Drew (a professional singer) must
surely have projected the sense of wonder in these lines through the use of
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1.   The final couplet of the William Lawes setting of 'Come Away, Away,
Away' survives in Bodleian MS. Mus. Sch. B. 2, p. 41, where it is crossed out
(although still quite legible).  This fragment was published by Lefkowitz in
<uTrois Masgues>u (pp. 108f.) but he omitted the key-signature of two flats whic
h
is clearly visible in the manuscript;  the song is in G minor, not G major.
expressive <upassaggi>u (of the kind considered in Chapter II).  Probably all
the solo singing in this section would have been performed within a vocal
tradition which, as yet, is only imperfectly understood and which very few
present-day singers can begin to emulate.  Certainly, it seems an unlikely
explanation of the apparent simplicity and short-windedness of the vocal
lines to suggest that they were written for amateurs.3
    The other aspect of the performance which would have undoubtedly had
a strong element in the music's appeal is made clear by Bulstrode Whitelocke's
papers and memoirs.   The diagrams showing up to forty-two singers and
instrumentalists for the choruses indicate that the interest in large,
spatially disposed ensembles remained a feature of masque performances from
the early Jacobean period until the later Caroline period.  (Although many
more musicians altogether seem to have been involved in <uThe Triumph of Peace>u
,
there never seems to have been more than forty-two musicians performing on
stage at any one time;  this is, of course, exactly the number of musicians
who took part in the 'great chorus' of <uThe Lord Hay's Masque>u.)
     Only songs IV, V, and VI are completely missing from the music for
<uThe Triumph of Peace>u.  The cue sheet amongst the Whitelocke papers gives a
clear idea of the resources used for the first two of these songs, and
diagrams showing the disposition of the musicians on stage possibly exist
for all three.3  From the cue sheet it appears that Song V was not sung by
'the whole train of musicians' as the text implies, but by Mnr. Mari, the
male treble who played the part of Diche, or Justice.
     In the music for <uThe Triumph of Peace>u, Lawes assigns the vocal parts
very much as the text indicates.  In the music for <uBritannia Triumphans>u,
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--
1.   A complete list of the Longleat papers of Bulstrode Whitelocke is given
by A.J. Sabol in 'New Documents on Shirley's Masque "The Triumph of Peace'",
pp. 19ff.  The cue sheet for songs I-V is reproduced on p. 24.  Murray
Lefkowitz in 'The Longleat Papers of Bulstrode Whitelocke' reproduces some
of the diagrams which Sabol does not include in his article.
2.   It is not always possible to relate a particular diagram to a particular
song.
with the String/I hear in thee the rare <uLaniere>u to sing.' ('To <uM. Henry>u
<uLawes>u, the excellent composer of his lyrics', lines 3-4.)
                           - 195 -
however, he departs quite a Lot from Davenant's basic plan.  His rearrange-
ment of the text seems to have been made with both dramatic and musical
considerations in mind.
    The first song for which music survives is performed by Fame and a
supporting chorus.  Davenant's words are arranged in five triplets made up
of iambic pentameter lines;  the text indicates that the first is to be
sung by a chorus, the next two by Fame, and the final two by the chorus
again.  In the Lawes autograph, the first triplet is given to a five-part
chorus (as the text prescribes).  It is grandly homophonic and set in a
triple metre, but the most interesting feature is that Lawes repeats the
final line of Davenant's triplet to make four balanced five-bar phrases.
Following this chorus, Fame takes over;  her first triplet is given a
declamatory treatment while the second is what Lawes describes as a 'Ciacona',
another confident triple section which has the same bass as the opening
chorus.  Again, the final line of the triplet is repeated, this time by two
boys characterised as the Arts and Science;  Lawes clearly felt that whereas
the three line stanza was quite satisfactory for declamatory passages, it was
musically rather awkward when it came to writing confident-sounding music
for Fame or her chorus.  The mixture of declamatory and tuneful writing in
Fame's solo triplets projects a basic distinction which is already there in
Davenant's verse.  Fame's declamation interprets the masquers' solemn pro-
cession to the dancing place as the movements of men filled with awe by the
presence of Britanocles:
          Why move these princes of his train so slow,
 As taking root, they would to statues grow,
           But that their wonder of his virtue turns them so!
                                                     (p. 205)
The lighter tuneful section sets out the pattern for the dancing which is
to follow:
           'Tis fit you mix that wonder with delight,
As you were warm'd to motion with his sight,
          To pay the expectation of this night.
                                             (pp. 205-06)
                          - 196 -
For the two final triplets, Lawes makes a fresh start in a duple metre.
Both these triplets (the first for four voices, the second for a five-part
chorus) have some contrapuntal interest which at one point seems to assume
an illustrative function:  Lawes has the first treble voice moving before the
other voices on the words 'And he mov'd first', so creating a musical image
of Charles I's leadership.  By the end of this triplet, the music has moved
away from A minor for the first time and the cadence is in D minor (with a
sharpened third in the final tonic chord).  This D major chord is then
carried over for the triumphant opening of the next section, 'O with what
joy' (although the flattened f is re-introduced immediately after the
opening words, and the chorus works its way back through C major to A minor
again).
     Lawes makes the last triplet climactic and triumphant in several ways.
The change from a basic homophonic triple style to a more stately duple with
just a suggestion of contrapuntal interest gives the last two triplets added
weight.  Lawes uses only two boys to echo the last line of Fame's solo, then
four voices for the first of the duple sections, and saves the full chorus
for the final triplet.  And the only modulation in the whole section gives
the opening of this last triplet a brighter, more assertive sound than any
other part of the piece.
     Galatea's song is also very interesting for the way in which Lawes
treats Davenant's verse.  The text prints this song in four quatrains with
alternate lines of ten and eight syllables.  The first two quatrains are
sung by Galatea alone, and Lawes sets them as a continuous declamatory
section.  Just as the 'unbalanced' triplet in Fame's song was retained only
for natural-sounding declamatory passages, here the alternating ten and
eight syllable lines are kept only for Galatea's declamation.  Appropriately,
Lawes turns the third stanza into a lilting, galliard-like song for three
voices and the lines are adapted to make an even eight syllables each.  'On
ever moving waves they us'd to dance', for example, becomes 'On ever moving
                        -197-
waves they dance'.
     Of the three stanzas which are given a declamatory setting, no two are
alike.  In the first quatrain the musical phrases match the lines of the
verse, but in the second quatrain Lawes follows the enjambement in Davenant's
lines and gives no hint in his setting of where the first and third lines
of the stanza end;  the result is very natural-sounding declamation.  The
final two lines of Galatea's declamatory fourth quatrain are repeated in a
modified form by a five-part chorus.  Once again, the ten-syllable line is
reduced to eight syllables:  what Lawes actually sets for the chorus is a
metrically balanced couplet.  Like the last two triplets of Fame's song,
this chorus has some contrapuntal interest.  There may even be a further
illustrative suggestion in the way Lawes introduces the phrase 'When he shall
lead with Harmony' (the modified form of 'When you shall lead them by such
Harmony') in just two voices which are then followed by the rest of the chorus.
     Hence, once again we see Lawes adapting Davenant's verse form and his
allocation of words to specific singers for both musical and dramatic reasons.
When writing in a declamatory style, he makes the most of the slightest
irregularity to produce a setting which makes its impact as real declamation,
while he smooths out Davenant's verse for the choruses.  The mixture of
choruses with an obvious musical (rather than verbal) structure, and
declamatory solos ensures that this basically quite simple writing never
becomes monotonous.  Even the primarily homophonic choruses are relieved by
short sections with rudimentary contrapuntal interest.  The stylistic variety
also draws our attention to the scale of the musical planning here:  an
instrumental symphony introduces a series of continuously-performed musical
movements in the same key (C minor).
     The song of Valediction shows similar organisation.  A symphony announces
the new key of C major.  Just as in Fame's song, Lawes uses increasingly
large vocal resources to create a sense of climax at the end.  The whole of
the first six-line stanza and the first two lines of the next are sung as a
                              - 198 -
declamatory solo, after which three voices sing the rest of the second stanza
which is given a rhythmically even and relaxed duple setting.  Then the
'Grand Chorus' perform the final stanza which begins with a fanfare-like
C major flourish on the words 'To bed, to bed'.  It would seem from the Lawes
autograph that larger, more continuous musical structures were composed for
the main masques in the Caroline period.  The lack of very much vocal music
for the later Jacobean masque may make this difference between Jacobean and
Caroline masque seem greater than it really was:  certainly, Jonson's later
Jacobean masques provide for a more continuous musical setting than his pre-
1616 masques.  whatever the music for Jonson's later masques was like, the
music provided by William Lawes for Caroline masques includes larger-scale
musical structures than anything which survives for the Jacobean masque.
This musical expansion was clearly in keeping with Inigo Jones's elaborate
and very explicit use of speculative music.
     Lawes' masque music (like Ferrabosco's) could hardly be more different
from his consort music, and the difference is illuminating.  It is clear
from the styles used, and from the treatment of Davenant's text that Lawes
had a very clear conception of what would work in a masque situation.  His
appreciation of acoustic conditions, his eschewing of writing which might
be too erudite for the musically untrained in a masque audience, and his
keen sense of what is dramatically appropriate stand out very clearly.
       <uChapter V>u
MASQUES AWAY FROM COURT
i.   <uMinor productions>u
     The beginning of the masque which formed Part of Marston's <uEntertainment>
u
at <uAshby>u  was announced by loud music:
     At the approach of the countesses into the great chamber
     the hoboys played until the room was marshalled;  which
     once ordered, a traverse slided away;  presently a cloud
     was seen ... upon which Cynthia was discovered riding...
                                                                 (p. 394)
The masque opens with a preliminary section like the poems in court masques
before the development of the antimasque as such.  Cynthia 'looking down and
earnestly surveying the ladies' is indignant that earth could boast lights
so illustrious as to outshine the heavens;  she is placated by Ariadne who
protests that they are seeing the lustre of true virtue.  Just as Night in
<uThe>u Lord Hay's Masque>u decides to help the evening's festivities when she
realises that no dishonour is being done to the goddess of chastity, Cynthia
and Ariadne then become presenters of the main masque.  Cynthia announces her
changed intentions in a passage which makes a very direct link between
speculative and practical music:
          Let's visit them and slide from our abode:
Who loves not virtue leaves to be a god.
          Sound, spheres, spread your harmonious breath,
When mortals shine in worth gods grace the earth.
     The clouds descend;  while soft music soundeth, Cynthia
     and Ariadne dismount from their clouds ...
                                                              (p. 396)
jacobean masque texts often suggest that the music which is heard is an
earthly model of divine harmony, but here this is taken much further, and
the audience are told that they are actually hearing the music of the spheres.
      he transformation scene and the revelation of the masquers (who are
      resented by Lord Huntington in August l6O7 for his mother, the Lady
Alice, Countess-Dowger of Derby (for whom Milton's <uArcades>u was performed in
about 1633).  All quotations from this entertainment are taken from the
edition in John Marston's <uWorks>u, ed. A.H. Bullen.
                              - 200 -
characterised as Ariadne's stars) is introduced by a song from Ariadne:
Music and gentle night,
Beauty, youth's chief delight,
Pleasures all full invite
Your due attendance to this glorious room;
Then, if you have or wit or virtue, come,
Oh, come!  oh, come!
                                                  (pp. 397f.)
The song presents music just as one of several pleasures.  The actual trans-
formation takes place to less gentle music:
Suddenly, upon this song, the cornets were winded, and
the traverse that was drawn before the masquers sank down.
The whole show presently appeareth ...
Ariadne then goes on to introduce the set masque dances, drawing atten-
tion to the way the dances illustrate the masquers' virtue and paying tribute
to the beauty of the ladies of honour in the audience.  The text describes
the first set dance  as a 'new measure', and says that it was played by the
violins.  The revels are introduced by a song which points to the social
virtues to be found in courtly mingling:
Audacious night makes bold the lip,
Now all court chaster pleasure,
Whilst to Apollo's harp you trip,
and tread the gracing measure
                                                 (p. 4OO)
The reference to Apollo's harp suggests that the music for the dance is the
perfect accompaniment for orderly dancing.  Cynthia calls this song a 'charm'
and adds that 'the gods are bound by verse and song' thus implying that the
song will actually make these dances models of true courtliness.  A relatively
full description of the revels is given:
During this song, the masquers presented their shields,
and took forth their ladies to dance.  After they had
danced many measures, galliards, corantos, and levaltos,
the night being much spent, whilst the masquers prepared
themselves for their departing measure, Cynthia spake ...
                                                                  (p. 4O1)
The masque concludes with a speech by Cynthia which draws attention to the
coming dawn:
Now pleasing rest;  for, see the night
(Wherein pale Cynthia claims her right)
Is almost spent;  the morning grows,
The rose and violet she strows
Upon the high celestial floor,
'Gainst Phoebus rise from paramour
                                        (p. 4O1)
Every detail in this description could be paralleled in court masque
texts:  the use of loud music (especially oboes) at the beginning and at
the transformation scene, the use of violins to accompany the dances, and
the forms of the dances themselves.  The term 'measures' is the standard
one used to describe the form of set masque dances, and all the dance forms
mentioned in the description of the revels can be found in accounts of revels
in court masques.  The song introducing the revels is a conventional masque
song, a d Cynthia's speeches introducing the set dances and bringing the
o a cloe are also dealing with conventional masque topics which in
(later) court masques are expressed in song, rather than in spoken verse.
The overall structure and balance of the masque is worthy of the early
Jacobean court masque, and the use of ideas from speculative music in the
device of the masque is, if anything, more obvious (although possibly less
subtle) than in the Jonsonian court masque.
<uThe Entertainment at Ashby>u is, however, quite exceptional.  What is
interesting about most masques performed away from court is the variety of
ways in which they diverge from court masque models.  In the hands of an
accomplished writer, the court masques could be quite finely adapted to
circumstances outside its natural environment.  The fact that Jonson's
<uLovers Made Men>u was performed, not at court, but at the Lord Hay's house-
helps to explain its rather extraordinary nature:  no special musicians,
actors, or dancers are required for an antimasque section, and no great
stage machinery is needed, since in this masque the transformation which
takes place is a change in the mental awareness of the masquers.
At their worst, private masques can be fumbling and half-understood
imitations of court masques in which even the most basic structural scheme
(antimasque/transformation scene/presentation of masquers/main masque dances/
revels) becomes blurred into a muddled pastiche of masque features.   Yet
even these productions are not without interest since they illustrate very
clearly the extent to which some of the recurring musical features of the
court masque became firmly established conventions.
Robert White's <uMasque of Cupid's Banishment>u (presented to the queen by
the young gentlewomen of the Ladies' Hall at Deptford in 1617),  for example,
has a very odd device:  as its title suggests, Cupid is banished but Bacchus
is allowed to stay and entertain the young ladies.  Yet it contains some very
orthodox masque features.  White has musicians playing lutes and theorboes
who are dressed in 'green taffaty robes' (reminiscent of all the musician-
priests one finds in court masques), and there are set dances with quite
elaborate geometric choreography like that described in the texts of some
court masques:
After the first strayne of the violins they daunce ANNA
REGINA in letters;  their second masking-daunce JACOBUS
REX:  their departing daunce is CAHOLUS P.:  with many
excellent figures fallinge off, by Mr. Ounslo, Tutor to
     the Ladies' Hall.
                                                                  (p. 295)
Charles Coleman, the counter-tenor who sang the part of Hymen in this
masque, composed the music for an equally muddled masque performed in 1636
before Charles I and Henrietta Maria at Richmond.   The <uraison d'etre>u for
this masque is explained in a preface:
Her Majestie signifying her pleasure that she would see
her Sonne the most illustrious Prince in a dance;  His
seruants and others in the family thought it not amisse
1.   There are a number of examples of private masques imitating court masques
in specific details.  The antimasque of <uA Masque at Knowsley>u (7641), for
example, is borrowed directly from Middleton's <uMasque of>u <uHeroes>u (which i
n turn
may have been inspired by Jonson's <uChristmas his Masque>u):  in both Dr. Alman
ac
sees the demise of Christmas and the arrival of a healthy New Year.
have influenced Jonson in writing the antimasque for <uPleasure>u Reconciled;  s
ee
my note, 'Jonson's Borrowing', in <uTheatre Notebook>u, XXVIII-(1974), 80-81.
3.   <uThe King and Queenes Entertainment>u at<u Richmond>u, 1636, ed. W. Bang a
nd
R. Brotanek (Louvain and Leipzig, 19O3).  All quotations are from this
edition.
                         - 2O3 -
to entertaine her a while with a Country dance' and some
other rude ones, that might the better set off the Princes,
which were made by <uSimon Hopper>u ... so that now of
necessity a body was to be fitted to their garment ...
and the constitution of the whole tending to a greater
bulke, it came to be what it is, without any desidne,
but rather out of a kind of necessity vrging it.
The text itself lives up to that promise of shapelessness.  It consists of a
series of unrelated episodes, each of which has a musical culmination:  many
of the distinctions in instrumentation which characterise court masques are
carried over into this production in a rather unsubtle form.  A country
fellow is amazed by the sound of a violin and declares that it is 'aumost as
good as a Paipe Ifaith' (lines116f.) and he is even more baffled by a theorbo
which he describes as 'a Viddle ... aumost as long as a May-pole' (line 257).
At one point, Priests of Apollo, 'habited after the ancient manner,
in long robes of severall color'd Taffita', sing a song which calms the ire
of a group of soldiers, who rush in and
begin wildly at first to dance, but conclude with a kinde
of timorousnesse, and lay downe their weapons at the
<uQueenes>u feete.
Although this text abounds in references to music and dance, there is
no mention of more than one instrument playing at any one time, and it would
seem that the resources used in performance were small even for a private
masque.  The one piece of Charles Coleman's music which survives from this
production is a very undistinguished mid-seventeenth century pastoral
dialogue, 'Did not you once Lucinda vow' 2
     The Earl of Westmorland, Mildmay Fane, devised a masque called <udaguaillo>
u
3
<ud'Oceano for>u the entertainment of his family in 164O.   Like these other
1.   This episode seems to have been influenced by <uThe>u <uTriumphs of the Pri
nce>u
<ud'Amour>u (performed six months earlier at the Middle Temple) in which Priests
of Mars were charmed from their designs of war by Cupid.
2.   Published in <uEnglish Songs 1625-166O>u, ed. Ian Spink, pp. 12O-23.
3.   The text (from which my quotations are taken) is published in <uRaguaillo>u
<ud'Oceano, 164O, and Candy Restored>u, 1641>u, ed. Clifford Leech, Materials fo
r
the Study of Old English Drama, XV (Louvain, 1938).  Clifford Leech comments
in his introduction that 'Fane borrowed from the court something of the masque
                                                                   (cont.)
                              - 2O4 -
productions, it is formally very untidy, but it is crammed with musical
references which convey an enthusiasm for both speculative and practical
music without very much understanding of how the two could be related.
Orpheus and Arion both enter playing harps, but surprisingly, they accompany
an antic dance on these instruments before 'raysing their Ayre to a higher
Key' to play a 'solemne Maskinge daunce'.  Fane seems to delight in spelling
out the details of various musical effects:  his staging calls for '3 Musike
rooms above', and he gives precise indications of instrumentation, often
with the reasons for his choice:
two <uTritons>u ... with their shell Trumpets awaken the
foure WINDES (<uviz>u:) the Lowde Musicke - a Hautboy, a
Cornett, a Sagbutt, and a double Curtault, which
Tempest rais'd the <uSkyper>u strikes Saile and departs ...
[the Rivers] depart joyfully and well pleased in a
daunce played out by a sett of Recorders, the stillest
of wind Instruments.
Most extant non-court masques are formally more satisfactory than these
rather odd productions.  Some modify the structural patterns of the court
masque in a way which can be seen as an intelligent response to different
performance conditions.
The masque devised by Campion as part of <uThe Entertainment at Caversham>u
(presented before the queen in 1613) shows some features which  are common
to a number of masques performed away from court.  There are no spectacular
scenic transformations, and the musical resources would appear to have been
much smaller than for any of Campion's court masques.  No details are given
in the masque description itself of the instruments used, although it is
clear from another part of the account of the entertainments that the King's
Violins accompanied the queen to Caversham.
(cont.) form, and used it to provide a festivity for his household at Apthorpe.
As, however, Apthorpe was somewhat remote from the ceremonials of Whitehall,
the form of the ritual was used without much trace of its spirit:  no very
obvious tradition or principle was being honoured' (p. 3O).
1.   'So ended the entertainment without the House for that time;  and the
Queenes pleasure being that night to suppe priuately, The Kings Violins
attended her with their sollemnest musick, as an excellent consort in like
manner did the next day at dinner' (p. 83, lines 33-36).
Like a number of such masques, the emphasis in the text is on the
ntimasque section, which is, in fact, a continuation from the previous
day's garden entertainment of a rather silly conversation between a traveller,
a gardener, and a cynic.  This exchange leads into 'A Song of three Voyces
with diuers Instruments' which is not in itself antimasque material, but the
traveller, who cannot sing, promises to keep time with his gestures, 'A la
mode de France'.  The song itself presents music as an apt adornment to a
night's entertainment:
Night as well as brightest day hath her delight.
Let vs then  with mirth and Musicke decke the night ...
Love and beautie, mirth and Musicke, yeeld true ioyes,
 Though the <uCynickes>u in their folly count them toyes ...
                                                                (p. 85, lines 13
-22)
The entry of the masquers is preceded by an entry of torch-bearing pages
who come in to a great noise of drums and phifes' (p. 86, lines 22f.).  Of
the main masque itself we are told only that the eight masquers came in and
instantly fell into a new dance, at the end whereof they
tooke forth the Ladies, and danced with them;  and so
well was the Queene pleased with her intertainment, that
shee vouchsafed to make her selfe the head of their Reuels,
and graciously to adorne the place with her personall
dancing:  much of the night being thus spent with
varietie of dances, the Maskers made a conclusion with a
     second new dance.
                                                          (p. 86, lines 29-35)
This masque reflects a tendency in masques performed away from court,
for scenic display to be reduced and the antimasque given greater structural
importance.  This tendency can also be seen in the masques at Coleorton,
Bretbie, Knowsley, and, most interestingly, in <uThe Gypsies Metamorphosed>u.
William Browne's <uInner Temple Masque>u, unlike most of the inns of court
masques with printed texts, was written 'to please ourselves in private'
(line 8);  the absence of a royal guest and the less formal occasion may have
allowed Browne greater freedom, since he clearly did not feel constrained by
established masque patterns and conventions.  The one surviving song from
the masque is sung by Sirens as they attempt to lure Ulysses to Circe's
                             - 2O6 -
island; such an episode would normally be tgreated in an antimasque, but
Browne presents it in a thoroughly ambiguous  fashion.  The music's dramatic
function is to beguile, and the sirens' song is described as being 'lascivious
proper to them'.  The anonymous setting could justly be described as
enchanting.  In style, it is quite similar to Ferrabosco's masque songs;
the lute accompaniment is chordal, and it has some of the rhythmic charac-
teristics of the declamatory style, but without the subordination of the
melody to the accent and inflection of the spoken voice that we tend to find
in Lanier's ayres.  Like some of Ferrabosco's ayres, 'Steer Hither' is
characterised by quite wide leaps which occur between notes of a common chord.
The basic tonality is C minor, although it frequently draws on the major
colourings of mediant and submediant chords.  The short final refrain was,
according to the text, 'repeated, as from a grove near, by a full chorus'
(line 33).
     The presence of such a stylish and polished ayre as this in an anti-
masque type of situation is interesting.  It reflects a renaissance
fascination with the potential of sophisticated art to deceive rather than
to instruct and delight.  It is one of the most consistent features of
masques (and part and parcel of their emblematic nature) that vice is
portrayed as being clearly ridiculous or grotesque, but in this case a
song as accomplished as any masque song is used in a scene of moral com-
promise.
     In the second scene 'eight musicians in crimson taffeta robes, with
chaplets of laurel on their heads, their lutes by them' (lines 138f.)
accompanied a song of Circe's nymphs;  it was treated as we would expect
main masque songs to be performed, yet later the nymphs dance 'the second
anti-masque' (line 363).  The dance itself seems unusually dignified for
an antimasque:  it is described as 'a most curious measure to a softer tune
than the first anti-masque, as most fitting ...' (lines 379-8O).
     The confusion between a world which we could recognise as virtuous, and
                             - 2O7 -
one which is a seeming paradise is complicated further by Circe's vindication
of her actions, and the fact that the main masque takes place in essentially
the same environment.  Ulysses' men are woken from their trance by a song,
and they descend to dance the masque dances (which are introduced by conven-
tional masque songs).
     Many of these productions seem as different from each other as they are
from their court masque models.  Different inventors of widely varying
imagination and skill modify the court masque in a variety of ways to
accommodate it to all kinds of performance conditions.  This diversity makes
it difficult to generalise about masques away from court, but it does illus-
trate that the masque - perhaps more than any other artistic genre - is
totally dependent on the circumstances of its production.  The size of the
masquing hall and the musical resources available, the occasion being
celebrated and the persons being honoured, all play a vital part in deter-
mining the shape of a particular masque, whether at court, the inns of court,
or the homes of nobility.
ii.  <uThe Gypsies Metamorphosed>u
In <uThe Gypsies Metamorphised>u, Jonson was writing for performance
conditions quite unlike those of his court masques, and he prepared a text
which was structurally very unusual.  Even the main masque section is dis-
tinctive:  it contains five songs which, far from being conventional masque
songs commenting on the significance of the dancing, are all directed at the
king and form an extended complimentary epilogue.  There is' in fact, no
provision in the text for revels at all, and in many ways, John Chamberlain's
description of this production as a 'play or shew'  seems as satisfactory as
the term 'masque' (used by the 1640 duodecimo and folio editions, and
condoned by usage ever since).  Measured against court masque models,
<uThe Gypsies Metamorphosed>u seems like a very extended antimasque followed by
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1.   <uBen Jonson>u, VII, 546.
                               - 2O8 -
a lengthy sung valediction;  the entrance and set dancing of the masquers,
and the revels are completely missing.
    There are four seventeenth-century settings of songs from <uThe Gypsies>u
<uMetamorphosed>u, and all belong to the extended antimasque section rather than
to the concluding stately section.  Of these, two are anonymous (one of them
being the ballad 'Cock-Lorell'), one is by Robert Johnson, and the fourth
(which was probably not used for the original performances)  is by Edmund
Chilmead.  The Robert Johnson song, 'From the Famous Peak of Derby' is
musically the most satisfying of any of these settings, all of which are
written in a simple, popular style.  Like the mountebanks' song in <uThe>u
<uMountebanks Masque>u, it advertises the wares and talents of the antimasquers:
Knacks we haue that will delight you
Slightes of hand that will invite you
To indure or tawney faces ...
                                                 (lines 133-35)
It is sun  by the 'first leading Gipsie ... being the Jackman' (servant)
presumably to the accompaniment of his 'guittara' since a few minutes earlier
he had called for it.  The guitar, which was not widely known in England
at that time,  must have been thought suitably exotic for the gypsy's song.
The freshness of Johnson's setting comes mainly from the constant alternation
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   Nicholas Lanier was paid $2OO for this masque (exactly twice as much as
Jonson received) and this led  Herford and Simpson to conclude that the
Robert Johnson and Edmund Chilmead settings must have been written for a
revival.  Chilmead's age at the time of the original performances (10 years)
makes it almost certain that his setting was not written for the first
performances, unless as Sabol suggests (<uSongs and Dances for the>u <uStuart Ma
sque>u,
p. 166) he was only the copyist of the song in B.L. Add. MS. 29396.  One
cannot rule out the possibility that Robert Johnson's setting of 'From the
Famous Peak of Derby' was used quite so easily;  it was quite usual for
several composers to provide music for one masque, and Johnson contributed to
three masques that we know of apart from <uThe Gypsies Metamorphosed>u without
ever assuming the role of principal composer.  (See above pp. 38-39.)  More-
over, the payment to Lanier is so large that it must surely have been intended
for redistribution amonst other musicians (in the same way that, a few years
earlier, $1OO was paid to Pierce Parminit for him to distribute amongst other
musicians - see <uBen Jonson>u, X, 569.
2.   OED lists this as the first example of the use of the word in English.
                   - 210
Wee haue a Record
That doth [it] afford
And sayes or first lord,
<uCock-Lorell>u he hight,
On a time did invite
The Devill to a feast.
The taile of the iest
(Though since it be longe),
Liues yet in a songe
                            (lines lO38-46)
The minstrel is called in to 'chaunt out the farce' (which runs to twenty
stanzas in the Folio text).  The tune (which was first printed in Playford's
<uDancing Master>u of 165O) hinges on several repeated notes, and is rhythmicall
y
very plain);   clearly the whole interest of the song lay in the comic
narrative carried on from stanza to stanza.
     <uThe Gypsies Metamorphosed>u provides several very striking examples of th
e
popular and unsophisticated style of song which characterized antimasques
whenever they used singing at all.  The suggestion in the gypsies' dialogue
which precedes 'Cock-Lorell' that this extended antimasque contains a dis-
torted mirror image of the preoccupations of the court is made even more
strongly in the antimasque dancing which is, in part, a burlesque of the
courtly dancing in main masques.  A country dance is introduced in a conver-
sation between two characters who discuss how to entertain the newly-arrived
gypsies:
  Coc[rell].  Wee must haue some Musique then, and take out
the wenches.
Pup[py].  Musique:  wee'll haue a whole pouertie of <uPipers>u.
 Call <uCheekes>u vpon the bagpipe, and <uTom Ticklefoote>u wth
 his tabour.  <uClod>u, will you gather the pipe monie?
                                                                (lines 769-74)
The dance itself is described in the 164O Duodecimo and the 164O Polio
editions with a sentence which repeats the idea of 'taking out' the wenches;
the folio, for example, reads, 'Here they take out the Wenches and dance
Country Dances'.2 These dances become a sort of mock-revels, a low imitation
of the social dances which climaxed all court masques.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   A transcription appears in Fuller' op.cit., p. 45O.  Claude M. Simpson,
The <uBritish Broadside Ballad and its Music>u (new Brunswick, 1966), does not
mention this tune
<uBen Jonson>u,VII, 592, critical commentary on lines 789-9.
     In <uThe Gypsies Metamorphosed>u we see the most experienced of all masque
inventors writing something quite unlike any of his other masques in response
to performance conditions which were clearly unlike those which prevailed at
Whitehall.
iii. <uComus>u
 It has been widely recognised that the difference between the setting
and resources at Ludlow Castle and the Banqueting House at Whitehall account
in some measure at least for the way in which Milton's <uComus>u differs from
its court masque models.   There is less agreement, however, on the extent
to which <uComus>u retains any real connection with the court masque.  The debat
e
on the genre of <uComus>u, the most famous of all private masques, has been goin
g
on for a very long time.  Dr. Johnson declared that 'as a drama it is
                                      ' 2
deficient.  The action is not probabley' Warton, who attempted at
least to put aside inappropriate expectations, was more ready to recognise
its literary quality:
We must not read Comus with an eye to the stage, or with
the expectation of dramatic propriety ...  Comus is a
suite of speeches, not interesting by discrimination of
character;  not conveying a variety of incidents, not
gradually exciting curiosity:  but perpetually attracting
attention by sublime sentiment by fanciful imagery of the
richest vein, by an exuberance of picturesque description,
poetical allusion, and ornamental expression....  This is
the first time the old English Mask was in some degree
reduced to the principles and form of rational composition.
1.   C.L. Barber, for example, wrote that 'Milton and posterity benefited
from the fact that at Ludlow physical scenery was necessarily minimal;  this
was to be a masque where poetry, rather than Inigo Jones, would present the
descents from above and open out the vistas', "A Mask Presented at Ludlow
Castle':  The Masque as a Masque', in <uThe Lyric and Dramatic Milton>u, ed.
Joseph H. Summers (New York, 1965), p. 45.
2.   <uLives of>u <uthe English>u <uPoets>u, 1779-81, ed. G.B. Hill, 3 vols. (Ox
ford,
19O5);--1;  p. 168; line 196.
3.  See <uComus>u, ed. Warton (1799), pp. 99-1OO.
Although Warton responded to one element in <uComus>u, his view of it as a
compendium of incidental literary delights ignores any sense of progression
through the work' and his lack of sympathy with the workings of 'the old
English Mask' suggests an incapacity to view <uComus>u ln terms of that genre.
In recent years some very different ideas have been proposed:  Gretchen L.
Finney, for example, was convinced that ,Milton was writing a musical drama
in the Italian style',  while Don Cameron Allen concluded that, 'in its
external structure "Comus" is a melange of various tendencies and styles
that never merge into anything intensely organic' 2
     Although it might seem foolhardy to venture yet another view on the
issue, it is obviously necessary to coma to some decision about the nature
of <uComus>u if one is to look at the music in this work in the context of masqu
e
music.  The extent to which the music fulfills conventional masque functions
is largely dependent on the extent to which the structure corresponds to a
'normal' masque pattern.
     One could extract from <uComus>u a perfectly regular courtly masque, adapte
d
by its avoidance of spectacular transformations and by its very modest musical
requirements to the conditions at Ludlow Castle.  This regular masque would
begin at line 93 with the entry of Comus and his 'rout of monsters, headed
like sundry sorts of wild beasts ... making a riotous and unruly noise'.
would continue without a break until line 147, thus including Comus's
initiation of the 'midnight shout and revelry' and the climax of these rites
in the rout's 'measure (in a wild, rude, and wanton antick)'.   This anti-
masque section would conclude with Comus's exclamation:
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.   '<uComus>u:  <uDramma>u <uPer>u <uMusica>u' in <uMusical Backgrounds for En
glish Literature,>u
<u158O-165 O>u (New Brunswick, 1962), p. 194.
2.   'Milton's <uComus>u as a Failure in Artistic Compromise', <uELH>u, XVI (194
9),
p. 112.
3.   This reading is from Milton's autograph manuscript of <uComus>u (the Trinit
y
College, Cambridge manuscript);  see <uThe Works of John Milton>u;-18 vols.,
(New York, 1931-38), Vol. 1, ed. F.A. Patterson, p. 493, note to stage direc-
tion following line 144.  All other Milton quotations are from this volume.
                  - 213 -
Break off, break off, I feel the different pace,
Of som chast footing near about this ground.
                                                 (lines 145-46)
The masque would continue from line 958 where,
     The Scene changes, presenting <uLudlow>u Town and the Presidents
     Castle;  then com in Countrey-Dancers, after them the
     attendant Spirit, with the two Brothers and the Lady.
                                                    (following line  956)
Then would follow the songs and dances of the main masque, and the Attendant
spirit's epilogue.
     Such a masque would, be very like a domesticated <uPleasure Reconciled to>u
Virtue.  The Egerton children would not have had speaking parts, but courtly
masquers never did anyway.  The Attendant Spirit's songs in this part of
<uComus>u, like the songs of many masque presenters, underline the emblematic
significance of the set dances:  after the simple, innocent, and joyous
country dancing (admittedly an unusual feature in a main masque) he sings:
           Here be, without duck or nod,
           Other trippings to be trod
Of lighter toes, and such Court guise
           As <uMercury>u did first devise
With the mincing <uDrrades>u
          On the Lawns and on the Leas.
                               (lines 959-64)
He even distinguishes between the kind of dancing the country dancers perform
(with 'ducks and nods,) and the more courtly steps of the three masquers.
His next song makes more reference to the struggles of the children in the
drear wood, but it ends by establishing the conventional contrast between
the masque dances' which illustrate the virtue of the dancers, and the
disorder of the antimasque:
          Heav'n hath timely tri'd their youth,
Their faith, their patience, and their truth.
          And sent them here through hard assays
With a crown of deathless Praise
             To triumph in victorious dance
 O'er sensual Folly and Intemperance.
                                                (lines 97O-75)
The Attendant Spirit's final song is, like Daedalus's final song in <uPleasure>u
<uReconciled>u, an exhortation to pursue the virtue that has been vindicated in
in the masque:
                   - 214 -
Mortals, that would follow me,
Love vertue, she alone is free,
She can teach ye how to clime
higher than the Spheary chime;
Or, if Vertue feeble were,
Heav'n it self would stoop to her.
                                     (lines lO18-23)
In these sections of <uComus>u, music and dance are used in a way which is
the roughly typical of the courtly masque.  The antimasque dances and masque
dances are sharply contrasted, and the virtuous nature of the masque dances
is emphasised by the masque songs.  These elements have, as one would expect,
been reduced in scale as befits the circumstances of the performance.  But
all this accounts for only about one eighth of the total text of <uComus>u.  If
we disregard the Attendant Spirit's prologue, then the excluded part of the
text all takes place between the antimasque and the main masque sections of
the 'regular' masque outlined above.  None of this central section is par-
ticularly masque-like (although Sabrina's intervention to free the Lady from
Comus's spell has a precedent in <uLove Freed from Ignorance and Folly>u, where
the Muses' Priests intervene to free Love from the Sphynx).
     Given that the one hundred and twenty odd lines discussed above do form
a short but regular masque, Milton's procedure could be described as follows:
he has replaced the transformation scene (normally of cardinal importance)
by an extended dramatic sequence which takes place in the antimasque world.
This long section is fundamentally un-masque-like, although it has a few
masque elements.
     The transformation scene in a 'normal' masque separates the antimasque
from the masque:  it is the key moment, when as if by natural necessity,
virtue overcomes vice, or wisdom and sophistication displace folly and
vulgarity.  In the regular masque extracted from <uComus>u, this relationship
between masque and antimasque, and the dramatised assertion that virtue must
overcome vice would be preserved;  but the extended middle section of Milton's
text calls these fundamental structural and thematic rules into question.
The emblematic process which normally takes place in a masque is spoken about
as if it were a realistic possibility by the First Brother, who talks of
                   - 215 -
... noble grace that dash't brute violence
With sudden adoration and blank aw ...
                                             (lines 45O-51)
The whole middle section of <uComus>u works partly by setting up emblematic
expectations in a context where, for most of the time at least, realistic
conditions prevail.  Dramatic tension is created by the possibility that
virtue will not automatically overcome vice, and much of the action depends
upon the inability of a virtuous but frail human to recognise vice for what
it is:  the Lady addresses Comus as 'gentle shepherd' (line 27O), 'gentle
villager' (line 3O3), and tells him,
                  Shepherd I take thy word,
And trust thy honest-offer'd courtesie,
           Which oft is sooner found in lowly sheds,
With smoaky rafters, then in tapestry Halls
           And Courts of Princes, where it first was nam'd,
And yet is most pretended ...
                                                             (line 321)
This might seem a rather unusual comment to find in a masque (from which the
possibility of a wicked prince was usually excluded), but what is perhaps
more significant is that the Lady is substituting for a normal masque
assumption based on an emblematic mode of thought, an equally conventional
emblem;  her mistake is to accept any kind of emblematic mode, or in other
words, to accept any appearances as an indication of the reality.
     There are more surprising reversals of normal masque assumptions later
on.  Comus's banquet, for which 'the Scene changes to a stately Palace, set
out with all manner of deliciousness' is a main masque tableau (which could
have come from <uOberon>u) usurped by the forces of the antimasque.  Moreover,
in this scene, Comus puts forward a traditional masque argument:
           Wherefore did Nature pour her hounties forth
With such a full and unwithdrawing hand,
           Covering the earth with odours, fruits and flocks,
Thronging the Seas with spawn innumerable,
           But all to please and sate the curious taste?
And set to work millions of spinning korms,
           That in their green shops weave the smooth-haired silk
To deck her sons ...
           Beauty is natures brag and must be shown
In courts, at feasts, and high solemnities,
           Where most may wonder at the workmanship . . .
                                                            (lines 7O9-16,
744-46)
                               - 216 -
Words like 'sate' and 'brag' undermine his point of view, but apart from
these indications of a different authorial attitude, the speech seems fit for
a main masque.  It is, after all, a point of view which is implied by titles
like <uThe Masque of Beauty>u, and the speech itself comes quite close in conten
t
to one of the masque songs in <uNeptune's Triumph:>u
            Why doe you weare tho Silkewormes toyles;
            Or glory in the shellfish spoyles? ...
Why do you smell of Amber-gris,
            Of which was formed <uNeptunes>u Neice
The Queene of Loue;  vnlesse you can,
            Like Sea-borne <uVenus>u, loue a man? ...
Your lookes, your smiles, and thoughs that meete,
            <uAmbrosian>u hands, and siluer feete,
   Doe promise you will do't.
The key phrase in the Jonson song is 'and thoughts that meet' since it points
to the masque's dependence on emblem:  fair mustbe good and ugly must be foul,
and there can be no disparity between the ladies' beautiful exteriorsand their
inner dispositions.  In <uComus>u the traditional masque pattern is established
and in some measure preserved, but its structural and thematic identity as
an animated emblem is exposed to alien pressures.   While Milton preserves
the basic movement from disorder and intemperance to the virtuous pleasures
of the main masque, his treatment of the genre makes the point that this process
is far from being automatic.
      We have seen that in the 'regular masque' sections of <uComus>u music and
dance appear to be used in a way which is consonant with normal masque conven-
tions.  In the long middle section of the work the confusion between appearance
and reality is carried over to some extent into the music.  When the scene
changes for Comus's banquet, for example, soft music complements the other
seemingly main masque features.  Earlier, Comus attempts to confuse the
natural order by claiming that his retinue are like the rest of natural
1.    'The audience at Ludlow Castle was being taught to mistrust appearances.
In contrast, the spectators at Whitehall in 1618 had more faith that the
aesthetic judgement was the right one.  Merely by looking at Jonson's Comus,
bridge, Massachusetts, 1965), p. 153.
                               - 217 -
creatures in imitating the cosmic dance:
            We that are of purer fire
           Imitate the Starry Quire,
Who in their nightly watchfull Sphears,
           Lead in swift round the Months and Years.
The Sounds, and Seas with all their finny drove
           Now to the Moon in wavering Morrice move,
And on the Tawny Sands and Shelves,
           Trip the pert Fairies and the dapper Elves;
By dimpled Brook and Fountain brim,
           The Wood-Nymphs, decked with Daisies trim,
Their merry wakes and pastimes keep ...
      In most of <uComus>u the traditional musical order is upheld, but there ar
e
one or two instances where <umusica instrumentalis>u takes on an ambiguous signi
-
ficance to human ears.  The Attendant Spirit adopts the weeds and likeness
of Thyrsis,
            That to the service of this house belongs,
Who with his soft Pipe and smooth dittied Song
            Well knows to still the wilde winds when they roar,
And hush the waving Woods ...
These lines  affirm the power of <umusica instrumentalis>u to restore the harmon
y
of nature (<umusica humana>u).  The fact that it is a spirit (and not Thyrsis)
who produces the music dignifies this pastoral music even further.  But in
<uComus>u, not ~ust the Attendant Spirit plays a pastoral pipe.  When the Lady
hears Comus and his crew she recognises the sounds 'of Riot, and ill manag'd
Merriment' (line 171) but the instruments mentioned are 'the jocund Flute
or gamesom Pipe'.  Hence the usual clear distinction in instrumentation between
antimasque and masque does not apply in <uComus>u, and the hearer must rely on
more subtle differences to distinguish between 'wanton dance' and the honest
'jigs and rural dance' which take place at the end of the masque.
      We have already seen that the songs in the closing section of <uComus>u ar
e,
to some extent anyway, conventional masque songs.  The other songs have some-
thing in common with masque songs since they give music a special position
above ordinary speech.  The Attendant Spirit's songs at the end of <uComus>u
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.    These are often read as a personal compliment to Henry Lawes who took
the part of the Attendant Spirit.
                               - 218
emphasise that he has more than mortal vision since they both proclaim that
he resides above the confusion of this world.  Sabrina also sings one song
identifying herself as a goddess (or the river).  The other two songs in the
masque are both appeals for help:  one, sung by the Attendant Spirit, summons
Sabrina to the scene, and the other, sung by the Lady, is an appeal to Echo
to find the two brothers.  In other words, all the songs in some sense move
above the human uncertainties which inform so much of the spoken verse, and
they are all either sung by or addressed to an immortal being.  The words of
the Lady's song, 'Sweet Echo',  sustain this special position given to song;
the final couplet is,
               So maist thou be translated to the skies,
And give resounding grace to all Heav'ns Harmonies.
                                                                  (lines 241-42)
The consonance of this music with the <umusica mundana>u is underlined;  both
Comus and the Attendant Spirit hear the song and comment on the heavenly
quality of the music'.3
      Clearly, quite sophisticated settings were required to sustain the
elevated position given to the songs by Milton's text.  That Henry Lawes was
capable of producing such settings was acknowledged by Milton himself, and
his famous tribute to the composer does select for special praise the most
notable aspect of Lawes' song style:
           <uHarry>u whose tuneful and well measur'd Song
  First taught our English Musick how to span
               Words with just note and accent, not to scan
With Midas Ears' committing short and long ...4
The Lady's song, and the song to Sabrina are both excellent examples of Lawes
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1.    This song is discussed fully by John Hollander, <uThe Untuning of the Sky,
>u
pp. 319-23.
2.    In the Henry Lawes autograph manuscript, B.L. Loan MS. 35, and in B.L.
Add. MS. 15118, these lines read:
               So mayst thou be transported to the skies
And hold a counterpoint to all  Heaven's harmonies.
3.    See lines 244ff., and 555ff.
4.    Sonnet XIII, ,To Mr. <uH. Lawes>u, on his Aires' (p. 63).
                               - 219 -
matching the natural rhythms and accents of the verse.  In the Lady's song,
wherever words or syllables are extended very far beyond normal speech patterns,
there is always an expressive justification.  This is most obvious perhaps in
the phrase 'her sad song mourneth well' where the long note on sad followed
by a descending tritone communicates a sense of pathos.  The leap of a seventh
to the long note on '<uSweet>u Queen of Parly' and '<uDaughter>u of the spheres'
 give
special emphasis to the Lady's cries.  The melodic contour of the climactic
final couplet, with its hint of illustration in rising up to go for 'skies',
and the emphatic approach to the last cadence with the essential cadential
notes framed by a tritone confirms that this is a beautifully expressive
setting (see Example 2).
                                 Example 2
In the song to Sabrina, the musical rhythms again reproduce the natural
scansion of the words;  this is especially noticeable with words like 'listen',
'sitting', and 'grassy'.  For the apostrophe to Sabrina at the beginning, and
for the final exhortations to 'listen', Lawes frees the sung rhythms from
any sense of constriction within a regular musical metre, yet these two
phrases have a structural function.  'Sabrina, Sabrina fair' and 'listen,
                        - 220 -
listen and save' make a balancing pair of musical phrases at opposite ends
of the song.  The first 'listen' recalls the melodic pattern of 'Sabrina';
'Sabrina fair' carries the melody into dominant harmonies and thence on into
the piece, while 'listen and save' brings the melody to rest on the tonic.
The songs which interrupt the dance music in the main masque section are more
regular metrically (and consequently slightly more dance like).
      The use of discrete songs in <uComus>u is similar to the early Jacobean
court masque, but quite different from the more extended musical structures
found in comtemporary court masques such as <uThe Triumph of Peace>u.  In this,
more than in any other musical details, <uComus>u can be seen as an adaptation
of the courtly masque to the smaller musical resources available to the Earl
of Bridgewater.  What is most interesting is the way in which the music
partly fulfills conventional masque functions and fits into a conventional
masque structure, and partly participates in Milton's ironic or critical
treatment of the masque form.  Masque expectations are fulfilled often enough
to confirm that we are dealing with a real masque, but beyond that, they are
manipulated in a way which makes us question the assumptions on which the
form depends.
iv.   <uShirley's private masques>u
      Shirley's two private masques are both later than <uThe Triumph of Peace>u
.
Since they were written by someone who had already shown that he was capable
of working within the established courtly masque mode, it is particularly
interesting that neither of these productions is at all like a court masque.
      <uThe Triumph of Beauty>u begins with a scene which, it has long been
recognised,  was plagiarized from <uA Midsummer Night's Dream>u.  Bottle, Crab,
Clout, Toadstool, Shrub, Scrip and Hobbinoll discuss 'some rare and pleasant
device' they will prepare for Paris, son of Priam.  This section contains some
bagpipe music and culminates in an antic dance, performed before an exasperated
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
------
1.    See G. Langbaine, <uAn Account of the English Dramatic Poets>u, (Oxford,
1691), p. 485.
                          - 221 -
Paris.  Then, 'On the sudden, other music is heard' and Mercury descends and
sings Paris to sleep.  A notable precedent for this song occurs in that most
beautiful Jonson masque, <uPleasure Reconciled to Virtue>u where, immediately
after the antimasque, 'The <uQuire>u invyte <uHercules>u to rest wth this song .
..'
(line 118).  William Lawes' setting for Mercury's song in <uThe Triumph of>u
<uBeauty>u survives in his autograph manuscript, Bodleian Mus. Sch. B. 2.   This
setting is for three voices although the text gives no indication that anyone
other than Mercury is on stage with Paris;  if, as seems likely, the Lawes
setting was used, Mercury must have brought two assistants with him.2  The
setting is interesting for the way in which, even though the song does not
form part of a larger continuous musical section, Lawes still treats it in
the way he handled the main masque songs for <uThe Triumph of Peace>u, <uThe Tri
umphs>u
of<u the Prince D'Amour>u, and <uBritannia Triumphans>u.  The words are divided
into
three sections, giving a duple - triple - duple structure to the whole.  This,
and the contrapuntal treatment of the voice lines, give the impression of a
larger scale musical structure than we find in the neat ayres which Henry
Lawes provided for <uComus>u (or, for that matter, for <uThe Triumphs of the Pri
nce>u
<uD'Amour>u).
      The main part of the masque is a drsmatisation of the judgement of Paris.
Juno, Pallas, and Venus introduce themselves in song, and then, after Paris
has made his decision in favour of Venus, a short main masque section with
quite a lot of singing and some dancing follows.  The first song in this
section introduces the Graces and the Hours, who are the masquers, although
they are never actually called such.  The songs in this section are like
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
1.    An extensively modified version of this song also occurs in the manu-
script part-books, Edinburgh University Library MS. Dc. l. 69 and Bodleian MS.
Mus. d. 238;  see above pp. 28ff.
2.    In 1659, John Gamble published his own setting for all but one of the
songs in this masque, and (except in a few very minor details') these corres-
pond in the distribution of the voice parts to the text.  These settings may
have been used for a revived production.  (This masque would be suitable for
revival since it does not depend on a particular occasion as so many court
masques do.)
                               - 222 -
traditional masque songs in that they encourage and direct the actions of
the masquers:
      <uHym>u.   Come, ye Graces, come away.
     <uDel>u.   Ye Pleasant Hours, why do you stay?
      <uBoth>u.  Upon your mistress wait.
     <uHya>u.   See, where in state,
             The queen of love and beauty is ...
                                                    (p. 34O)
           How dully all your joys do move?
   Delight is crippled here;
           Your motion should be like to that above;
  This is too thick a sphere ...
                                                     (p. 341)
The comparison of the masquers' movements to the motions of the spheres is,
of course, a standard masque topic.
       Except for Mercury's descent, <uThe Triumph of Beauty>u calls for nothing
extraordinary in the way of scenes and machines, and the interaction between
the characters after the antimasque section seems un-masque-like.  Moreover,
there is no provision for revels of any kind' and the masquers do homage to a
purely stage 'queen of love and beauty' (Venus) rather than a real one.  It
is in the use of music that this masque comes closest to the court masque.
Nearly all the songs, as we have seen, have court masque precedents, there is
an obvious contrast between the mechanicals' antic dance and the dance of the
main masque, and the one reference to instruments (bagpipes in the antimasque)
suggest that this contrast extended to the kind of musical sounds heard in
the two parts of the production.
      Strictly speaking, Shirley's other private masque, <uCupid and Death>u,
lies outside the chronological limits of this thesis, but it deserves brief
consideration here, if for no other reason that that it is the only production
calling itself a masque before the Restoration for which a complete musical
score survives.
      On the face of it, this is very different indeed from any court masque.
Its sustained (play-like) dramatic conflict cannot be paralled (completely,
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1.    The edition used is the one in volume IV of <uThe Dramatic Works and Poems
>u
of James Shirley>u, ed. W. Gifford and A. Dyce (1833;  rpt. New York, 1966).
                              - 223 -
anyway) in any other masque, and, as the 1653 edition makes clear, it was not
written with an eye on a 'present occasion':
         This Masque was born without ambition of more than to
     make a good private entertainment, though it found, without
      any address or design of the authority an honourable acceptation
    from his Excellency, the ambassador of Portugal, to whom it
      was presented by Mr. Luke Channen   c ...1
Its revival in 1659 demonstrates that it was not dependent on its relevance
to a particular person or occasion.
     Mercury's entry divides the masque into antimasque and main masque, so
even though the dramatic progression in each of these sections is quite unlike
a masque, the basic structural division of the masque is preserved.  The
antimasque ends with a dance of satyrs and apes, and Mattew Locke's music for
this is, to a surprising extent, very much in the traditional antimasque
manner.  It has the characteristic alternation in metre from 4 to 2 to 4 to 32
(for two bars) and finally to   (the timr-signature which is a hall-mark of
earlier antimasque dances).  Moreover, there is the same kind of alternation
between long sustained notes and fast running passages in the first two
strains of this dance as we find in such early antimasque dances as 'The first
witches dance' and 'The Satyres Masque'  (see Example 3).
                                   Example 3
The contrast between this dance and the music for Mercury's descent which
follows is made quite beautifully.  In the 'solemn music', the three lines
interweave in a dignified contrapuntal texture (see Example 4)
1.    Matthew Locke and Christopher Gibbans, <uCupid and Death, ed. Edward J.>u
Dent, Musica Britannica II, (1951, 2nd revised ed. 1965r, p. xii.  Dent points
out that Mr. Luke Channen is probably Mr. Channell, the dancing master.
2.    See pp.463 and 468 below.  Examples 3 and 4 are reproduced from the
Dent edition.
                             - 224 -
   Example 4
The revelation of the grand masquers in an Elysian scene at the end was
obviously devised with previous masques in mind, and for this too, Locke
provided dignified music which carries his instruction to be played 'slow
and soft'.
       The use of singing in <uCupid and Death>u is quite remarkable.  The Locke
and Gibbons score contains, in three long passages' dramatic work.  The
passages set in this continuous recitative and Mercury's final song are given
to actual characters in the drama.  Interestingly, the text gives no indica-
tion at all that these parts of the masque were sung, whereas all the other
vocal music is marked in the text by the heading 'Song'.  (It is likely that
only these marked songs were actually sung in the 1653 version, and that
Matthew Locke wrote the additional vocal music for the 1659 performance. )
None of these marked songs is performed by a participant in the drama (and,
in fact, at times it would seem from the text that all the actors are off
stage when these songs are performed).  All of these songs comment on the
action of the drama, and this may be seen as a development from masque songs
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1.    Professor Dent argued that the recitative sections must have been written
for the 1659 performance since the typography in both printed editions of the
text suggests that the passages in question were intended to be spoken.
Although, as we have seen, typographical evidence of this kind is not a very
reliable guide in masque texts, it does seem likely that Locke was writing
music for previously spoken sections rather than replacing other recitative
by Christopher Gibbons.
                               - 225 -
which comment on the emblematic significance of the ritual actions of the
main masque.  This development suggests a link between masque songs proper,
which commented on masquer-protagonists (and were not performed by them) and
the situation in Restoration musical drama in which songs within a play were
performed by persons other than the protagonists themselves.
<uChapter VI>u
CONCLUSION
ln the preceding chapters a number of basic points about the use of music
in the courtly masque  have emerged.  The dances of the main masque are of
prime importance since they are models of the happy peace, cooperation, and
order which characterise a wisely governed commonwealth.  The music for set
masque dances tends to have a clear formal structure and an uncomplicated
metre.  The words of masque songs almost invariably underline the significance
of set dances and the revels.  Settings of masque songs are stylistically
sophisticated:  they are worthy vehicles for (and themselves illustrations of)
the ideas conveyed by the words.  The special importance of music and song is
underlined in many ways, most obviously through the characterisation of musi-
cians as priests, dieties, or ancient poets.  In contrast to this characters
in antimasques are either musically unsophisticated or completely lacking in
musical sensibility (a sure sign that they are not to be trusted).  Antimasque
dances, with their vigorous and eccentric movements, give expression to the
vulgarity or viciousness of the characters who dance them.  The language of
antimasques often tends towards chaotic prose, and singing rarely has any place
unless some uncourtly ballad or catch is performed.
     These points obviously suggest a broad measure of agreement between music,
choreography, and text, but they do not necessarily imply detailed inter-
connections between musical compositions and literary text in each masque.
The kind of relationship that exists between the various elements in a masque
over and above a general stylistic congruity can best be summarised by looking
at one specific example, the music of Fame.
i.   <uThe Music of Fame>u:
     <uIn The Masque of Queens>u the twelve masquers are revealed sitting on a
triumphal throne in the House of Fame.  After a long speech by Heroic Virtue,
                               - 227 -
the text describes the apparition of Fame:
        Here, the Throne wherein they sate, being <uMachina versatilis>u,
    sodayneiy changed;  and in the Palace of it appeared <uFama bona>u,
    as she is described, in Iconolog. di Cesare Ripa ...  In her
   right hand she bore a trumpet, in her left an oliue-branch ...
   She, after the Musique had done, wch wayted on the turning of
  the <uMachine>u, calld from thence to <uVertue>u, and spake ...
      --------                        -----                   (lines 446-56)
Fame's speech calls on Virtue, her father, to aid her in presenting the
renowned Queens and it ends with a couplet describing the humiliation of the
antimasque witches:
          And, let those <uHagges>u be led' as Captiues, bound
         Before theyr wheeles, whilst I my trumpet sound.
                                                               (lines 472-73)
Immediately following this, the text reads, 'At wch, the loud <uMusique>u sounde
d,
s before;  to giue the Masquers time of descending' (line 474).  Fame does
not actually sound the trumpet she holds, but the loud wind music at the end
f her speech (and earlier when she is revealed) is clearly a representation
of her triumphal music.  It is significant that the practical function of this
 usic, to cover the noise of Inigo Jones's machine and to give the masquers time
to descend to their chariots, is just as obvious as its emblematic significance.
 ere the practical and imaginative functions of the music are clearly united.
    While the masquers ride in triumph about the stage, musicians sing:
          Helpe, helpe all Tongues, to celebrate this wonder:
The voyce of FAME should be as loud as Thonder.
             Her House is all of <uecho>u made,
Where neuer dies the sound ...
                                                                (lines 723-26)
The allegorical statement that Fame's house is made of echoes (taken, obviously
from Chaucer) is apparently given no musical illustration.  Here (unlike so
many masque echo songs ) there is no indication in the text that any musical
echo effects were used (or wanted).  We are told that the song was performed
by a 'full triumphant music', so it seems that the musical expression of
Jonson's words was suitably confident and victorious without illustrating in
detail the aural/allegorical concepts.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.   See above pp.48ff.
                          - 228
In <uNews from the New World>u the final song is performed by Fame (whose
appearance is not described):
          Looke, looke alreadie where I am,
                      bright Fame,
               Got up unto the skie,
            thus high,
               Vpon my better wing,
            to sink
               The knowing King,
 And make the musicke here,
          With yours on earth the same
The most basic point about the nature of Fame is made simply by having her sing
at all.  What she sings is itself interesting.  The sung conceit that celestial
music should be 'tuned' to the music of the king's peace (a phrase which is
actually used earlier in this masque ) unites the music performed with the
concepts of social harmony and universal order:  the words link <umusica humana>
u
and <umundana>u while the fact that they are sung suggests the integration of bo
th
of these musical species with the <umusica instrumentalis>u.
     In <uChloridia>u Fame again 'begins to mount, and moouing her wings, flyeth
,
singing, vp to Heauen' (line 28O), but this time we are told that she has her
trumpet in her hand (line 276).  The trumpet would appear to be just an
emblematic attribute, while her audible music is vocal.  The same is true in
<uBritannia Triumphans>u.  At the beginning of the antimasque Action attacks
Imposture:
          My variable sir!  I'th' name of Heaven
 What makes your falsehood here where fame intends
          Her triumphs all of truth?  Her trumpet she
 Hath chosen new and clean, lest it should taint
          Her breath ...
he end of the antimasque Fame's arrival is heralded by Bellerophon as she
banishes Merlin and Imposture:
1.   Lines 313f.:  '... all their motions be form'd to the musicke of your
peace ...'.
                      - 229 -
Away!  Fame, still obedient unto fate,
This happy hour is called to celebrate
Britanocles, and those that in this Isle
The old with modern virtues reconcile.
Away!  Fame's universal voice I hear,
'Tis fit you vanish quite when they appear.
                                                (p. 2O3)
The description of Fame given in the text is, like the description in <uThe Masq
ue>u
<uof Queens>u, taken from Ripa:
     Fame in a carnation garment trimed with gold, with white
     wings and flaxen hair;  in one hand a golden trumpet, and
     in the other an olive garland,
                                                           (p. 2O3)
But Fame does not play her trumpet:  she sings.  Her second song, like those in
<uNews from the New World>u and <uChloridia>u is performed as her palace sinks a
nd she
'remaining hovering in the air, rose on her wings singing, and was hidden in
the clouds' (p. 2O5).1
     As we have seen, the Lawes setting of Fame's song is stylistically very
well suited to its dramatic context.  Its appropriateness, however, is of a
fairly Eeneral kind:  Lawes does not even attempt to create a musical emblem
but instead produces a setting which is sufficiently dignified and joyful for
its context.
     Sir Francis Kynaston's <uCorona Minervae>u (a masque presented in 1635 at t
he
College of the Museum Minervae in London before the future Charles II) contains
yet another example of Fame's trumpet being left unplayed.  In this masque Time
claims that he will make Minerva's virtues widely apprcciated:
           I by fames Trumpet will make understood
Her reason through the world ...2
The text Eives no indication that this idea was given any actual musical
expression in the masque.  It does claim that the music performed was related
to the imaginative device in a more general way:  antimasque dances of frogs,
fishermen, and drunken butchers, for example, were accompanied by 'severall
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
------
1.   See above p. 195.
2.   <uCorona Minervae>u (1635), sig, C1v
                                 - 23O -
straines of agreeing musicke'.
     In all of these examples except <uNews from the New World>u (where her
appearance is not actually described), Fame carried a trumpet as one of her
basic attributes, yet in none does she actually play the instrument (or mime
playing it, as far as one can tell from the text).  The nearest she comes to
doing so is in <uThe Masque of Queens>u where loud (wind) music follows her proc
la-
mation that she will sound her trumpet.  It would be wrong, however, to conclude
that in this case practical music was quite independent of the emblematic
representation.  Fame always produces some music, and this is usually vocal
music which aTrticulates her concerns much more explicitly than the emblemati-
cally exact trumpet blast could have done.  The vocal music is emblematically
appropriate in a general sense, but it is interesting nevertheless that where
the music masters had an obvious opportunity to realise an emblematic concept
in sound they consistently did not do so.   This has obviously seemed unbeliev-
able to at least one modern scholar:  Murray Lefkowitz in his edition of
<uBritannia Triumphans>u inserted an editorial stage-direction 'a trumpet within
'
alongside Bellerophon's line (in the passage quoted above) 'Fame's universal
voice I hear' (p. 2O3).
     In some ways, the example of Fame's music takes us to a crucial point
about the relationship between music and imaginative device in the masque.  Ther
e
is always a congruity between the two, but often this is a matter of general
stylistic appropriateness.  In only a few instances can one discuss the detailed
inflexions of the music in terms of the specific detail of a particular text.
1.   In <uSalmacida Spolia>u Fame 'with spreaded wings, in act, sounding a trump
et
of gold' (line 44) is one of the figures represented on the frieze which ran
above the scene.  Kere the emblematic is completely separated from the actual
music (or drama) of the masque.
2.   The contrast with the restoration period really brings home the point:
in Act IV of Purcell's <uDioclesian>u the song 'Sound, Fame, thy Drazen Trumpot
Sound' is introduced by a 'Tune for the Trumpets' and has a prominent trumpet
obligato;  and in <uThe Indian Queen>u, Act II, the chorus of Fame's song 'I com
e
to sing Great Zempoalla's Story' has a trumpet obligato.
                                - 231 -
One is not dealing with the intimate relationship that exists between the best
operatic scores and their libretti, but between a rich blend of diverse arts
all directed at the glorification of people and ideals dictated by the circum-
stances of the particular production and of the genre as a whole.
     For most of this thesis it has been necessary to discuss masque song and
masque dance separately and to consider song settings away from words sung and
dance music away from descriptions of masque dances.  Within these divisions,
the discussion of music in antimasques has been partially isolated from the
discussion of music in main masques.  We are now in a position to see how all
these aspects of the subject come together in a single courtly masque by Jonson.
ii.  <uOberon>u
     It is possible to get a reasonably complete picture of the relation of the
music performed to Jonson's design in <uOberon>u since, apart from the text itse
lf,
one antimasque song, two main masque songs composed by Ferrabosco, and one of
the very few dances which can be confidently ascribed to a particular masque
are extant.  Besides these, there is an interesting description of the masque
performance amonest the papers of killiam Trumbull the Elder, and the Pell Order
Book gives details of payments to musicians.
     The Trumbull account tells us that, 'When their Majesties entered accom-
panied by the princess and the ambassadors of Spain and Venice, flageolets
played and the curtain was drawn discovering a great rock with the moon showing
above through an aperture ...'  The antimasque opens with a musical incident
which draws on the connotations of a number of musical conventions which we have
met in other contexts.  Gradually by the light of the moon, a satyr is seen who
                                        'wound his Cornet, and thought himselfe
answered;  but was deceiued by the Echoi (line 11).  When there is no further
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
------
1.   The Trumbull account is printed in <uBen Jonson>u, X, 522f., and the releva
nt
section from the Pell Order Book is also printed in the same volume, pp.52Of.
No further footnote references are given for these two items.
                                 - 232 -
response to his call, the satyr begins to suspect that 'it was the vaine/Echo,
did me entertaine' (lines l9-2O).  He sounds his cornet a second time and is
again replied by an echo.  On the third cornet call, a satyr answers the sound
and appears on stage.  The episode  is an ingenious variation on the conventiona
l
use of musical echo devices within pastoral masques, and on the convention
developed in outdoor pastoral entertainments 0f having cornets reporting to each
other from different parts of a park.   Most pastoral echoes imply that the whol
e
environment shares the joy of the occasion, but in this genial antimasque the
nymph Echo teases the simple satyr.  Glossing a line in which the satyr suggests
that all his fellows may be in a drunken sleep (line l7), Jonson refers to an
illustration in Isaac Casaubon's <ude Satyrica Graecorum Poesi & Romanorum Satir
a>u
(16O5) 'wherein is described the whole manner of the <uScene>u, and <uChori>u, o
f
<uBacchus>u, with <uSilenus>u, and the <uSatyres>u'.2  As mentioned carlier,  th
is emblem
Points to an iconographic tradition which makes it exactly right for a satyr to
be playing a cornet or similar wind instrument.  When the satyrs are discussing
how they can honour Oberon and his knights, they make it clear that the pipes
and percussion instruments of the Casaubon illustration are their chosen means
of expression:
                      SATYRE 2
          And to answere all things els,
Trap our shaggie thighes with bels;
          That as we do strike a time,
 In our daunce, shall make a chime
                      SATYRE 3
 Lowder, then the rattling pipes
          Of the wood-gods;
                      SATYRE 1
            Or the stripes
          Of the Taber;  when we carrie
 BACCHUS vp, his pompe to varie.
1.   See, for example, Jonson's <uEhtertainment at Althorp>u (lines 3ff.), Marst
on's
<uEntertainment >uat As<uhby>u (p. 387), ancl (Campion's <uEntertainment at Cave
rsham >u(p. 8O,
line 3O, and p. 82, lines 2ff.).
2.   See above pp. 145f.
                         - 233 -
It seems quite likely that tabors and cymbals, as well as fifes or flageolets
would have been included in the 'xvj other instrumentes for the Satires &
faeries' mentioned in the Pell Order Book.
     The satyrs sing twice.  The first time they seek to wake the two sleeping
sylvans who they think are supposed to be guarding Oberon's palace. What they
sing is a catch, one of the most popular and unsophisticated of vocal forms.
Music for this catch, 'Buzz both the blue fly' was printed by Playford in <uCatc
h>u
<uthat Catch Can>u (1667) where it is attributed to Edmund Nelham;1  in its
oscillations about one note it has an amusingly representational element (see
Example 1).
                                   Example 1
1.   It is, of course, not at all certain that this version was used in the
performance of the masque.  We may be sure, however, that any catch would have
been in a similarly uncomplicated and popular style.  The version printed by
Playford has an extra line' the words of which are lacking in the text of
<uOberon>u and which musically does not fit into the ectch;  this extra line is
shown beneath a dotted line in Example 1
                          - 234 -
Later, to fill in the time until Oberon is due to appear the satyrs
sing a song to the moon.  No setting survives for this but the wantonness of
the verse makes it clear that the song belongs to an antimasque of satyrs
rather than a main masque
          Now, my cunning lady;  Moone'
          Can you leaue the side, so soone'
 Of the boy, you keepe so hid?
          Mid-wife IUNO sure will say,
 This is not the proper way
          Of your palenesse to be rid ...
                                    (line 262-67)
     Immediately following this song the satyrs 'fell sodainely into an antique
dance, full of gesture, and swift motion' (lines 282-83).  Trumbull calls this
dance 'a ballet, with appropriate music with a thousand strange gestures,
affording great pleasure't  Both author and observer emphasise that the dance
was characterised by the vigorous movement and extravagant gestures which we
have seen to be so typical of antimasque dancing.  Fortunately we can be
reasonably confident that in this case the 'appropriate music' survives:
'The Satyre's Masque' in Add. MS. 1O444 (No. 56) is ascribed to Robert
Johnson in Simpson's <uTaffel Consort>u, and since Johnson was paid $2O 'for mak
ing
the Daunces' in <uOberon>u it seems very likely indeed that this tune would have
accompanied the antimasque dance.  According to the criteria worked out in
Chapter III this dance tune is typical of antimasque tunes in its number of
strains (6) and number of changes of metre (3), in the introduction of 3
triple metre before the final strain, and  in the use of thefast P duple
time signature in the course of the piece. There is more rhythmic irregu-
larity than this broad analysis would suggest. The second strain of this
piece has the same kind of alternation between sustained notes and moving
crotchets that has been observed in 'the First Witches Dance'< and the fast
train is given added rhythmic vitlality by the use of Syncopation. The
final strain of the piece (marked as a triple strain on Table 4, page 157
above) is actually quite ambiguous rhythically, and this is not just a
                                235
matter of J2/3 groupings.  The strain begins with a motive which derives
from the opening of the piece, but which now seems to fit a   metre;  on
some 0f its abbreviated repetitions this motive assumes a   character, and
a couple of bars before the end of the piece, the dotted rhythm from the
original motive is accommodated within a 4 pattern.  These ambiguities are
reflected in the way the Simpson and Add. MS 1O444 versions use quite different
time signatures in notating exactly the same strain.
     In this antimasque  both Jonson's text and the visual spectacle of
satyrs playing wind instruments and dancing antic dances draw upon or refer
to a well established literary and iconographic tradition.   The audience
would have recognised the instrumental sounds they were hearing as being
suitable to a scene of satyrs and silvans.  The musical compositions used in
the antimasque complemented these aspects beautifully:  Robert Johnson's
rather eccentric dance and the trivial catch seem absolutely right for their
context.  Hence, visual, literary, and musical elements work together to
produce an appropriately comic prelude of 'light and skipping sport' (line
321) to the rites of the Fairy Prince in the main masque.
    The antimasque in <uOberon>u is not in hostile opposition to the main
masque.  Silenus and his satyrs acknowledge that the king to whom Oberon and
his knights come to pay their annual vows
           ... stqyes the time from turning old,
          Wnd keepes the age vp in a head of gold.
                                           (lines 35O-51)
The front of Oberon's castle is actually revealed during the antimasque when
the first <uscena ductilis>u slides away.  The satyrs remain on stage for a shor
t
time after the full transformation scene, and when the chariot of Oberon
approaches they begin to 'leape, and expresse their ioy, for their vn-used
state, and solemnitie' (lines 315f ) 2
1.   See, for example, Spenser's <uFaerie Queene>u, III, x, 44ff.
2.   Trumbull says that 'the fauns danced about joyfully exciting great
laughter' before the full antimasque dance;  he may have mixed up the sequence
of events.
                         - 236 -
The description of the transformation scene itself indicates that the
visual delights were complemented by a musical richness which the antimasque
does not have:
     There the whole palace opened, and the nation of <uFaies>u were
     discouer'd, some with instruments, some bearing lights;
     others singing;  and within a farre off in perspectiue, the
     knights masquers sitting in their seuerall sieges:  At the
     further end of all, OBERON, in a chariot, which to a lowd
     triumphant musique began to moue forward, drawne by two white
    beares, and on either side guarded by three <uSyluanes>u, with
    one going in front.                               ----
                                                                 (lines 291-98)
The musicians for once are not priests or deities, but as part of the nation
of fairies, they share in the masquers' spiritual perfection.  The 'loud
music' would appear from the text to consist primarily of the transformation
song, 'Melt earth to Sea', but it seems likely that the 'xviij Holt boyes'
(oboes ) mentioned in the Pell Order Book would have played during the actual
moment of transformation while the traverse was sliding in its grooves across
the stage.
     The transformation song is a splendid example of its kind.  The constant
use of imperative verb forms in the words of the song give it a force greater
than that of mere commentary on what is happeneing:
          Melt earth to sea, sea flow to ayre,
   And ayre flie into fire,
          Whilst we, in  tunes, to ARTHVRS chayre
    Beare OBETONS desire;
             Then which there nothing can be higher,
 Saue   <uMES>u, to whom it flyes:
          But he the wonder is 0~ tongues, of eares, of eyes.
 Who hath not heard, who hath not seene,
            Who hath not sung his name?
 The soule, that hath not, hath not beene;
            But is the very same
   With buryed sloth, and knowes not fame,
         Which doth him best comprise:
  For he the wonder is of tongues, of eares, of eyes.
                                                               (lines 3OO-l3)
1.   Herford and Simpson explain the term 'Holt boyes' by a note which says,
'John Holt was Yeoman of the Revels from 1547 to 1571 (<uEliz. Stage>u, i, p. 79
);
the boys would be Fairiesi.  This is obviously mistaken;  'holt boyes' is
surely just another variat on on hoboyes (=oboes).
                            - 237 -
The singe   seem to be initiators rather than observers of the wondrous change.
butory arts unite in the praise of the king, and once again we see that these
sung words are the voice of fame.  This song must have been performed by the
ten singers and six lutenists provided by Alphonso Ferrabosco.   Ihe contrast
between a full song performed with such a rich instrumental accompaniment and
the satyrs' inconsequential catch is very plain.
     After the transformation song and before the first dance of Oberon and
his knights, there is a transitional section during which the satyrs leave
the scene and the lesser Faies (pages) perform a song and dance which is
introduced by a sylvan:
          Stand forth, bright <uFaies>u, and <uElues>u, and tune your layes
          Vnto his name:  Then let your nimble feet
Tread subtle circles, that may alwayes meet
          In point to him;  and figures, to expresse
The grace of him, and his gret empresse.
                                                       (lines 36O 64)
In the words of the Trumbull account 'two boys ... sang very well some sonnets
in praise of the prince and his father'.  Their dialogue song extolls in
succeeding couplets the majesty, glory, wisdom' knowledge, and piety of the
king.  After it, 'ten little pages dressed in green and silver with flat
bonnets a l'antique danced another ballet with much grace' (Trumbull).  Since
the tune called 'The Fairey Masque' immediately follows 'The Satyres Masque'
in Add. MS. lO444, it seems likely that this dance would also have come from
<uOberon>u and, if so, that it would have been used for this dance of the lesser
Faies.  It is structurally very much more like an antimasque dance than one
from a main masque.  If it was used, it would have made this part of the
masque seem even more of an intermediate zone between antimasque and main
masque worlds than the text indicates.
      Following the pages' dance, 'a full song ... by all the voyces' is
1.   The ten singers and six lutenists are mentioned in the Pell Order Book.
Trumbull says that there were 'ten musicians ...each with a lute'.
                             - 238 -
performed which introduces the first masque dance by Oberon and his knights.
Hence, although the division between antimasque and main masque seems at
first sight to be as clear cut as in any other Jonson masque, there is, in
fact, a graduated initiation of 'the solemn rites'.  The difference between
antimasque and masque is primarily a difference between the various ranks of
fairy creatures who do honour to the king, and the noble 'lesser Faies' stand
in an intermediate position between the naive and naughty pastoral creatures
and the Princely Oberon and his attendant knights.  The episode seems like
a miniature masque in the way the Sylvan's speech defines the significance of
the children's song and dance (just as masque songs interpret set dances and
the revels).
      Little is said in the text about the two set dances which precede the
revels, but Trumbull's account says that they were 'intermingled with varied
figures and many leaps, extremely well done by most of them'.  Leaps might
seem rather out of place in a set masque dance, but the reference to 'varied
figures' indicates that, like dances more fully described in other masque texts
these were elaborately choreographed.  The Pell Order Book lists a payment
(of nine pounds) for 'xx lutes<u provided>u by Mr. Iohnson for the Princes Dance
';
a company of violins is also mentioned.  Whether these groups of instruments
were used separately for different dances  or combined they must have pro-
vided an accompaniment which matched in dignity and magnificance the other
elements in the main masque.
     No dance tunes can be identified with any certainty at all for these
main masque dances.  Any of the dances called 'The Prince's first/second/
third Masque' in Add. MS. 1O444, for example, could have been used.  If any
of thsse were used, they would have seemed a model of musical order in com-
parison with 'The Satyrs Masque' or 'The Fairy Masque' since all but one of
the twelve dances with this title have a very regular 4 or c\ - 3  metrical
structure.
                         - 239 -
The main masque songs all fulfil conventional masque functions.  The
first set dance is followed by a song ('Nay, nay, ye must not Stay') which
urges the masquers to continue their accomplished dancing.  Linking these
exhortations to the device of the masque, the song protests that fairy knights
should have more than mortal agility and grace:
           Knottie legs, and plants of clay
          Seeke for ease, or loue delay.
 But with you it still should fare
          As, with the ayre of which you are.
                                       (lines 4O3-O6)
through the almost homophonous word pair, 'ayre' and 'are';  ayre is also a
musical pun which identifies the masquers and their dancing with the music to
which they perform.  Ferrabosco's setting of this song seems perfectly adjusted
to its context.   With its crisp rhythms and jaunty vocal line, it has itself
the character of dance mubic.
     The song which follows their second masque dance introduces the revels
in a way which we have seen to be thoroughly typical of a whole group of masque
songs:
          And these beauties will suspect
 That their formes you doe neglect,
             If you doe not call them forth ...
                                   (lines 414-16)
The revels themselves, which are described in some detail by Trumbull,  are
followed with a song performed by one of the sylvans when Phosphorous the
day-star appears:
          Gentie knights,
          Knowe some measure of your nights.
Tell the high-grac'd OBEKON,
          It is time, that we were gone.
    Here be formes, so bright, and aery,
                And their motions so they vary
As they will enchant the <uFaery>u,
                If you longer, here, should tarry.
                                  (lines 425-32)
1.   Ferrabosco's settings of 'Nay, nav you must not Stay', and 'Gentle Knights'
are in Tenbury MS. lOl8, fols. 36, 37v-38
2.   See above p. 135.
                             - 24O -
This song is the first of two concluding songs in this masque.  It is one of
the finest of its kind and Ferrabosco's setting is arguably his most beauti-
ful masque song.  It includes gany of the characteristic elements of
Ferrabosco's masque songs.  Declamatory traits are perfectly reconciled with
a quite different kind of expressive melody, and even Ferrabosco's tendency
to write vocal lines with wide leaps is accommodated without awkwardness.
     The basic tonality is G minor, but the usual major/minor ambiguity is
used effectively.  The initial declamatory calls to the 'gentle knights' rise
up on notes from a G major chord, so that when the e flat and b flat are
introduced in the second half of the opening phrase they have an expressive
edge (see Example 2).
                                 Example 2
The next phrase takes up the rising motif from the opening (extending it to
an octave) and draws on the new harmonic colouring of B flat major, which is
given extra warmth by taking the voice down to a low B flat.  The ranke of
the voice in this piece, is, in fact, wider than in any other Ferrabosco
masque song except 'How Near to Good' and it is used most expressively.  The
highest note is reserved for the apt phrase 'here be forms so <ubright>u  and
airy'1 (Tenbury MS. lOlg reads 'light and airy').  This phrase is given
additional lightness by raising the e flat of the basic key to e natural on
'airy', and by setting that word on two crotchets (instead of the possible
minims).  There is extensive (and on 'motions' partially descriptive) use of
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
---
1.   Tenbury MS. lOl8 reads 'light and airy'.
                              - 241 -
melisma.  The second half of the song is repeated, but the second time  the
last line of the poem is given a very much more ornate treatment;  the
descending run pattern (introduced with the melismatic treatment of 'motion')
is given sequential elaboration.  Apart from being musically very beautiful'
this extended final section, and in particular the musical emphasis given to
the word 'tarry', communicates a sense of reluctance to break off the enter-
tainment.  In this, as in Ferrabosco's other masque songs, declamatory elements
are combined with a different kind of melodic expressiveness and with rhythms
which have the vitality of dance pieces.  Both declamatory and dance features
seem appropriate to the masque context.
     The song is followed by a speech from Phosphorous, after which 'they
danc'd their last dance, into the worke.  And with a full song, the starre
vanished, and the whole machine clos'd' (lines 444-46).  The Trumbull account
elaborates on the text at this point:
     the masqueraders danced the ballet of the sortie, in which
     the satyrs and fauns joined.  With vocal and instrumental
     music the masqueraders approached the throne to make their
     reverence to their Majesties.
If this account is accurate, the participation of the antimasque creatures in
a final masque dance illustrates the way in which each section of <uOberon>u
points in the same direction, rather than the antimasque acting as the antithesi
s
of everything in the main masque.  The final song is another  concluding song
which protests at the approach of the morning.
     <uOberon>u illustrates well that, at every stage of the entertainment,
musical, literary, and visual elements shared a unity of purpose.  Jonson's
contrasting worlds 0f rude satyrs and fairy knights were delineated musically.
This antimasque uses popular song and eccentric dance, while the main masque
includes some beautiful and sophisticated solo songs, and full songs and dances
which were performed to a noble accompaniment of lutes and violins.  There is
an obvious practical justification for the type of music used throughout:  the
loud music at the transformation, the style of the solo songs and the size of
                             - 242 -
the instrumental ensembles could be accounted for simply in terms of the
acoustic conditions.  But all of these are undeniably in keeping with the
overall artistic design of the masque.  The aural impact of the different
types of music is apparent from Trumbull's account of the performance, but
in addition, the use of cornets in the antimasque and lutes in the main
masque is iconographically appropriate.  Similarly, the contrast in dancing
styles evident in the production, combined with the impact of costume and
set, links the various sections of the masque to values which are implicit
in much visual art of the period.1
     <uOberon>u provides a good example of the way music was used in Jonson's
court masques.  The same picture would emerge from a close analysis of other
Jonson masques and, in a modified form, it would apply to masques not by
Jonson.  Later masques contain larger-scale and more continuous musical
structures but, that aside, the same basic contrast between antimasque and
masque music is made, and the same general agreement between visual, verbal,
and musical dimensions is evident.
iii. <uThe Jacobean and Caroline Masque since the Civil Bar>u
     In 1642 a tract entitled <uA Deep Sigh Breathed Through the Lodgings at>u
<uWhite-Hall, Deploring the Absence of the Court, and the Niseries of the>u
<uPallace>u was published.  In it, the anonymous author muses on the changed
circumstances at court:
        In the Cockpit and Revelling Roomes, where at a Play or
     Masque the darkest night was converted to the brightest Day
     that ever shin'd, by the luster of Torches, the sparkling
     of rich Jewells and the variety of those incomparable and
     excellent Faces, from whence the other derived their
     brightnesse, where beauty sat inthron'd in so full glory that
     had not <uPhaeton>u fir'd the World, there had wanted a Comparative
     whereunto to paralell the refulgencie of their bright-
     shining  splendour, Now you may Foe in without either a
     Ticket, or the danger of a broken-pate, you may enter at the
1.   See Roy Strong, <uVan Dyck:>u  <uCharles I on Horseback>u, especially Chapt
ers
3 ('One Imperial Prince') and 6 ('A We-Ll-wrought Landscape').
                    - 243 -
Kings side' walke round about the Theaters, view the
Pullies, the Engines, conveyances or contrivances of
every several  Scaene, And not an Usher O' th' Revells,
or Engineere to envy or finde fault with your discovery,
although they receive no gratuitie for the sight of them.
In preceding years the transience of individual masque productions had
frequently been acknowledged, but this writer provides an interesting
reminder that the civil war determined that the fully developed court masque
was itself to be a relatively short-lived genre.  There have been attempts in
later periods to revive a few Jacobean and Caroline masques, but these
revivals make it plain that the Stuart court masque can never be recreated
in the fullest sense outside their original milieu.
      In the eighteenth century, a number of Stuart masques were adapted for
the opera house.  The best known and most successful of these is Thomas
Arne's new and grandiose setting of Milton's private masque, <uComus>u.   Arne's
music also survives for an adaptation by George Colman of <uOberon>u, the text
of which was printed in 1771 as <urhe Fairy Prince:  a Masque.  As it is>u
<uperformed at the Theatre-Royal in Covent-Garden>u.  The 'Advertisement' which
precedes the text states that,
     The greater part of this Masque is borrowed with some
     variations, from <uBen Jonson>u.  The same liberty has been
     taken with a few passages of Shakespeare, and a Chorus
     of the late <uGilbert West>u Esq.  The final Chorus is from
     Drryden.a    -------------
The masque is divided into three parts.  After the antimasque of satyrs, the
rock opens to reveal, not Oberon's palace, but St. George's Chapel at Windsor.
Several other transformations follow' and Jonson's songs are accommodated
in scenes such as the installation of the Knights of the Garter in Bindsor
Castle.  Arne's music is set out in a series of recitatives and airs.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--
1,   G. Thorn-Drury, 'Whiteball in 1542', <uReview of English Studies>u, I (1925
),
p, 462.
1.   Arne's <uComus>u (1738) had been preceded in 1737 by an operatic version
with libretto by Paul Rolli;  the composer of this version is not known.  See
Thomas Arne, <uComus>u ed. J. Herbage, Musica Britannica IIII
3.   On si~gature Aa3
                        - 244 -
In November 1774 'a Pastoral Masque ana Pantomime' called <uThe Druids>u
was also presented at Covent Garden with music by john Abraham Fisher.  This
                                                                1
was in part an adaptation of <uHymenaei and The Haddington Masque>u.
    In 1887 the anonymous Masque of Flowers (1614) was revived by the
gentlemen of Gray's Inn (who had presented the original performance).  The
  text  which was printed using the long's' to give it an old-world appearance,
  explains that,
        a few alterations (very slight and not in any way
        affecting the spirit of the play) the Maske has been
   rendered ... not inappropriate to the celebration of
       Her Most Gracious Majesty's Jubilee .   2
  A conventional string orchestra with an added viola da gamba was conducted
  by J.A. Fuller Maitland.
       Herford and Simpson record a number of twentieth century 'revivals' of
  Jonson masques.  A performance of <uThe Vision of Delight>u which ended with
  Dame Clara Butt stepping forward to the front of the stage to lead the
  audience in 'God Save the King' was given at His Majesty's Theatre on 27 June
  1911 to celebrate the coronation of King George V.  It was preceded b
  series of entertainments which Herford and Simpson describe as 'a riot of
  fun'.3  In 1928 a performance of <uPan's Anniversary>u which included music by
 Geoffrey Shaw and an antimasque of robots was performed at Avery Hill College,
 Eltham.  In 1935, <uChloridia>u and <uComus>u were performed in the Open Air Th
eatre
in Regents Park;  Herford and Simpson note that 'Before the masque began
King Charles and attendant Lords walked in and occupied the front row of
       4
seats'.
     In 1948 the Oxford University Dramatic Society decided to honour the
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--
1'   See <uBen Jonson>u' X' 525' and Roger Fiske' <uEnglish Theatre Music in the
>u
<uEighteenth Century>u-(1973), p. 382.
2.   <uThe Maske of Flowers>u, 1887, p. 4.
3.   <uBen Jonson>u, X, 570.
4.   Ibid., 686.
                              - 245
visit of H.R.H. Princess Elizabeth by presenting a masque.  Instead of reviving
a Stuart Masque, Glynne Wickham and Neville Coghill devised <uThe Masque of>u
<uHope>u which was performed in the front quadrangle of University College.
The authors wrote that
          'The Masque of Hope' while appropriate to the occasion
   and attempting to preserve the dramatic quality of the
       Caroline Masque, because it is set in the open air reverts
    deliberately to the scenic conventions of the earlier
      traditions from which those of the Caroline Masque derived -
    pageant and tournament.1
 This 'masque' depicts the banishment of Fear and the triumph of Hope in post-
 war Britain.  Music was composed by John Veale with fanfares (for the arrival
of the future queen) by Eric Wetherell.
     Clearly, none of these productions was a very earnest attempt to recreate
an authentic Jacobean or Caroline masque.  The interesting thing is that most
of them recognise in one way or another the importance of the relationship
between the occasion and the device of the masque.  Where no pretext could
be found for adapting a Stuart masque to a contemporary celebration, player
kings and queens seem to have been necessary:  the historical context as
well as the masque itself had to be dramatised.
     In recent years, there have been a number of ventures in which a
conscientious effort has been made to recreate the musical or visual aspects
of court masque productions.  One work which has a musical <uraison d'etre>u is
the <uEntertainment for Elizabeth>u which John Hollander devised for the New
York Pro Musica.  The musical directions in the printed text indicate,
however, that the musical reconstruction is not very masque-like at all:
Dowland's 'Flow my Tears' is used as a contrafactum for one song and a
'doleful dump' on the harpsichord is called for.   More significant steps
have been made with actual reconstruction.  Murray Lefkowitz gives details
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1.  G. Wickham and N. Coghill, <uThe Masque of Hope>u (Oxford, l948), p. 5.
2.  John Hollander, <uAn Entertainment for Elizabeth>u' English Literary Ren-
aissance Monographs (Connecticut, l972), pp. 37n., & 4O.
                          -246-
of a version of <uBritannia Triumphans>u performed at the Juliard School of
Music in 1953.1  For the parts with no surviving music, some rather curious
decisions were made and no details are given of the kind of instrumental
resources which were available for the performance. Early in 1974 a version
of <uThe Triumph of Peace>u using staging reconstructed from Inigo Jones's drawi
ngs
was performed at the Davis campus of the University of California, but the
instrumental resources seem to have been basically modern.
    I provided a considerable amount of music for musical reconstruction of
<uOberon>u, <uThe Somerset Masque>u, and <uThe Triumph of Peace>u which were giv
en a
'concert' performance in the Whitehall Banqueting House in November l974.
The organisers (Ars Nova in association with Scolar Press) had managed to
gather together an impressive group of musicians including eight lutenists
(just over a third the number that would have been used originally).  The
texts, including the descriptions of dances and scene changes, were read aloud,
with the result that these entertainments were made to seem very remote from
our experience: archaisms in the language became quaint or funny. Some parts
of the texts (dance descriptions especially) were read while music was being
played, and the music - which was the sole justification for this particular
performance - became a background to something much less interesting.
     With the renewed interest in stylistically authentic performance on
original instruments and with the conscientious efforts of some singers to
become fluent in seventeenth century vocal ornamentation it ought to be
possible to reconstruct masque performances which would revive for us the
varied musical delights of the Jacobean and Caroline masque. It is an enter-
prise which depends to a large extent on performance since much of the appeal
of this music lies not in intrinsic musical complication (such as we find in
numerous consort pieces by the very composers who wrote for the masque) but in
contrasts of different instrumental and vocal combinations which are deployed
on music which is often quite simple in structure and texture.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
1.   <uTrois Masques>u, p. 185.
                          - 247 -
The problems of staging are another matter.  The emblematic detail of
costumes and sets, and the intimate relationship of both to the device of the
masque would surely be a source of great pleasure, but the delight in seven-
teenth century stage machinery Oust, to audiences which take such techniques
as back-projection for granted, be of a completely different kind from the
response elicited in the courts of James I and Charles I.  As with our sense
of a particular masque's occasion, our appreciation of this dimension must
remain a largely historical interest.  Nevertheless, the opportunity to
recreate a court masque with authentic music and staging would not be one to
be missed.
     Some masques would be much harder to revive than others.  Financial
considerations aside, <uThe Triumph of Peace>u is very suitable for revival sinc
e
a large amount of music survives and since the original performances are so
richly documented.  Few Jacobean masques have a comparable amount of extant
music:  only Jonson's <uMasque of Beauty>u and Campion's <uSomerset Masque>u hav
e more
than half the vocal music surviving.  Four beautiful songs by Ferrabosco sur-
vive for <uThe Masque of Beauty >u('So beauty on the Waters Stood', 'If all thes
e
Cupids', 'It was no Policy of Court', and 'Had those that Dwell in Error Foul')
leaving only two echo songs (both of which are described as 'full songs' in
the text) without settings. It should be possible to synthesise stylistically
appropriate settings for these two songs and to select an appealing set of
dances to make a musically convincing performance.  (Jonson describes the
masquers' emblematic costumes and the scene in so much detail that the accurate
reconstruction of the visual elements in this masque ought also to be
practicable.)
     For Campion's <uSomerset Masque>u five out of eight songs survive, and it
would be worth considering in a little more detail how one might use these
settings as a basis for a masque performance.  The masque includes a number
of popular Jacobean masque devices.  Four squires arrive on the scene and
announce that knights coming from all parts of the globe to attend the Somerset
                             - 248 -
wedding have been frustrated by the mischief of two enchanters (Error and
Rumour) and two enchantresses (Curiosity and Credulity).  These four villains
then arrive on stage, followed by the four winds, the four elements, and the
four parts of the earth who dance an extended antimasque which demonstrates
the disorder and confusion intimated in the squires' speech.  Harmony and nine
other musicians arrive to bring order to this chaotic scene.  With them are
Eternity and the three Destinies who bring a golden tree.  This sacred tree,
which has the power to break the spells cast on the knights-masquers, is set
before the queen who pulls a branch from it and gives it to one of the squires.
This is then used to free the enchanted knights, six of whom are discovered
behind a descending cloud while another six are transformed out of pillars
of gold.  London and the Thames are suddenly represented on the scene and the
masque dances and revels take place.  Finally, twelve skippers arrive to call
the knights back to their ships.
     It would be a reasonably simple matter to recreate the scenes and machines
for this masque.  Campion describes the opening tableau in some detail:
        On the vpper part there was formed a Skye of Clowdes very
     arteficially shadowed.  On either side of the Scaene belowe
     was set a high Promontory, and on either of them stood three
     large pillars of golde:  the one Promontory was bounded with
     a Rocke standing in the Sea, the other with a Wood   In the
     midst betwene them appeared a Sea in perspectiue with ships,
     some cunningly painted, some arteficially sayling.  On the
     front of the Scaene, on either side, was a beautifull garden,
     with sixe seates a peece to receaue the Maskers:  behinde them
     the mayne Land, and in the middest a paire of stayres made
     exceeding curiously in the form of a Schalop shell.
                                                  (pp. 149f., lines 27ff.)
The whole scene was enclosed in 'Arch Tryumphall'.  There would not be any
great technical (or budgetary) obstacles in the way of a designer who wished
to make a convincing reproduction of this beautiful perspective set.
Allardyce Nicoll gives details of quite simple devices for showing ships in
movement and for the machines required later in the masque when the pillars
are transformed into men and six other masquers descend in a cloud.  There is
only one change of scene required and Campion's description makes it perfectly
clear how this was done:
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
 1 <uStuart Masques and the Renaissance Stage>u (1937) especially pp.78-80.
                        - 249 -
on the sodaine the whole Scaene is changed:  for whereas before
all seemed to be done at the sea and sea coast, now the
Promontories are sodainly remooued, and London with the Thames
is very arteficially presented in their place.
                                               (p. 154, lines 6-9)
The first music one would need for a production of this masque would be
the customary loud music to announce the opening of the performance and to
allow for a suitably triumphant entrance for the member of the audience who
is to be given the distinction of repeating Queen Anne's role of breaking off
a branch from the tree of destiny and handing it back to one of the squires.
Adson's last five-part ayre (No. 21) played, as he suggests, on cornets and
sackbuts would suit admirably.  It is an attractive although quite uncom-
plicated piece, and the very simple contrapuntal imitation gives it just the
right kind of interest and dignity for its semi-heraldic function.
     No more music is required until the antimasque dancing.  This antimasque
is a rather complicated one for its date since four groups of characters
enter and dance, first in succession and than altogether.  Campion uses the
word 'confusion' four times to describe the antimasque and a dance tune with
as much metrical eccentricity as possible is required.  Adson No. 8 of five
parts would be appropriate but the piece would have to be adapted to cope
with the various entrances and dances, and the instrumentation chosen would
have to make a strong contrast with the main masque dances.  The first two
bars of the piece, with its flurry of tremelos and ascending scale, could be
repeated for the appearance of new groups of antimasque dancers.  The charac-
ter of the writing in this opening statement seems to demand stringed
instruments, but the violins (or viols) ought to be combined with percussion
instruments, such as a tabor and renaissance cymbals.  The last four bars of
the opening strain could also be treated as a separate unit and used to
accompany the mime of the enchanters who 'whispered a while as if they had
rejoyced at the wrongs which they had done to the Knights' (p. 151, lines
36-37).  The more sustained notes of these four bars suggest the use of the
cornet and sackbut group that are used for the opening music;  the more
                              - 25O -
violent transition created by this switching of instrumental timbres from one
strain to the next would be perfectly authentic.  The wind group too could be
augmented by percussion instruments.  The four bars would need to be repeated
(with appropriate divisions) in order to give Error, Rumour, Credulity, and
Curiosity long enough to act out their sinister little mime.  One could return
to the opening flourish for the sudden, rushing entrance of the four winds,
and then the fast second strain could be played (several times) for their dance.
The opening flourish could be played a third time to announce the arrival of
the four elements who would then go on to dance to the third (and slower) duple
strain.  Finally, the last four bars of the opening strain could be used for the
more dignified entry of the four parts of the earth, and then all the antimas-
quers could dance together while the second, third, and fourth strains are
played through.  The final triple strain would be heard for the first time in
this concerted dance.
     Immediately after this antimasque dance Eternity and the three Destinies
make their entrance followed by Harmony and nine other musicians.  Eternity
sings 'Bring away this sacred tree', but this solo is preceded and followed
by a chorus.  These two choruses, and the one which follows the transformation
of the knights, are all missing.  What is needed for all three are harmonically
uncomplicated settings which would sound sufficiently confident and assertive
and allow for clear projection of the words.  Hence one would turn for a
paradigm to something like the Morley <uCanzonets for Three Voices>u (16O1).  Th
e
accompaniment would consist of a group of lutes and theorboes which should
equal or almost equal the number of voices used.  (Ideally, the nine musicians
who enter with Harmony should each sing and play a lute or theorbo.)  An
instrumental transcription of this chorus could be played immediately before
the chorus itself is sung.  Played on the cornets and sackbuts, this would
provide loud music for the transformation, and give the masquers time to
descend to the dancing place before the actual singing begins.
     Eternity's song, 'Bring away this Sacred Tree', should be ornamented in
                             - 251 -
a stylistically appropriate way.  Fortunately, the thoroughly decorated version
of this song with the alternative set of words, 'Weep no More' obviates the
need for the singer to write (or improvise) <upassaggi>u of his own.  The Copera
rio
song 'Go Happy Man' requires a less florid treatment since it is rhythmically
more constricted than Lanier's declamatory setting of 'Bring away this Sacred
Tree', but one on two less extensive roulades would be appropriate, particu-
larly in the repeated stanza.
     The two songs which intersperse the set dances both present  problems.
The first, 'While Dancing Rests' is the three-part song with an echo, and with
a chorus of five parts which was printed with the text as a solo ayre.  In
fact, there is little difficulty in extracting two and then four additional
voice parts from the lute tablature, and the echo is simply a matter of having
the cadence repeated by a smaller concealed group of singers.  The other song
is 'a Dialogue of three, with a Chorus'.  No setting survives for it and since
each of the six couplets has a different number or syllables it is virtually
impossible to find another seventeenth century dialogue which might be adapted
to accommodate this set of words.  Hence there seems to be no option but to
embark on some pastiche composition.  The word 'Chorus' here should perhaps be
interpreted to mean (as it does in numerous seventeenth century dialogues)
'all three voices together'.  The last song in the masque presents no problems.
It is the sailors' song, 'Come Ashore', which was printed with the masque text.
The two stanzas are interrupted by a sailors' dance and the last of the
masquers' set dances.
     Three set dances are required for this masque.  Any one of a number of
masque dance groups contained in the appendix to this thesis would be suitable,
bearing in mind that the songs in the same section of the masque as the dances
have (modern) key signatures of one and two flats so one should perhaps not
venture into sharp keys.  (It would, however, be unnecessarily restrictive to
confine oneself to strictly related keys.)  I would favour using the attrac-
tive C major set of dances from Brade, 'Der Erste/Ander/Driete Mascharada der
                            - 252 -
Pfalkgraffen' (Nos. XXXI-XXXIII in Brade and Nos. 135-37 in Add. MS. l0444)'
These dances should be performed on the lutes and violins, and if there were
a sufficient number of these instruments, it would be possible to arrange
them in several groups which could take up different strains of the dances
from different parts of the hall.  It would also be possible to vary the
texture  8000 violins alone, and lutes alone, to groups of both instruments
combined.  (The spatial arrangement of instrumental groups was' of course, a
feature of Jacobean masque performances.)  Each strain should be given orna-
mental divisions when repeated.  'Der Ander Mascharada' in Brade has a written
out repeat which gives some indication at the beginning of the strain of the
kind of elaboration of the basic line which would be appropriate.  The
sailors' dance presents different problems.  One needs a robust tune, and
'The Sailors Masque' in Add. MS. 10444 seems an obvious choice.  (It is, of
course, possible, though far from certain, that this tune was used in the
original performance.)  It would be desirable to have this played on a group
of recorders or renaissance flutes with a small drum or tabor to give more
rhythmic emphasis.  The performance must make the tune as obviously 'brave
and lively' as Campion says the dancing itself was in the original performance.
     The contemporary attitudes to masque music which have been explored in
this thesis should give us the confidence to make the kind of substitutions
and arrangements necessary for such a revival.  When Campion was apparently
quite happy to publish the same song with completely different sets of words,
and when dances are related to their context in such a general fashion that
the same tune can occur in different sources with titles which suggest two
or more possible origins, the kind of pragmatism I have advocated seems
positively authentic.
     Once the basic scenic and musical problems had been sorted out, all that
would remain would be to work for a sufficiently confident and mannered style
of presentation to make the masque's tableaux stand out as something more
distinctive than a rather static play with music and dancing.  Dramatic
revival of such a masque as this seems both possible and worth doing.  The
opportunities to stage such a revival are, however, unlikely to be very
frequent.  Hence, although I would hope that this thesis makes it more possible
to recapture in performance the kind of music early seventeenth century
courtly masque audiences enjoyed, perhaps its most fundamental value (like
the studies of the masque's visual aspects) is as an aid to the imagination.
T.S. Eliot commented of Jonson's masques that they 'can still be read, and
with pleasure, by any one who will take the trouble - a trouble which is this
part of Jonson is, indeed, a study of antiquities - to imagine them in action,
displayed with the music, costumes, dances, and the scenery of Inigo Jones'.
His statement is relevant to the Stuart masque as a whole.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
1.   <uElizabethan Dramatists>u, (1963), p. 82.
               Appendix A
A CHECKLIST OF MASQUES WITH EXTANT TEXTS
This is essentially a list of the masques which have been considered in this
thesis.  Titles used conform with accepted modern usage (not always the same as
on
seventeenth-century title pages).  The information is set out as follows:
            Number    Date     <uTitle>u
                                a.  writer
b.  designer
                               c.  venue  (or patron, or person honoured)
d.  composers or choreographers known to have
                                   been associated with this masque.
The numbers following an entry for a composer are cross-references to other
masques with which he was associated.
1.   8 January 1604
                           a.  Daniel
b.  Hampton Court
                           <uThe Masque of Blackness>1
a.  Jonson
                           b.  Jones
c.  Whitehall Banqueting House
                           d.  Ferrabosco 3, 6, 7, 8, 70, 11, 34
<uHymenaei>u
                           a.  Jonson
b.  Jones
                           c.  Banqueting House
d.  Ferrabosco  (2)
                               Thomas Giles 6, 7, 8, 13
<uLord Hay's Masque>u
                           a.  Campion
b.  Jones
                           c.  Great Hall at Whitehall
d.  Campion 73
                               Thomas Giles [3]
Thomas Lupo 10, 11, 13
                           <uThe Entertainment at Ashby>u
a.  Marston
                           c.  for Countess-Dowager of Derby
<uThe Masque of Beauty>u
                          a.  Jonson
b.  Jones
                          c.  New Banqueting House
d.  Ferrabosco [2]
                               Thomas Giles, made the dances [3]
                          - 255 -
7.   9 February 1608     <uThe Haddington Masque>u
                         a.  Jonson
                         b.  Jones
c.  Banqueting House
                          d.  Ferrabosco [2]
Thomas Giles [3]
                              Hie Herne 8, 10, 13
8.   2 February 1609     <uThe Masque of Queens>u
                          a.  Jonson
b.  Jones
                          c.  Banqueting House
d.  Ferrabosco [2]
                              Thomas Giles [3]
Jeremy Herne [7]
                          <uTethys' Festival>u
a.  Daniel
                          b.  Jones
c.  Banqueting House
                          <uOberon>u
a.  Jonson
                          b.  Jones
c.  Banqueting House
                          d.  Ferrabosco [2]
Confesse 11, 13
                              Jeremy Herne [7]
Robert Johnson 11, 13, 14, 33
                              Thomas Lupo [4]
Thomas Giles [3]
11.  3 February 1611     <uLove Freed from Ignorance and Folly>u
                          a.  Jonson
                          b.  Jones
c.  Banqueting House
                          d.  Ferrabosco [2]
Robert Johnson [10]
                              Thomas Lupo [4]
Confesse [10]
                               Bochan [Cordier] 13
<uLove Restored>u
                          a.  Jonson
b.  Banqueting House
<uThe Lords' Masque>u
a.  Campion
b.  Jones
c.  Banqueting House, Palatine & Elizabeth
d.  Campion [4]
    Coperario 17
    Robert Johnson [10]
    Lupo [4]
    Jeremy Herne [7]
    Thomas Giles [3]
    Bochan [11]
    Confesse [10]
<uThe Memorable Masque of the Middle Temple and>u
<uLincoln's Inn>u
a.  George Chapman
b.  Jones
c.  The Great Hall of Whitehall Palace
d.  Robert Johnson [70]
    Thomas Ford
<uThe Masque of the Inner Temple and Gray's Inn>u
a.  Beaumont
c.  Banquefing House
<uThe Entertainment at Caversham>u
a.  Campion
c.  Caversham House, Lord Knowles.
<uThe Somerset Masque>u
a.  Campion
b.  Constantine de Servi
c.  Banqueting House
d.  Lanier 24, 25, 33, 34 (42?)
    Coperario [13]
<uThe Irish Masque>u
a.  Jonson
<uThe Masque of Flowers>u
c.  Banqueting House
d.  John Wilson
<uThe Golden Age Restored>u
a.  Jonson
b.  Jones
c.  Whitehall Banqueting House
21.  13 January 1615     <uThe Masque of the Inner Temple>u
                          a.  William Browne
                          c.  Whitehall Banqueting House
22.  1, 6 January
     1616
                          a.  Jonson
b.  Jones
                          c.  Banqueting House
         December 1616    <uChristmas his Masgue>u
                    a.  Jonson
24.  6 January 1617
    19 January 1617
                          a.  Jonson
b.  Jones
                          c.  Banqueting House
d.  Lanier [17]
25.  22 February 1617    <uLovers Made Men>u
                          a.  Jonson
                          b.  Lanier
c.  Lord Hay
                          d.  Lanier [17]
                          <uCupid's Banishment>u
a.  Robert White
                          c.  Ladies' Hall, Deptford
<uPleasure Reconciled to Virtue>u
                          a.  Jonson
b.  Jones
                          c.  Banqueting House
27A  17 February 1618    <uFor the Honour of Wales>u
28.  2 February 1618     <uA Masque Presented at Coleoverton>u
                          c.  Essex etc.
29.  2 February 1618
    19 February 1618     <uThe Mountebanks Masque>u
                          c.  Gray's Inn
                              - 258 -
3O.    6 January 1619
                             <uThe Masque of Heroes>u
a.  Middleton
                             c.  Inner Temple
31.    17 January 1620
        29 February 1620     <uNews from the New World Discovered in the Moon>u
                             a.  Jonson
b.  Jones
                             c.  Whitehall
<uPan's Anniversary>u
                             a.  Jonson
b.  Jones
33.    3 and 5 August
        9 September 1621     <uThe Gypsies Metamorphosed>u
                             a.  Jonson
c.  Burley, Belvoir, Windsor
                             d.  Lanier [17]
Johnson [10]
34.    6 January 1622
        5 or 6 May 1622
                             a.  Jonson
b.  Jones
                             c.  new (existing) Banqueting Hall
d.  Ferrabosco [2]
                                  Lanier [17]
<uTime Vindicated>u
                             a.  Jonson
b.  Jones
                             c.  Banqueting House
36.    (6 January 1624)     <uNeptune's Triumph>u
                             a.  Jonson
b.  Jones
                             c.  not performed
d.  William Webb (?)
                             <uThe Masque of Owls>u
a.  Jonson
                             c.  Kenilworth
 - 259 -
<uThe Fortunate Isles>u
a.  Jonson
b.  Jones
c.  Banqueting House
d.  see <uNeptune's Triumph>u
<uLove's Triumph through Callipolis>u
a.  Jonson
b.  Jones
c.  Banqueting House
40.    22 February 1631     <uChloridia>u
                             a.  Jonson
                             b.  Jones
c.  Banqueting House
                              <uAlbion's Triumph>u
a.  Townshend
                              b.  Jones
c.  Banqueting House
42.    14 February 1632     <uTempe Restored>u
                             a.  Townshend
                             b.  Jones
c.  Whitehall, The Great Hall
                            (d.  Lanier [17](?)
43.    3 February 1634
        11/13 February 1634  <uThe Triumph of Peace>u
                             a.  Shirley
b.  Jones
                             c.  Banqueting House
d.  William Lawes 47, 49, 54
                                 Simon Ives,
Davis Mell
44.    18 February 1634     <uCoelum Britannicum>u
                             a.  Carew
                             b.  Jones
c.  Banqueting Hall
45.    29 September 1634    <uComus>u
                             a.  Milton
c.  Ludlow Castle
                             d.  Henry Lawes 47
46.    10 February 1635     <uThe Temple of Love>u
                            a.  Davenant
                             b.  Jones
c.  Banqueting House
47.    24 February 1636     <uThe Triumphs of the Prince D'Amour>u
                             a.  Davenant
                             b.  Corseilles
c.  Biddle Temple
                             d.  Henry Lawes [45]
William Lawes [43]
48.    12 September 1636    <uThe Entertainment at Richmond>u
                             a.  Sacville et.al.
d.  Charles Coleman
                             <uBritannia Triumphans>u
a.  Davenant
                             b.  Jones
c.  new Masquing Hall
                             d.  Lawes (W) [43]
<uLuminalia>u
                             a.  Davenant
b.  Jones
                             c.  new Masquing Hall
                             <uA Masque at Bretbie>u
a.  Cokain
                             c.  Earl of Chesterfield
<uSalmacida Spolia>u
                             a.  Davenant
b.  Jones
                             c.  new Masquing Hall
d.  Lewis Richard
                             <uRaguaillo D'Oceano>u
a.  Fane
                             c.  Althorpe
ca. 1640    <uThe Triumph of Beauty>u
            a.  Shirley
            c.  privately acted
d.  William Lawes [43]
            <uA Masque at Knowsley>u
a.  Salusbury
            c.  Lord Strange's
56.    26 March 1653
                1659
                            a.  Shirley
d.  Matthew Locke
                                Christopher Gibbons
               <uAppendix C>u
THE PROBLEMS OF ASCRIBING MASQUE DANCES
Previous work done on masque dances has naturally tended to concentrate
on Sir Nicholas Le Strange's collection (B.L. Add. MS. 10444).  Since its
purchase by the British Museum in 1836, this manuscript has received quite
a lot of attention.  In the nineteenth century, it seems to have been
responsible for engendering a while range of specious masques which are
listed in J.C. Halliwell-Phillips's <uDictionary of Old English Plays>u (1860),
W.C. Hazlitt's <uManual for the Collector of Old English Plays>u (1892), and
Miss Gertrude Sibley's <uThe Lost Plays and Masques 1500-1642>u which was not
published until 1933, long after the real significance of the titles in the
manuscript has been clarified by other writers.  The most curious part of all
this is not that we find the titles of individual items in Add. MS. 10444
elevated to the status of independent masques, but that different dates are
assigned to them for no obvious reason at all.  Thus, something called 'The
Essex Antic Masque' was supposed to have been performed about 1620, and 'The
Furies' Masque' about 1624, while the 'Cuckolds' Masque' was said to have
been written during the reign of Charles I.
       Most writers this century have recognised that the significance of the
titles given to different items in the manuscript varies:  sometimes a title
does indicate the name of the masque, but sometimes it refers to the masque's
patron, the composer of the tune, the venue of the masque, or a device within
the masque.
       The main preoccupation with the manuscript has been in attempting to
ascribe the tunes to known masques and plays, but at times it seems the
effort has been misguided.  In 1922, W.J. Lawrence offered tentative
suggestions about the original context of some of the items, prefacing his
remarks with this warning:
                     - 270 -
It is not within the province of the average, well-
equipped musicologist readily to identify (so far
as identification is possible) the court entertainments
for which these tunes were composed ...  Here [in the
Hughes-Hughes catalogue] the feebleness of the conjec-
turing demonstrates that the task is one purely for
the dramatico-literary historian, some investigator
who has long been concerning himself with the origin,
development, <umodus operandi>u of the Masque.1
Unfortunately' a number of writers apparently saw this as a challenge and
applied themselves with considerable energy to identifying the original
masque context of as many tunes as possible;  the results are, to aregrettably
large extent' demonstrably wayward.
       J.P. Cutts followed up Lawrence's article with another contribution
                              2
to <uMusic and Letters>u in 1954, and in this he used his obviously extensive
knowledge of masque texts to offer suggestions about the context of 112 of
the 139 masque tunes in the manuscript.  He relied mainly on the titles of
the dances and sometimes missed important musical clues.  For example,
number 28 is called simply "A Masque" and Cutts offers no ascription at all;
but the dance is the same as that by Thomas Lupo published with the words
"Time that leads the fatal round" in 1607 as one of the dances from Campion's
<uLord Hay's Masque.>u
       Cutts confidently ascribed various items where I would think more
caution is called for;  for example, we are told that "The Birds Dance" is
"the antimasque of Volatees in Jonson's masque <uNews from the New World>u",
that "The Fooles Masque" belongs to Jonson's <uLove Freed from Folly>u" and so
on.  These ascriptions are quite possible, yet anti-masque dances of birds
and fools seem likely to have occured in any number of masques.  Bacon's
comments on probable subjects for anti-masques springs to mind:
       Let <uAntimasques>u not be long;  They have been commonly
   of Fooles, Satyres' Baboones, Wilde-Ben, Antiques,
       Beasts, Spirites, Witches, Ethiopes, Pigmies, Turquets,
   Nimphs, Busticks, Cupids, Statua's Moving, and the
       like.  As for <uAngels>u, it is not Comicall enough to put
       WJ  Laurence, 'Notes on a Collection of Masque Music'  Music and
<uLetters>u, III (1922), 49.
2.    J.P. Cutts, 'Jacobean Masque and Stage Music', <uMusic and Letters>u
XXXV (1954), 185-200.
them in <uAnti-Masques>u;  and any Thing that is hideous,
as Devils, Giants, is on the other side as unfit.  But
chiefly, let the Musicke of them, be Recreative, and
with some strange Changes ... 1
Of course, it is possible that Bacon has specific examples in mind when
ennumerating those subjects, and that those examples coincided exactly with
J.P. Cutts's ascriptions, but further examples bear out that one cannot be
very confident about the original context of most of these dances.
       This process of ascription was carried much further in 1966 by
J.E. Knowlton, who devoted a very large part of her Ph. D. thesis to finding
homes for the dances in Add. MS. 10444.  At the end of her thesis she was
left with only three masques (whose texts survive) without some dance tunes
assigned to them.  Altogether, Knowlton lists three tunes as having unques-
tionably come from particular masques, three unascribed, thirteen with
uncertain contexts, and the remaining 119 as having contexts about which she
felt reasonably certain.  My own feeling is that a reversal of those last
two figures would present a more reasonable assessment of the degree of
ascription possible.
       Recently, David Fuller has also offered further ascriptions in a survey
article on 'The Jonsonian Masque and its Music'.2 Taking a single dance and
looking at various ascriptions can produce some amusing results.  No. 66, 'The
Shepherds Dance' (which could come from almost any pastoral masque) was
ascribed by Lawrence to <uCoelum Britannicum>u (impossible if we accept that Le
Strange compiled the manuscript about ten years earlier than the performance
of that masque;  Lawrence was obviously led astray by a later marginal gloss
reading 1635).  Cutts rejected Lawrence's ascription, and after considering
<uPan's Anniversary>u and the Beaumont and Fletcher play <uThe Prophetess>u (162
2)
states that, 'if choice had to be made I should favour <uThe Winter's Tale>u'.
Miss Knowlton opted for Beaumont's <uMasque of the Inner Temple and Gray's Inn>u
(1613), and Mr. Fuller gives <uPan's Anniversary>u as a first choice, and mentio
ns
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
------
        Bacon, op.cit., p. 158.
2.     <uMusic and Letters>u, LIV (1973), 440-52.
                            - 272 -
<uCoelum Britannicum>u and <uSalmacida Spolia>u as other possibilities (both lat
er
than the probable date of the manuscript).
       The tendency to ascribe some of these tunes (especially those without
the words 'masque' or 'anti/antic masque' in their titles) to plays rather
than masques should also be regarded warily.  There is, of course, positive
evidence that this manuscript is a source of masque tunes, but only circum-
stantial evidence to suggest that it is also a source of other theatrical
tunes,  Even No. 62, 'The Tempest', which is commonly associated with
Shakespeare's play could have fitted into an antimasque such as that for
Campion's <uSomerset Masque>u.  Moreover, some of the tunes without masque title
s
in this source are elsewhere described as masque tunes;  No. 55, 'The
Nobleman', is called 'The noblemens mask tune' in Cambridge University
Library MS. Dd. 4.22 (f. 8-9), and both No. 64, 'Van-weelly' and the
beautiful No. 110, "Williams his Love' are included in Adson's <uCourtly>u
<uMasquing Ayres.>u
       The most valid reason for wanting to establish the original context
of a particular masque dance would be in order to see whether it had a
special appropriateness for its dramatic context.  As the preceding pages
have shown, my own conviction is that, regrettably, there are few tunes
which can be assigned with any certainty to a particular production, but I
also feel that there is little about the actual structure of most masques
dances to give them any unique applicability to the device of any one masque
or antimasque.  In other words, no given antimasque dance seems more obviously
suited to baboons than to fools.  For this reason, it seems that the question
of ascription is not just an elusive one;  it is also rather uninteresting.
It is more fruitful to concentrate on the broader stylistic differences
between antimasque dances and main masque dances.  Where there is   particu-
larly strong evidence for linking a tune to a particular masque' a note has
been added in the critical commentary to the edition of masque dances which
follows.
1.    Lawrence, op.cit. p.55 ;  Cutts, 'Jacobean Masque and Stage Music',
p. 197; Knowlton, op.cit., pp. 325f.; Fuller, op.cit., p. 450.
       - 475 -
<uList of Manuscripts>u
I have excluded from this list manuscripts listed in the concordance but which
I have been unable to examine personally.
<uCambridge>u
     Fitzwilliam Museum:  M. 24.E. 13-17 (wind instrument part-books).
     Trinity College:
     University Library:  MS. Dd.4.22  (lute).
                          MS. Dd.6.48  (lute).
                          MS. Nn.6.36  (lute).
<uDublin>u
     Trinity College:
                          MS. F.5.13 (contains treble part of songs - bass
in Edinburgh Univ. Lib. MS. La 111.483).
<uEdinburgh>u
     University Library:  MS. Dc.1.69 (song book;  companion to Bodleian
                              MS. Mus.d.238).
MS. La. III.483 (see T.C.D. MS. F.5.13 above).
     The British Library: Add.MS. 1033  (songs).
                          Add.MS. 10444 (masque dances).
Add.MS. 11608 (songs).
                          Add.MSS.17786-91 (part-books - consort pieces).
Add.MS. 29481 (songs)
                          Add.MS. 33234 (songs)
Add.MS. 38539 ('John Sturt's Lute Book').
                          MS. Egerton. 2013 (songs).
MS. Egerton 2971 (songs - some Italian).
                          MS. Harl. 367 (includes dance instructions).
MS. Royal Appendix 55 (songs).
     in private ownership:  The Margaret Board Lute Book.
<uNew York>u
     Public Library:  MS. Drexel 5609 (virginal pieces).
                      MS. Drexel 5612 (virginal pieces).
                                  - 476 -
<uOxford>u
     The Bodleian Library:  MS. CCC.328 (poetry).
                            MS. Don.c.57 (songs).
                            MS. Eng. Poet e. 14 (poetry)
MS. Mus.d.238 (second treble part of set of song
                                books to which Edinburgh Univ.Lib. MS. Dc.1.69
once belonged).
                           MS. Mus. Sch. B.2 (William Lawes autograph).
MS. Mus. Sch. D. 217 (includes dance music).
                           MS. Mus. Sch. D. 220 (dance music).
MS. Mus. Sch. D. 245-7 (contains dance music)
                           MS. Mus. Sch. E. 437-442 (consort pieces by composers
associated with the masque).
                           MS. Mus. Sch. F.575 (songs and dances by Lawes,
Ives etc.).
                           MS. Rawl. Poet. 108 (contains dance instructions).
MS. 87 (Elizabeth Davenant's Song Book).
                           MS. 92 (virginal book).
MSS. 379-81 (instrumental pieces by composers
                               associated with the masque).
MS. 431 (virginal book).
                           MS. 531-2 (lyra viol pieces).
MS. 1113 (virginal book)
<uParis>u
     Bibliotheque Nationale:
                            MS  Re/s. 1186     )
                            MS. Re/s. 1186 bis ) virginal books)
                            MSS. Re/s F. 496-7 (vols II & III of the Philidor
                                Collection).
i. <uPrinted Musical Sourc>ues
Adson, John, <uCourtly Masquing Ayres>u. 1621.
Arne, Thomas. Comus. Ed. J Herbage  Musica Britannica III, 1951.
Ballard, Robert.  <uPremier Livre>u (1611).  Ed. A. Souris and A. Spycket. paris
,
     1963.
-----------------.  <uDeuxie\me Livre (1614) et Pie\ces Diverses.>u  Ed. A  Sour
is and
      A. Spycket.  Paris, 1963.
Brade, William.  <uNewe ausserlesene liebliche Branden, Intraden Masqueraden>u
     <uBallatten, Allmanden, Couranten, Volten, Aufzuge und frembde Tantz, saint
>u
     <uschonen lieblichen Fruhlings und Sommer-Blumlein  mit 5 Stimmen;  auff>u
     <uallerlei Musicalichen Instrumenten, insonderheit auf Violen zu>u
     <ugebrauchen>u.  Lubeck, 1617.
Caccini, Giulio.  <uLe Nuove Musiche>u.  Venice, 7602.
<u----------------.>u  <uLe Nuove Musiche>u.  Ed. H. Wiley Hitchcock.  Madison
Wisconsin,
      1970.
Campion, Thomas.  <uTwo Bookes of Ayres>u. ca. 7613;  facs. rpt., ed. David Gree
r.
     Menston, 1967.
<u--------------->u.   <uTwo Bookes of Ayres>u (ca. 1613).  Ed. E.H. Fellowes, T
he
     English Lute Songs, II, 2. 1925.
Coperario, Giovanni, <uJohn Coprario>u.  Ed. Gerald Hendrie and Thurston Dart.
     The English Lute Songs, I, 17.  1959.
[Cromwell, Anne.]  <uAnne Cromwell's Virginal Book.>u (1638). Ed. Howard Ferguso
n.
     1974.
Cutts, J.P., ed. <uLa Musique de Sce\ne de la Troupe de Shakespeare>u.  Paris, 1
959.
Dart, Thurston, and Coates, William.  eds. <uJacobean Consort Music>u. Musica
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